tiBRARy 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY 

OF 


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ANCIENT  HISTORY: 


FROM    THE 


DISPERSION  OF  THE  SONS  OF  NOE, 


BATTLE  OF  ACTIUM 

AND 

d  ilje  lUman  lUpiiWic  into  iiit 


XL 


With  Questions,  adapted  to  the  Use  of  Schools, 


3y  PETEE  FEEDET,  D.  JJ. 

PEOFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  IN  ST.  MABY'S  COLLEGE.  BALTIMORK, 
AUTHOR  OF  "  MOIiEEN  HISTORY,"  &0.,  &U. 


listeria  testis  temporum,  lux  verltatis,  vita  memoriae,  magistra  vitae,  nuntia  vetustati*. 

Cicer.  lib.  ii.  de  Orat.  c.  ix.,  n.  36. 


31st  Edition,  carefully  Revised,  Enlarged  and  Improved. 


BALTIMOEE: 
UBLISHED   BY   JOHN   MURPIIY   &    Co. 
182  Baltimore  Stueet. 
187  6. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1851,  by 

JOHN  MURPHY  &  CO., 

in  the  Clerk's  oflBce  of  the  Dittriet  Court  of  Maryland. 


GIFT 


F17 
PREFACE.     /'^74> 


BKaiPES  the  many  advantages  resulting  from  the  general  knowledge 
of  histo:ry,  there  are  various  inducements  for  the  study  of  ancient  his' 
tory  in  particular.  The  interest  naturally  attached  to  the  lives  of  re- 
markable persons,  the  revolutions,  the  civil  or  military  transactions, 
manners  and  customs  of  remote  ages,  the  connection  which  they  have 
with  the  leading  branches  of  polite  literature,  the  facility  which  they 
afford  for  the  understanding  of  the  Greek  and  Latin  classics,  and  of 
many  historiial  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  are  surely  reasons  well  cal- 
culated to  convince  every  one  of  the  importance  of  ancient  history.  Such 
at  least,  was  the  opinion  of  the  author  of  this  volume.  Aware  of  the 
diflSculties  \ihich  attend  historical  compositions,  he  has  taken  every 
precaution  not  to  introduce  into  its  pages  any  thing  incorrect,  or  not 
substantiated  by  some  authority  worthy  of  credit.  To  effect  his  pur- 
pose, he  has  spared  neither  time  nor  trouble,  and  has  imposed  on  him- 
self the  task  of  assiduous  research  in  the  best  sources  of  information, 
and  consulted  the  most  approved  writers,  both  ancient  and  modern. 

Equal  care  has  been  taken  to  avoid  prolixity  and  excessive  brevity; 
because,  on  the  one  hand,  the  generality  of  readers  and  students  have 
not  sufficient  leisure  for  the  perusal  of  lengthy  works;  and,  on  the 
other,  excessive  brevity  strips  history  of  its  principal  usefulness  and 
interest,  by  crowding  together,  within  a  few  pages,  a  multitude  of 
events  with  bit  few  particulars  and  circumstances,  and,  consequently, 
without  adequate  means  to  distinguish  the  facts  with  precision,  and  to 
state  with  ace  uracy  their  various  degrees  of  importance.  Whatever 
may  be,  in  soi  le  respects,  the  utility  of  a  mere  compendium,  it  certainly 
cannot  equal  <  aat  of  a  more  copious  history,  when  written  in  a  proper 
spirit;  a  histo-  y  in  which  all  prominent  transactions,  being  accompanied 
with  suitable  developments,  appear  in  a  more  striking  light,  and  can 
thus  be  easily  and  duly  appreciated  from  facts  of  secondary  importance. 
For  the  same  reason,  and  by  the  help  of  instructive  details,  the  more 
copious  history  is  susceptible  of  a  degree  of  interest  which  can  never 
be  imparted  to  the  mere  abbreviation. 

It  has,  likewise,  been  deemed  far  better  (as  in  our  Modern  History) 
not  to  give  a  separate  account  of  each  nation,  but  to  carry  on  the  his- 
tory of  all  the  nations  of  antiquity  together,  by  connecting  its  various 
parts  as  far  as  might  be  consistent  with  the  nature  and  the  succession 
of  events.  Not  only  has  this  method  been  adopted  by  the  ablest  histo- 
rians, such  as  Herodotus,  Polybius,  Justin,  Prideaux,  Petavius,  Rollin, 
etc.,  but  it  is  manifestly  more  conformable  to  the  course  of  nature :  for, 
nations  do  not  exist  in  an  isolated  manner ;  they  live,  act,  and  progress 
together  in  the  succession  of  ages  ;  they  incessantly  oome  in  contact 
with  one  another,  either  by  hostile  or  by  friendly  relations.  Social  and 
political  pre-eminence  belongs  sometimes  to  one,  sometimes  to  another. 
Now  these  essential  features  must  either  disappear,  or  be  very  imper 
fectly  represented  in  a  historical  work  which,  professing  to  treat  of  all 


M647297 


4  PREFACE. 

the  great  nations  of  the  earth,  does  not  connect  them  in  one  narrative, 
but  treats  of  every  one  separately.  The  mind,  in  this  case,  instead  of 
taking  a  grand  view  of  the  whole,  is  confined  to  a  consideration  of  de- 
sultory subjects  ;  the  memory  becomes  confused  by  the  multiplicity  of 
particular  histories,  and,  in  the  end,  is  rendered  almost  totally  unable 
to  distinguish  what  belongs  to  each  of  them.  Add  to  this  the  inconve- 
nience of  being  obliged  to  resort  continually  to  repetitions  or  references, 
whenever  mention  is  made  of  events  in  which  two  or  more  nations  are 
concerned,  as  is  always  the  case  in  foreign  wars,  coalitions,  and 
treaties  of  peace. 

The  truth  of  these  remarks  is  strongly  supported  by  the  testimony 
of  Polybius,  a  Greek  historian,  not  less  admired  for  the  solidity  of  his 
judgment  than  for  the  extent  of  his  learning.  "Whoever,"  says  he, 
(General  Hist.,  b.  i.  c.  1,)  "is  persuaded  that  the  study  of  particular 
histories  is  alone  sufficient  to  convey  a  perfect  view  and  knowledge  of 
the  whole,  may  very  properly  be  compared  with  one,  who,  on  surveying 
the  divided  members  of  a  body  that  was  once  endued  with  life,  should 
persuade  himself  that  he  had  thence  obtained  a  just  conception  of  all 
the  comeliness  and  active  vigour  which  it  had  received  from  nature. 
But  let  these  broken  parts  be  again  placed  in  order,  restored  to  all 
their  first  activity  and  life,  and  be  once  more  offered  to  his  view,  he 
will  then  be  ready  to  acknowledge,  that  all  his  former  notions  were  as 
remote  from  the  truth  as  the  shadows  of  a  dream  are  different  from  re- 
alities. For,  though  some  faint  conception  of  the  whole  may,  perhaps, 
arise  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  parts,  no  distinct  or  perfect 
knowledge  can  ever  be  expected  from  it.  In  the  same  manner,  it  must 
also  be  confessed,  that  particular  relations  are  by  no  means  capable  of 
yielding  any  clear  or  extensive  view  into  general  history  ;  and  that  the 
only  method  which  can  render  this  kind  of  study  both  entertaining  and 
instructive,  is  that  which  draws  together  all  the  several  events,  and 
ranges  them  in  their  due  place  and  order,  distinguishing  also  their  con- 
nection and  their  difference." 

This  method,  then,  (however  common,  at  present,  the  opposite  prac- 
tice,) is  by  far  preferable  to  any  other.  Should,  however,  any  one  still 
prefer  to  read  and  study  the  history  of  each  nation  separately,  even 
that  he  may  easily  find  in  the  present  work,  by  perusing  the  table  of 
contents,  and  selecting  thence  all  the  titles  and  pages  which  belong  to 
the  history  of  the  same  nation  ;  e.  g.  as  to  the  Carthaginians,  pp.  60, 
148,  214,  271,  274-302,  and  377;  and  for  Grecian  history,  pp,  35-43, 
75-89,  125,  130-148,  164-207,  217-261,  304-310,  and  319.  The  same 
for  other  nations,  Persians,  Romans,  etc. 

In  order  to  render  the  whole  work  still  more  useful  and  easy,  a  few 
prominent  facts  called  epochs,  are  selected,  to  which  all  the  other  events 
that  immediately  precede  or  follow,  may  be  easily  referred.  For  the 
same  reason,  care  is  taken  not  to  perplex  the  mind  of  the  reader  with 
the  various  systems  of  chronology  that  are,  or  have  been,  in  use  among 
the  learned.  Throughout  this  volume  that  system  is  used*which  has 
been  the  most  commonly  adopted,  and  according  to  which  there 
elapsed  about  four  thousand  years  from  the  creation  of  the  world  to 
the  coming  of  our  Saviour.  Thus,  the  years  for  Ancient  History  will 
be  simply  dated  before  the  birth  of  Christ  in  their  regular  succession,  as 
they  are  dated /rom  the  birth  of  Christ  for  Modern  History. 

The  usual  notice  of  the  religion,  government,  laws,  and  mruners  of 


PREFACE. 

the  different  nations  of  antiquity,  will  find  its  proper  place  in  those 
periods  of  their  existence  in  which  any  one  of  them  acted  a  prominent 
part  in  the  history  of  the  world.  By  being  thus  distributed,  and  placed 
at  certain  intervals,  particulai-s  of  this  kind  will  not  be  tedious,  and 
may  rather  contribute  to  the  interest  of  the  work,  by  introducing 
variety  into  the  otherwise  monotonous  detail  of  political  and  military 
transactions.  The  same  objects,  besides,  are  treated  of  under  a 
general  point  of  view,  and  at  greater  length,  in  a  separate  part  towards 
the  end  of  the  volume. 

Should  it  appear  to  any  one  that  too  much  praise  for  virtue  is  be-, 
stowed  on  the  ancient  heroes  of  Greece  and  Rome,  we  would  beg  leave 
to  observe,  1.  That  we  nowhere  intend  to  represent  their  virtues  as 
perfect ;  on  the  contrary,  we  repeatedly  made  the  remark,  that  the 
best  moral  qualities  of  the  ancients  were  often  disgraced  in  the  same 
persons  by  the  co-existence  of  gross  vices,  and  still  more  frequently 
tainted  by  the  base  motive  of  ambition  or  vanity.  2.  It  is  neverthe- 
less true,  that  many  admirable  actions  of  patriotism,  justice,  clemency, 
magnanimity,  continency,  temperance,  etc.,  were  performed  by  the 
Egyptians,  Persians,  Greeks,  and  Romans  of  old.  This  fact  cannot  be 
denied  ;  but,  while  it  should  serve  as  a  severe  rebuke  to  thosie  Chris- 
tians who  are  not  ashamed  to  be  less  virtuous  than  pagans,  it  merely 
shows,  what  is  otherwise  known  from  the  principles  of  the  true  religion, 
that  man  is  not  universally  and  essentially  corrupt ;  that  he  is  free  to 
do  good  or  evil,  and  that  the  Almighty  is  ever  ready  to  lend  him  a 
gracious  assistance  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  It  shows,  on  the 
other  hand,  that  social  virtues  and  deeds  of  merely  natural  honesty  can 
be  found  in  false  religions,  even  among  the  heathens,  however  far  from 
the  kingdom  of  God ;  and  consequently,  that  they  cannot,  by  them- 
selves, afford  any  ground  for  hope,  and  much  less  for  security,  with 
regard  to  the  future  state  of  man's  immortal  soul. 

Our  work  opens  with  a  brief  sketch  of  the  history  of  our  first  pa- 
rents, of  their  primitive  innocence,  their  subsequent  disobedience  and 
fall,  and  of  the  awful  catastrophe  brought  about  by  the  crimes  of  their 
descendants,  and  which  destroyed  all  mankind,  with  the  exception  of 
one  virtuous  family  destined  by  Almighty  God  to  repeople  the  earth 
after  the  deluge.  We  however  leave  the  particulars  of  these  momen- 
tous events  to  Sacred  History,  to  which  they  peculiarly  belong.  Our 
object  being  the  civil  history  of  the  ancient  world,  the  present  volume 
ought  properly  to  begin  with  the  dispersion  of  the  sons  of  Noe,  which 
was  soon  followed  by  the  foundation  of  the  first  states  and  empires. 
From  that  remote  period,  our  History  proceeds  as  far  as  the  change  of 
the  Roman  republic  into  a  monarchy,  or  the  reign  of  Caesar  Augustus, 
when  a  new  and  still  more  important  era  began.  This  narrative  in- 
cludes an  interval  of  about  twenty-two  centuries,  divided  into  six  parts 
or  epochs,  as  follows: — 

The  first  part  extends  from  the  dispersion  of  the  sons  of  Noe  (B.  C. 
2217),  to  the  close  of  the  Trojan  war  (1184),  including  1063  years. 

The  2d from  the  close  of  the  Trojan  war  (B.  C.  1181),  to  the 

building  of  Rome  (B,  C.  753) 431  years. 

The  3d from  the  building  of  Rome  (B.  C.  753),  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Babylonian,  and  the  rise  of  the  Persian  empii*e  (B.  C.  536), 
217  years. 

The  4th from  the  rise  of  the  Persian  empire  (B.  C.  536),  to  its 

1* 


6  -  PREFACE. 

oTerthrow,  and  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  (B.  C.  324), 

212  years. 

The  6th from  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great  (B.  C.  324),  to 

the  end  of  the  Punic  wars  and  of  Grecian  independence,  or  the  destruc- 
tion of  Carthage  and  Corinth  (B.  C.  146), 178  years. 

The  6th from  the  destruction  of  Carthage  and  Corinth  (B,  C 

146),  to  the  battle  of  Actium  and  change  of  the  Koman  commonwefJtb 
into  an  empire  (B.  C.  31), 115  years. 

A  7th  part  treats  of  the  Laws  and  Polity,  Arts,  Manners  and  Cus- 
toms, of  Ancient  Nations ;  and  an  appendix  adds  further  information 
about  their  Literature,  and  some  other  points  of  great  interest. 


PUBLISHER'S   PREFACE 

TO   THE   FOURTH    EDITION. 


This  new  edition  of  Ancient  History  has  been  prepared  with  much 
labour  and  care  by  the  author.  He  has  not  only  inserted  various  im- 
provements into  the  body  of  the  work,  but  he  has  also  comprised,  in  a 
^iistinct  part,  a  multitude  of  observations  and  facts  taken  from  the  best 
iuthors,  which  it  was  not  possible  to  introduce  into  any  other  portion 
of  the  volume.  This  additional  part  will,  it  is  hoped,  be  found  very  use- 
ful to  give  an  insight  into  the  condition,  character,  social  life,  and  cus- 
toms  of  early  societies  ;  the  more  so,  as  those  objects  principally  have 
been  made  a  matter  of  notice,  which  contribute,  in  a  peculiar  manner, 
to  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  states,  such  as  polity,  agriculture, 
commerce,  etc.  Finally,  an  Appendix  has  been  added,  containing 
much  information  relating  to  ancient  literature  and  some  other  im- 
portant subjects. 

This  fourth  edition  of  the  Ancient  is,  moreover,  accompanied  with  a 
tenth  edition  of  Modern  History,  which  has  also  been  carefully  revised, 
and  improved  by  additions  bearing  on  the  late  important  events,  till 
the  year  of  our  Lord  1854.  Hence,  the  two  works  together  present  a 
complete  history  of  the  civilized  world  throughout  the  whole  duration 
of  its  existence,  from  the  creation  down  t)  our  own  time,  a  space  ol 
6854  years.  It  is  comprised  in  two  large  12mo  volumes,  of  nearly 
equal  size,  and  containing,  jointly,  upwards  of  a  thousand  pages. 

Baltimore,  August,  1854. 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I. 


FnOM   'I'HE    DISPERSION    OF    THE    SONS    OF   NOE    (B.C.  2247),   TO    TlIK   CI  381 
OF   THE   TROJAN   WAR    (B.C.  1184). 


Paje 

Brief  introductory  account  of  the 

first  ages  of  the  world 13 

The  Creation  and  the  Deluge 13 

Dispersion  of  men  after  the  deluge 

— Beginning  of  all  civil  history  16 

Kise  of  the  earliest  states 19 

Babylonians,    Assyrians,    Phcni- 

cians,  &c 19 

Egyptians 22 

Fertility  and  Monuments  of  Egypt  22 

Kings  of  Egypt 25 


Government,  laws  and  manners  of 

the  ancient  Egyptians 29 

Religion  of  the  Egyptians — Ori- 
gin, progress  and  extent  of  Idol- 
atry      31 

Barrier  opposed  to  Idolatry 33 

Hebrews  or  Israelites 33 

Rise  and  progress  of  the  Grecian 

States nS 

Kingdom  of  Troy 35 

Siege  and  destruction  of  Troy 38 


PART  II. 


FROM    THE    CLOSE    OF    THE    TROJAN    WAR     (B.C.    1184),    TO    THE     BUILDIXO 
OF    ROME    (B.  C.  753). 


Political  situation  of  Greece  after 

the  Trojan  war 41 

Grecian  colonies  and  dialects 41 

Assyrian  Empire  under  Ninus  and 

Semiramis 43 

Description  of  Babylon 44 

Semiramis  continued — Ninyas 47 

Decline  and  fall  of  the  first  Assy- 
rian Empire 47 

Learning,  Industry,  Religion,  and 


rage 
Manners  of  the  Assyrians  and 

Babylonians 49 

The  Israelites  under  their  kings...  51 

Reign  of  Saul 51 

Reign  of  David 52 

Reign  of  Solomon 54 

Schism  of  the  Ten  Tribes 55 

Kings  of  Juda  from  Roboam  to 

Achaz — Prophets 55 

Egypt  during  the  second  period...  00 

Rise  of  Carthage 60 


PART   III. 


FROM    THE    BUILDING    OF    ROME    (b.  C.  753),   TO    THE    DESTRUCTION    OF   TIIB 
BABYLONIAN    AND    RISE    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMPIRE    (b.  C.  53G). 


Page 

Building  of  Rome 62 

Romulus 64 

Numa  Pompilius 68 

Tullus  Ilostilius 70 

Ancus  Martius 72 


Tarquinius  Priscus,  or  Tarquin  the 

Elder 72 

Servius  TuUius 73 

Grecian  Colonies  in  Italy,  Sicily 

and  Gaul 75 

7 


CONTENTS. 


Pige 
Greece  during  the  tliird  period....     78 
Bparta   or   Laccdaemon — Legisla- 
tion of  Lycurgus 78 

Contest  between  the  Spartans  and 

the  Argives 83 

Messenian  Wars 83 

Atliens :  its  revolutions  and  go- 
vernment— Solon — Pisistratus..  85 
Becond  Assyrian,  afterwards  Ba- 
bylonian Empire :  comprising 
also  the  contemporary  history 
of  the  Medes,  Israelites,  Jews 

and  Egyptians 89 

Kings    of   Ninive — Theglathpha- 

lasar 89 

Salmanasar 90 

Sennacherib.... 90 

Asarhaddon 91 

Saosduchinus,    or    Nabuchodono- . 
sorl 92 


94 
95 
96 
98 
99 
100 


1 


Saracus,  or  Chinaladanus 

Kings  of  Babylon — Nabopolassar 

Nabuchodonosor  II.,  or  the  Great 

Decline  of  the  Babylonian  Empire 

Croesus — the  Lydians 

Cyrus — the  Persians 

First  campaigns  of  Cyrus  at  the 
head  of  the  Persians  and 
Medes 101 

Decisive  battle  of  Thymbra  or 
Thybarra,  between  Cyrus  and 
Croesus 102 

New  Conquests  of  Cyrus — Fall  of 
Babylon  —  Foundation  of  the 
Persian  Empire 107 

Religion,  Government,  Laws  and 
Manners  of  the  ancient  Per- 
sians— Causes  of  their  rapid  pro- 
gress, and  of  their  subsequent 
decline HI 


PART   IV. 

FEOM  THE  FOUNDATION  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  (b.  C.  536),  TO  ITS  OVER- 
THROW, AND  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  (B.  C.  324). 


Reign  of  Cyrus — Death  and  cha- 
racter of  that  prince 114 

First  successors  of  Cyrus — Cam- 
byses  and  Smerdis 118 

Tarquin  the  Proud,  the  last  of  the 
Roman  kings 120 

Rome  a  Republic — Consuls — War 
against  Porsenna  —  Battle  of 
Regillus,  which  insured  the  ex- 
istence of  the  commonwealth...  121 

Revolutions  in  Athens.... 125 

Persian  Empire 126 

Reign  of  Darius  Hystaspes  till  the 
beginning  of  his  war  against 
the  Greeks 126 

War  between  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians, commenced  under  Darius  130 

War  between  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians, continued  under  Xerxes     135 

War  between  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians, concluded  under  Arta- 
xerxes-Longimanus 143 

Defeat  of  the  Carthaginians  in 
Sicily — Great  qualities  of  Ge- 
lon,  prince  and  sovereign  of  Sy- 
racuse   148 

The  Roman  Commonwealth  from 
the  institution  of  the  Dictator- 


Page 
ship  to  the  expulsion  of  the  De- 
cemviri   150 

Origin  of  the  office  of  Dictator....   150 

Rise  of  the  Plebeian  Tribunes 152 

Banishment  of  Marcius  Coriolanus  153 
The  Agrarian  law — Ambition  and 

punishment  of  Spurius  Cassius.  155 
Generosity  and  patriotism  of  the 

Fabian  family 156 

Dictatorship  of  Quintius   Cincin- 

natus 161 

The  laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables- 
Tyranny  and  expulsion  of  the 

Decemviri 162 

Prosperity  and  splendor  of  Athens 
under    the     administration    of 

Pericles 164 

Peloponnesian  war 170 

Trial  and  death  of  Socrates 180 

Expedition  of  Cyrus  the  Younger 
—Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thou- 
sand   185 

Great  qualities  and  exploits  of  Age- 
silaus — League  against  Sparta 

— Peace  of  Antalcidas 18'' 

Theban  war 191 

General  state  of  Greece  at  the  close 
of  the  Theban  war 200 


CONTENTS. 


Pago 

Religion,  Manners  and  Institu- 
tions of  Greece 201 

Religion  of  the  Greeks — Oracles..  201 

National  manners  of  the  Greeks — 
Solemn  Games 203 

Grecian  institutions  and  schools 
of  Philosophy 205 

Roman  Commonwealth  ;  from  the 
expulsion  of  the  Decemviri,  to 
the  entire  subjection  of  the 
Latins 207 

Censors,  Quaestors,  and  Military 
Tribunes 207 

Conquest  of  the  cities  of  Veil  and 
Falerii— Camillus 208 

Rome  taken  by  the  Gauls 210 

Plebeian  Consuls — Patrician  Md- 
Ues— Praetors 212 


Final  anxl  complete  subjection  of 
the  Latin  tribes  to  the  Roman 

power 213 

Affairs  of  Sicily  and  Carthage 214 

Macedonian  Kingdom — Reign  of 

Philip 2ir 

Demosthenes  and  iEschincs 221 

Political  situation  of  the  Persian 

Empire 224 

Alexander  the  Great 226 

His  accession  to  the  throne,  and 

first  exploits 226 

Alexander  undertakes  the  con- 
quest of  Asia — Fall  of  the  Per- 
sian Empire 229 

Disturbances  in  Greece — Further 
conquests  of  Alexander  in  Asia 
— His  return  to  Babylon,  death 
and  character 237 


PART  V. 

FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  (b.  C.  324),  TO  THE  END  09 
THE  PUNIC  WARS  AND  OF  GRECIAN  INDEPENDENCE,  OR  THE  DESTRUC- 
TION OF  CARTHAGE  AND  CORINTH  (b.  C.  146). 


Page 

Dismemberment  and  partition  of 

Alexander's  empire 243 

Kingdom  of  Egypt 248 

Kingdom  of  Syria 250 

Kingdom  of  Macedon — Sparta  un- 
der the  contemporary  kings  Agis 

and  Cleomenes 251 

History   of  the   Achaean    League 

under  Aratus 255 

Achasan  League  under  Philopoe- 

men 258 

Affairs  of  Carthage  and  Sicily — 

Agathocles,  tyrant  of  Syracuse    261 
War  of  the  Romans  against  the 

Samnites 263 

..Its  beginning  and  first  results...  263 

...Its  renewal  and  progress 266 

..Its  close 260 

»Var  of  the  Romans  against  Pyr- 
rhus — Adventures  and  death  of 

that  prince 271 

rirst  Punic  war 274 

Home  after  the  first  Punic  war.  ,.  281 


Carthage  after  the  first  Punic  war 

— Revolt  of  the  Mercenaries....  282 
Manners,  Government,  Character 
and    Religion    of    the    Cartha- 
ginians   284 

Second  Punic  war 286 

Origin  of  the  second  Punic  war — 
Progress  and  signal  victories  of 

Annibal 287 

Preponderance  regained  by  the 
Romans  —  Scipio  Africanus  — 
Battle  of  Zama,  and  conclusion 

of  the  war 294 

Scipio  and  Annibal  continued 300 

Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria  302 

Philip,  king  of  Macedon 304 

Perseus — Fall  of  Macedon 308 

Eastern  nations,  especially  the 
Jews  under  the  Asmoneans  or 

Machabees 310 

Third  Punic  war  and  destruction 

of  Carthage 317 

End  of  Grecian  independence,  and 
destruction  of  Corinth 319 


10 


CONTENTS. 


PART    VI. 


FROM  THE  END  OF  THE  PUNIC  WARS  AND  OF  GRECIAN  INDEPENDENCE, 
OR  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  CARTHAGE  AND  CORINTH  (B.C.  116),  TO  THB 
BATTLE  OF  ACTIUM  AND  CHANGE  OF  THE  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH  INTO 
AN   EMPIRE    (B.C.  3L). 


Page 

Observations  on  the  prodigious  in- 
crease of  Roman  power,  and  on 
the  causes  which  led  to  the 
change  of  the  commonwealth 
into  an  empire 322 

Affairs  of  the  Romans  in  Spain   .  329 

Insurrection  in  Sicily 331 

Disturbances  excited  by  the  Grau 
chi 332 

Scipio  uEmilianus — his  death  and 
character 336 

War  against  Jugurtha 339 

Invasion  and  defeat  of  the  Teu- 
tones  and  Cimbri 343 

Marlus  continued — War  of  the  Al- 
lies, or  the  Confederate  W{i^ — 
First  war  against  Mithridaites 
— Civil  war  between  Marius  and 
Sylla — Victories,  power,  abdi- 
cation and  death  of  Sylla 347 

Exploits  of  Sertorius  in  Spain,  and 
of  Spartacus  in  Italy 358 

Second  war  against  Mithridates — 
Splendid  victories  of  LucuUus 
— Private  life  and  character  of 
this  general 361 

War  against  the  pirates — Extra- 
ordinary success  and  reputation 
of  Pompey ,...  366 


Third  and  last  war  against  Mithri 
dates  —  Further  conquests  of 
Pompey — Affairs  of  Pontus,  Ar- 
menia, Syria  and  Palestine 367 

Consulate  of  Cicero  —  Catiline's 
conspiracy  detected  and  sup- 
pressed   371 

Cato  the  Younger 373 

First  Triumvirate  —  Pompey,  J. 
Cffisar,  and  Crassus 377 

Conquest  of  Gaul  by  Julius  Caesar  382 

Disastrous  expedition  of  Crassus 
against  the  Parthians 391 

Rival  pretensions  of  Pompey  and 
J.  Caesar — Civil  war — Battle  of 
Pharsalia,  and  death  of  Pompey  395 

Civil  war  continued  —  Victories, 
dictatorship  and  death  of  Julius 
Caesar 401 

Rome  after  the  death  of  Caesar — 
Second  Triumvirate,  consisting 
of  Mark  Anthony,  Octavius  and 
Lepidus — Battle  of  Philippi,and 
ruin  of  the  republican  party.... 

Octavius  and  Mark  Anthony  con- 
tinued— New  civil  war — Battle 
of  Actium,  and  change  of  the 
Roman  commonwealth  into  an 
empire 


407 


413 


PART   VII. 


LAWS  AND    POLITY,  ARTS,  MANNERS  AND    CUSTOMS    OF   ANCIENT   NATIONS. 


Pa^e 

Laws  and  Polity 422 

Agriculture 427 

Commerce 435 

Navigation 442 

Military  art 450 

Enlisting  and  levying  of  troops...  453 
Immediate  preparations  for  the 
opening  of  a  campaign — Ap- 
pointment of  the  general — De- 
parture, march,  encampment 
and  discipline  of  th-)  army 458 


Page 

Battles  and  campaigns 462 

Attack    and    defence  of   fortified 

places .,   468 

Close  and  ordinary  results  of  war 

among  the  ancients 472 

General  manners  and  customs  of 

aniient  nations ..  474 


Appendix 481 

I  Chronological  Table 497 

I  Table  of  Authors 11 


TABLE    OF 

THE  PRINCIPAL  AUTHORS  AND  WORKS 

RESORTED    TO     IX    THE    COMPOSITION    OF    THIS    VOLUMZ 


The  IIistorical  and  Prophetical  Books  op  the  Old  Testament. 
JoSEPHUS:  Jewish  Antiquities,  in  twenty  books. 

GREEK  AUTHORS. 

Herodotus  of  Halicarnassus,  the  father  of  profane  history:  Nine  hooka 
on  the  history  of  ancient  nations,  especially  the  Persians  and  Greeks. 

Thucydides  :  History  of  the  Peloponnesian  War. 

Xenophox  :  Cyropedia — Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand — Ajairs  of  Greece — 
and  Memoirs  on  Socrates. 

Each  of  the  writings  of  these  three  historians  is,  in  its  peculiar  kind,  a  mas- 
ter-piece of  narrative  and  style. 

Plato,  the  celebrated  philosopher:  Some  of  Ms  Dialogues. 

PoLYBius :  General  History  ;  remarkable  for  accuracy  of  research  and  depth 
of  judgment.  It  was  comprised  in  forty  books,  most  of  which  are  unfortunately 
lost. 

Plutarch  :  Lives  of  the  illustrious  Greehs  and  Romans  ;  a  work  which,  not- 
withstanding its  deficiencies  in  some  respects,  is  perhaps  the  oicst  useful  history 
of  Ancient  Greece  and  Rome.  ^ 

LATIN   HISTORIANS. 

Justinus  :  Histortce  Philippicce. 

Q.  CURTIUS  :  He  rebus  gestis  Alexandri  Magni. 

Titus  Livius:  Historia  Romana;  with  the  supplements  of  Friinsbemius. 

Florus  :  Epitome  Rerum  Romanarum. 

Velleius  Paterculus  :  Epitome  Histories. 

C.  Sallustius  :  Bellum  Oatilinarium  et  Jugurthinum. 

J.  C^sar:  He  Bello  Gallico  et  Civili ;  with  the  supplements  of  Hirtius,  0« 
hello  Alexandrino,  Africano  et  Hispanicnsi. 

Suetonius:   The  lives  of  Julius  Coisar  and  Octavianus  Augustus. 

Cornelius  Nepos  :    Vitce  excellentium  imperatorum. 

Most  of  the  Latin  works  just  mentioned  are  classical,  and  belong  to  the  Au- 
gustan  age. 

S.  Augustinus  :  De  Civitate  Dei;  an  elaborate  and  admirable  work  in 
twenty-two  books. 

IIoRATius  TuRSKLiNus  :  Historiarum  ah  origine  mundi  Epitome.  1  vol. 
well  and  elegantly  written. 

11 


12  TABLE  OF  AUTHORS. 


ENGLISH. 

Universal  Histori/.  Use  has  been  made  chiefly  oi  those  volumes  which 
treat  of  the  ancient  Egyptians,  Assyrians,  Greeks  and  Romans. 

C.  A.  Wiseman:  Lectures onthe  Connexion  between  Science  and  Revealed  Iii~ 
ligion;  1  vol.  8vo. 

Prideaux  :  The  Old  and  New  Testament  connected  in  the  history  of  tin 
Jews  and  neighboring  nations.     New  York  edition,  3  vols.  8vo. 

Ferguson  :  History  of  the  progress  and  termination  of  the  Roman  Republic, 
in  six  books. 

Kennet  :  Antiquities  of  Rome  ;  Philad.  1822,  1  vol.  8vo. 

Taylor  :  Manual  of  Ancient  History.     New  York,  1845,  1  vol.  8vo. 


FRENCH. 

Anquetil  :  Precis  de  I'histoire  universelle  ;  8  vols.  8vo.  The  first  volumes- 
comprising  the  history  of  ancient  nations,  have  been  used. 

Barthelemy:  Voyage  du  jcune  Anacharsis  en  Grece.  Paris  edition,  1789, 
9  vols. 

BossuET  :  Discours  sur  I'histoire  universelle,  in  three  parts. 

D.  Calmet  :  Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible  ;  6  vols.  8vo. 

Drioux:  Precis  de  I'Histoire  Ancienne  et  de  V Histoire  Romaine ;  2  vols. 
12mo. 

Gerard:  Les  Legons  de  I'histoire,  ou  Lettres  d'unperea  sonfils  sur  les fattt 
interessans  de  I'histoire  universelle.     Paris,  1702-1712,  11  vols.  12mo. 

Goguet:  De  Vorigine  des  Lois,  des  Arts  et  des  Sciences,  et  de  leurs  prcgrea 
ehez  les  anciens  peiqiles.     The  sixth  edition,  Paris,  1820,  3  vols.  8vo. 

JuLLlEN  :  Histoire  de  la  Grece  ancienne.     Tours,  1840,  1  vol.  12mo, 

Lenglet-Dufresnoy:    Tablettes  chronologiques,  the  first  vol. 

Loriquet  :  Histoire  Ancienne  et  Histoire  Romaine.  1  vol.  12mo,  or  2  vols. 
18mo. 

Montesquieu:   Grandeur  et  Decadence  des  Romains.    1  vol.  12mo. 

RoLLiN :  Traiti  des  Etudes ;  especially  the  third  and  fourth  vol?.,  which 
treat  of  history. 

Histoire  Ancienne.    Paris  edition,  17C9-1772,  13  vols.  12ino. 

Histoire   Romaine,  continued    by     Crevier.     Paris,    17tJi^-1781, 

16  vols.  12mo. 

VBaTOT:  Revolutions  Romaines.     Besanijon,  2  vols.  l2mo. 


ANCIENT  HISTORY. 


PART    I. 


FnOM    THE    DISPERSION    OF    THE    SONS    OF   NOB    (b.    C.    2247),    TO   TBB 
CLOSE    OF   THE    TROJAN    WAR    (b.    C.    1184). 


BRIEF  INTRODUCTORY  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  FIRST 
AGES  OF  THE  WORLD. 

THE  CREATION  AND  THE  DELUGE.* 

We  learn  from  the  sacred  pages  that  God  created  the  world 
in  the  space  of  six  days.  The  concluding  part  of  this  great 
work  of  his  omnipotence  was  the  creation  of  our  first  parents, 
Adam  and  Eve.  God  formed  the  body  of  Adam  of  the  slime 
of  the  earth,  and  animated  that  body  with  a  soul,  or  spiritual 
substance,  which  he  endowed  with  understanding  and  free-will 
in  order  that  man  might  know  and  love  his  Creator.  The  Lord 
then,  having  "cast  a  deep  sleep"  upon  Adam,  took  one  of  his 
ribs,  and  with  it  he  formed  Eve,  the  first  woman,  and  the 
mother  of  all  men  (b.  c.  about  4000). 

Adam  and  Eve  were  created  in  the  state  of  innocence,  and 
placed  in  a  most  beautiful  garden  or  earthly  paradise.  God 
allowed  them  to  eat  of  all  the  fruits  of  that  delightful  abode, 
except  the  fruit  of  one  tree,  which  he  forbade  them  to  eat,  under 
the  penalty  of  becoming  subject  to  death  and  other  evils. 

This  precept,  although  an  easy  one,  was  not  long  complied 
with  by  Adam  and  Eve.  The  devil,  or  fallen  angel,  whom 
pride  had  made  an  enemy  of  God,  being  jealous  of  their  happi- 
ness, resolved  to  destroy  it,  by  inducing  them  to  transgress  the 
divine  command.     Under  the  form  of  a  serpent,  he  addressed 

*  From  the  Book  of  Genesis,  i. — ix. 


14  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Taet  L 

Eve,  as  the  weaker  of  the  two,  and  suggested  tj  her  that,  if 
they  should  eat  of  the  forbidden,  fruit,  ''their  eyes  would  be 
opened,  and  they  would  be  as  gods,  knowing  good  and  evil." 
Eve,  seduced  by  the  promises  of  the  tempter,  not  only  ate  of 
the  fruit,  but  offered  some  to  Adam,  who,  through  a  criminal 
condescension  for  his  wife,  shared  in  her  disobedience.  Their 
eyes  were  indeed  opened,  but  in  a  manner  quite  contrary  to  their 
expectation ;  they  saw  the  good  which  they  had  lost,  and  the 
abyss  of  evils  into  which  they  had  culpably  fallen. 

The  Lord  summoned  them  before  him;  and,  after  pronourtcing 
Lis  malediction  against  the  serpent,  the  occasion  of  their  fall,  he 
condemned  the  woman  to  bring  forth  children  in  sorrow,  and  to 
be  subject  to  man;  and  man  himself  to  eat  his  bread  in  the 
sweat  of  his  brow,  till  his  body  should  return  into  its  original 
dust.  He  then  drove  them  from  the  earthly  paradise,  and 
placed  at  the  entrance  an  angel  with  a  flaming  sword,  to  prevent 
their  return.  Thus  did  Adam  and  Eve  lose,  in  a  moment,  both 
for  themselves  and  for  their  posterity,  the  state  of  primitive  in- 
nocence, and,  besides  bringing  a  train  of  spiritual  evils  into  the 
world,  doomed  themselves  and  their  descendants  to  hard  labor, 
misery,  disease  and  death. 

God,  however,  did  not  leave  our  first  parents  without  hope. 
He  promised  to  them,  that  of  the  woman  would  one  day  be  born 
a  Saviour,  who  should  crush  the  serpent's  head,  that  is,  destroy 
the  empire  of  the  devil,  rescue  mankind  from  the  slavery  of 
gin,  and  become,  ''to  all  that  obey  him,  the  cause  of  eternal 
Balvation.^'* 

Adam  had  many  children ;  but  the  Holy  Sciipture  mentions 
only  three  in  particular,  viz.,  Cain,  Abel  and  Seth.  Cain,  per^ 
ceiving  that  the  sacrifices  of  Abel  were  more  acceptable  than 
his  own  in  the  sight  of  God,  and  yielding  to  the  influence  of 
jealousy  and  hatred,  became  his  brother's  murderer.  In  punish- 
ment of  this  crime,  he  was  condemned  to  be  a  fugitive  and 
vagabond  upon  the  earth,  and  became  the  father  of  a  posterity 
wicked  like  himself. 

On  the  contrary,  piety  was  preserved  among  the  descendants 
of  Seth,  the  third  of  the  three  brothers.  When  Adam  died, 
Seth  succeeded  him  in  the  capacity  of  patriarch,  and  imitated 
the  virtue  of  Abel.  His  son  Enos  began  to  use  solemnity  in  the 
worship  and  invocation  of  God ;  and  Henoch,  the  sixth  patriarch 
after  Adam,  deserved  for  his  eminent  piety  to  be  taken  by  God 
from  this  world,  and  be  reserved  to  come  in  the  end  of  ages, 
to  prepare  men  for  the  second  coming  of  Christ.  The  posterity 
*  Heb.  V.  9. 


INTRODUCTION.  15 

or  Seth  continued  long  in  their  adherence  to  virtue  and  religion, 
and  for  that  reason  were  called  the  sons  of  God ;  whereas  the 
descendants  of  Cain,  following  in  the  footsteps  of  their  father, 
wore  called  the  children  of  men.  The  former  having,  at  length, 
begun  to  contract  marriages  with  the  latter,  were  gradually  per- 
verted, and  forgot  their  allegiance  to  their  Creator. 

The  corruption  infected  all  mankind,  except  Noe  and  his 
family.  Almighty  God,  to  use  the  astonishing  expression  of  Scrip- 
ture, repented  that  he  had  created  men,  and  resolved  to  destroy . 
them  by  a  general  deluge,  with  the  exception  of  the  just  Noe, 
who  had  found  grace  before  him.  He  therefore  commanded  this 
holy  patriarch  to  build  an  immense  ark  or  vessel,  the  form  and 
dimensions  of  which  he  himself  specified.  Noe  spent  a  hundred 
years  in  its  construction,  and  entered  it  with  his  three  sons, 
Sem,  Cham  and  Japheth,  his  wife  and  the  wives  of  his  sons. 
He  also,  in  compliance  with  the  divine  command,  took  within 
some  animals  of  every  kind  of  those  which  move  in  the  air  or 
upon  the  earth. 

God  then  caused  an  incessant  rain  to  fall  during  forty  days 
and  forty  nights ;  and  the  sea  overflowed  till  it  rose  fifteen  cubits 
above  the  summit  of  the  loftiest  mountains.  When  the  waters 
began  to  subside,  the  ark  rested  upon  Mount  Ararat,  in  Armenia, 
and  Noe  left  it,  having  remained  in  it  during  a  whole  year. 

His  first  care  was  to  offer  a  solemn  sacrifice  to  God,  in  thanks- 
giving for  his  wonderful  preservation  from  the  general  destruc- 
tion of  mankind.  The  Almighty  accepted  the  sacrifice.  He 
blessed  Noe  and  his  children,  promised  them  that  the  earth 
would  never  again  be  wasted  by  a  general  flood,  and  set  the  rain- 
bow in  the  clouds  as  a  sign  and  pledge  of  his  promise. 

Immediately  after  the  deluge,  the  duration  of  man's  life  began 
to  be  much  shorter.  A  multitude  of  causes,  more  or  less  con- 
nected with  this  great  catastrophe,  greatly  impaired  the  original 
strength  of  his  constitution,  and  the  various  alterations  under- 
gone by  nature  itself  continually  warned  men  how  far,  even  in 
regard  to  this  visible  world,  the  justice  of  God  had  been  pro- 
voked by  their  crimes. 

Such  was  the  beginning  of  the  world ;  most  happy,  at  first ; 
then  a  prey  to  countless  evils ;  but,  viewed  in  reference  to  God, 
always  admirable.  In  the  history  of  these  extraordinary  events, 
we  see  men  always  under  the  ruling  hand  of  their  Maker,  created 
by  his  word,  preserved  by  his  goodness,  governed  by  his  wisdom, 
punished  by  his  justice,  delivered  by  his  mercy,  and  constantly 
subject  to  his  power.* 

*  See  Bossuet's  Discourse  on  Universal  History,  Part  II,  ch.  1. 


16  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  I 

DISPERSION   OP  MEN   AFTER   THE  DELUGE— BEGINNING    OP 
ALL  CIVIL  HISTORY.— B.  c.  2247. 

A  NEW  order  of  things  had  commenced.  Noe  with  his  family, 
consisting  of  eight  persons,  had  once  more  taken  possession  of 
the  earth  lately  covered  with  the  waters  of  the  deluge.  They 
began  to  cultivate  those  arts  which  are  necessary  for  the  support 
of  human  life,  and  which  had  been  known  from  the  beginning 
of  the  world,  that  is,  agriculture,  the  pastoral  art,  and  that  of 
procuring  clothes  and  dwellings.  Having  established  their  resi- 
dence in  the  fertile  plains  of  Sennaar,  they  continued  to  live 
together  as  members  of  one  family,  as  long  as  their  limited  num- 
ber and  the  unity  of  their  language  permitted.  This  situation 
of  mankind  after  the  deluge  lasted  at  least  one  hundred  years. 

When  their  number  became  so  great  that  it  was  very  difficult 
for  them  to  dwell  any  longer  together,  they  unanimously  resolved 
to  build  a  city  and  a  tower  of  extraordinary  height,  so  as  to 
render  their  names  famous,  before  they  should  be  scattered 
abroad  into  all  lands.  They  used  for  that  purpose  brick  instead 
of  stones,  and  slime  instead  of  mortar;  and  they  appeared  de- 
termined fully  to  carry  out  their  design.  But  this  project, 
inspired  by  vanity,  highly  displeased  Almighty  God.  He  con- 
founded their  language,  and  by  thus  preventing  them  from  any 
longer  understanding  each  other,  compelled  them  to  abandon 
their  undertaking.  This  caused  the  place  to  be  called  Bahdj 
that  is,  confusion,  ^^ because  there,"  says  the  Scripture,*  "the 
language  of  the  whole  earth  was  confounded ;  and  from  thence 
the  Lord  scattered  them  abroad  (according  to  their  kindreds  and 
tongues)  upon  the  face  of  all  countries." 

As  the  various  branches  of  Noe's  family  became  more  nume- 
rous, they  gradually  reached  and  peopled  the  different  parts  of 
the  globe.  Mountains  and  forests,  rivers,  and  afterwards  seas, 
were  crossed,  and  new  dwellings  continually  rose  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  Many  of  these  colonies,  owing  to  peculiar  difficul- 
ties, fell  into  a  state  of  profound  ignorance  and  barbarism. 
Others,  on  the  contrary,  especially  such  as  settled  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  spot  from  which  they  had  originally  departed,  laid  the 
foundation  of  well-organized  societies.  Shortly  after  the  first 
dispersion  of  men,  we  begin  to  see  the  polish  of  manners,  the 
building  of  towns  and  cities,  the  formation  of  political  states, 
the  enactment  of  laws,  and  the  introduction  of  new  arts  or  the 
improvement  of  those  already  known,  together  with  the  fruits 
of  commerce  and  industry.  This  is  then  the  beginning  of  all 
*  Gen.  xi,  1—9. 


D   c.  2217.  DISPERSION  OF  MEN.  17 

civil  history.  There  is,  in  fact,  no  auOientic  record  of  early 
times  which  docs  not  date  the  first  origin  of  nations  or  civil 
societies  from  this  important  epoch. 

The  Egyptians,  the  Chaldeans,  the  Indians,  the  Chinese  and 
others  may  have,  in  order  to  gratify  their  vanity,  freely  indulged 
in  the  dreams  of  their  imagination,  and  claimed  an  antiquity  of 
fcen  thousand,  thirty-six  thousand,  seventy  thousand,  and  even 
two  or  four  hundred  thousand  years.  These  absurd  pretensions^ 
the  offspring  of  ignorance  or  national  pride,  are  not  only  destitute 
of  all  proof,  and  contrary  to  the  inspired  and  only  certain  record 
of  primitive  times,*  but  are  likewise  opposed  to  each  other,  to 
facts,  and  to  every  document  worthy  of  credit.  Many  learned 
critics,  who  have  applied  to  the  serious  investigation  of  ancient 
chronology,  after  separating  authentic  and  well-connected  histo- 
rical traditions  from  false  and  spurious  ones,  have  unanimously 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  origin  even  of  the  most  ancient 
states  cannot  be  traced  farther  than  to  a  time  when,  according  to 
the  chronology  of  Scripture,  the  earth  had  already  been  for  a 
long  time  inhabited. f 

The  case  has  been  repeatedly  proved  to  be  the  same  with 
regard  to  the  astronomical  monuments  of  early  nations.  The 
Egyptian  zodiacs,  whose  pretended  antiquity  was  re-echoed  by 
infidels  as  irreconcilable  with  sacred  history,  have  been  found, 
upon  closer  examination,  to  be  scarcely  as  ancient  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Christian  era.  The  Chinese  calculations  could  not 
have  been  made  at  an  earlier  period  than  the  seventh  or  eighth 
century  before  the  coming  of  Christ ;  the  Indian  tables  are  of  a 
still  more  recent  and  much  later  date ;  and  the  famous  observa- 
tions of  the  Chaldeans,  even  admitting  them  to  be  perfectly 
authentic,  do  not  suppose  a  higher  antiquity  than  the  3'ear  B.  c. 
2233,  which  is  nearly  the  date  of  the  tower  of  Babel.  It  is 
indeed  probable  that  this  tower,  although  left  unfinished  in  con- 
sequence of  the  confusion  of  tongues,  served,  under  the  beautiful 
and  serene  sky  of  Chaldea,  for  the  astronomical  observations  of 
those  who  remained  in  the  adjacent  country.  Thus  the  veracity 
of  Moses'  narrative,  instead  of  being  impeached,  is  sustained  by 
the  researches  of  true  science,  and  by  whatever  is  authentic  in 
the  history  of  the  primitive  world. f 

*  The  books  of  Moses,  Genesis,  etc. 

f  See  Dr.  Wiseman's  Lectures  on  the  Connection  between  Science  and  Re- 
tealed  Religion,  led.  vii  and  viii ;  Duclot,  Bible  vengee,  vol.  i,  Observation* 
Priliminaires  ;  Goguet,  De  VOrigine  des  Lois,  desArts  et  des  Sciences,  vol.  iii. 
Dissertation  sur  les  Antiquiles  des  Babyloniens,  des  Egyptiens  et  des  Chinois  ; 
Gerard,  Lemons  sur  Vllistoire,  vol.  i,  lettre  ix ;  Fi'eret,  Memoins  de  VAca- 
demie  des  Inscriptions^  vol.  xviii — 4to,  p.  294,  et  vol.  xxxix — 12mo,  p.  490 

2« 


18  ANCIENT  HIS  rORY.  Paet  1 

Another  circumstance  connected  witli  the  dispersion  of  men 
must  not  be  omitted.  Notwithstanding  their  separation  and  itt^ 
creased  multitude,  they  always  preserved  many  proofs  of  the 
identity  of  their  origin.  Whatever  shades  of  diiference  were 
introduced  in  the  development  of  their  mental  powers,  and  in 
the  colour,  strength  and  other  external  qualities  of  their  bodies, 
it  was  not  difficult  to  account  for  these  changes  or  apparent 
diversities,  by  the  difference  of  education,  habits,  manners,  dress, 
diet,  country  and  climate,  especially  where  they  were  under  the 
continual  influence  of  a  tropical  sun.  In  other  respects,  there 
always  remained  in  them  all  the  same  essential  organization,  the 
same  propensities  and  feelings,  the  same  internal  and  external 
faculties,  in  a  word,  a  multitude  of  indelible  features  manifestly 
denoting  the  unity  of  the  source  from  which  all  descended.* 

The  languages  themselves,  notwithstanding  their  surprising 
variety,  give  ample  testimony  to  the  same  important  fact.  Vast 
and  profound  researches  of  latter  times  have  shown,  first,  that  all 
the  languages  of  the  earth  may  be  reduced  to  three  great  fami- 
lies ;  secondly,  that  these  three,  notwithstanding  their  wide  dif- 
ference, bear  however  so  many  signs  of  affinity  to  each  other, 
that  they  must  have  been  originally  united  in  one,  from  which 
they  drew  those  essential  elements  common  to  them  all  ;f  and, 
thirdly,  that  the  separation  was  effected  by  some  extrinsic  and 
sudden  cause.  All  this  perfectly  agrees  with  every  circumstance 
mentioned  by  Moses  in  connection  with  the  confusion  of  tongues 
at  the  tower  of  Babel. 

Hence  it  also  happened  that  all  the  great  events  previous  to 
the  dispersion  of  men,  were  preserved  in  the  notice  and  recollec- 
tion of  the  different  nations  which  owed  their  immediate  origin 
to  that  separation.  The  creation  of  the  universe,  and  particu- 
larly of  man;  the  division  of  time  into  weeks  of  seven  days;  the 
golden  age,  or  state  of  primitive  innocence  and  happiness;  the 
iron  age,  or  subsequent  period  of  misery,  disorder  and  crime; 
the  long  life  of  the  earliest  generations ;  the  boldness  and  im- 
piety of  the  giants;  the  justice  of  God  displayed  in  the  deluge; 
the  preservation  of  a  just  man  and  his  family :  in  a  word,  all  the 

*  For  this  and  the  following  remarks,  see  again  Dr.Wiseman,  Duclot, 
Gerard,  in  the  works  above  cited,  besides  many  other  publications,  to 
which  they  themselves  refer. 

f  This  is  what  the  ablest  men  in  the  study  of  languages  now  unaui- 
xnously  acknowledge.  "  It  is,"  says  Schlegel  in  one  of  his  memoirs, 
**my  full  impression,  produced  by  the  affinity  of  languages,  that  the 
various  tribes  and  families  of  the  human  race  descend  from  one  parent 
Stock ;  and  my  conclusion  on  this  point  will  appear  to  every  one  the 
more  exact,  as  it  is  the  more  thoroughly  examined." 


RISE  OF  THE  EARLIEST  STATES  19 

important  transactions  which  occurred  before  the  confusion  of 
tongues,  remained  conspicuous  in  the  remembrance  of  posterity, 
and  vestiges  of  this  remembrance  were  left  in  the  history,  monu- 
ments, writings  and  poetry,  of  almost  all  nations.  Events,  on  the 
contrary;  which  happened  after  this  period,  however  remarkable 
in  themselves,  were  not  universally  known :  a  manifest  proof  of 
the  fact,  that  there  no  longer  existed  a  general  bond  of  commu- 
nication between  men,  whereas  they  had  before  constituted  but 
one  family,  descending  from  one  common  parent. 


RISE  OF  THE  EARLIEST  STATES. 

BABYLONIANS,  ASSYRIANS,  PHENICIANS,  &o. 

The  ancient  world  was  therefore  divided  among  the  three  sons 
of  Noe,  Sem,  Cham,  Japheth,  and  their  descendants.  Cham's 
family  occupied  Palestine,  Egypt  dnd  other  parts  of  Africa.  The 
posterity  of  Japheth  peopled  nearly  all  Europe,  and  the  north 
of  Asia.  Central  Asia  was  occupied  by  the  children  of  Sem.* 
The  names  of  these  first  founders  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
were  for  a  long  time  remembered  and  preserved  in  the  countries 
in  which  they  originally  settled. 

Among  the  cities  which  they  built,  the  most  remarkable  were 
Babylon,  Ninive  and  Sidon.f 

Babylon  J  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  great  river  Euphrates, 
was  founded  by  Nemrod,  a  grandson  of  Cham;  and  Ninive^  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  Tigris,  by  Assur,  a  son  of  Sem,  whence 
came  the  name  of  Assyrians.  We  will  speak,  in  another  place, 
at  greater  length,  of  these  two  famous  cities,  and  of  the  extraor- 
dinary degree  of  splendor  and  magnificence  they  subsequently 
attained. 

Sidon  in  Phenicia,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Mediterranean 
sea,  was  probably  built  by  Sidon,  the  eldest  son  of  Chanaan,  and 
a  great-grandson  of  Noe.  On  the  same  coast  was  also  founded 
the  city  of  Tyre,  a  colony  of  Sidon,  which  it  afterwards  greatly 
surpassed  in  celebrity,  wealth  and  power.  The  inhabitants  of 
that  country,  confined  in  a  narrow  tract  between  the  sea  on  the 
one  side  and  a  ridge  of  mountains  on  the  other,  and  finding  in 
the  soil  but  few  resources  for  their  subsistence,  directed  their 
attention   to  navigation  and  commerce.     Their  exertions,  con- 

*  See  Genesis,  ch.  x,  which,  independently  qf  the  divine  inspiration, 
ie  the  moat  admirable  monument  of  ancient  history  and  geography. 
t  Same  ch.  ver,  10,  11,  15  and  19. 


20  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Past  I 

stantly  aided  by  experience,  were  so  successful,  tliai  tlicj  passed 
for  the  most  skilful  seamen  and  the  most  industrious  merchanta 
of  the  ancient  world,  nay  for  the  very  inventors  of  maritime  trade. 

Nor  was  their  industry  confined  to  commerce  and  navigation 
Mankind  was  indebted  to  them  for  a  variety  of  other  useful  in- 
ventions or  discoveries,  for  instance,  of  the  purple,  glass,  weights 
and  measures,  arithmetic,  and  perhaps  of  the  art  of  writing, 
•which  is,  however,  ascribed  by  some  to  the  Egyptians  or  the  Assy- 
rians. Cadmus,  who,  about  the  year  b.  c.  1519,  carried  the 
alphabet  into  Greece,  was  a  Phenician. 

The  book  of  Genesis  mentions,  not  only  other  cities,  but  even 
principalities  and  kingdoms  founded  in  that  remote  period. 
There  were  among  others,  the  kings  of  Sodom  and  Gomorrha, 
of  Gerara  and  Salem,  of  Sennaar  or  Chaldea,  and  of  the  Elamites 
or  Persians.  Most  of  these  sovereigns  were  far  from  being  pow- 
erful monarchs,  and  frequently  their  jurisdiction  did  not  extend 
beyond  the  limits  of  one  district  or  city ;  a  proof,  however,  that 
a  settled  form  of  government  was  already  known  and  adopted  in 
many  countries. 

Until  men  had  considerably  multiplied,  they  continued  under 
the  authority  of  their  fathers  or  chiefs  of  families,  called  patri- 
archs, as  Noe,  Sem,  Abraham,  &c.  But  subsequently,  diversity 
of  interests  and  the  necessity  of  providing  for  the  common  security 
and  welfare,  induced  them  to  seek  the  powerful  protection  of  one 
person  or  more,  possessed  of  the  necessary  qualifications  and  in- 
vested with  full  authority  for  the  discharge  of  so  important  a 
trust.  The  remembrance  and  favorable  idea  which  they  had 
of  the  patriarchal  power,  led  them  to  imitate  it  in  their  political 
organization,  and  in  most  cases  to  choose  the  monarchical  form 
of  government.  Hence  we  find  in  both  sacred  and  profane  writers, 
that  most  of  the  nations  of  antiquity  were  monarchical,  though 
not  despotic  states.  The  despotic  authority  seems  to  have  taken 
its  rise  only  with  great  and  powerful  empires,  such  as  could  not 
exist  from  the  beginning. 

It  is  very  probable  that,  towards  the  commencement  of  civil 
societies,  ambition  and  intrigue  had  little  to  do  in  the  promotion 
and  accession  of  sovereigns.  As  far  as  may  be  gathered  from  the 
earliest  documents,  they  were  persons  who  enjoyed  a  reputation 
of  beneficence  and  integrity,  or  who  had  previously  rendered 
great  services  to  their  fellow  men  by  their  prudence  and  courage. 
Monarchs  of  this  character  were  more  inclined  to  preserve  their 
dominions  in  peace,  than  extend  them  by  conquests.*     Unfortu- 

*  "Principio  reruni,  gentium  nationumque  imperium  penes  reges 
erat:  (jnos  ad  fastigium  Liujus  majcstatis  non  amtitio  popularis,  sed 


RISE  OF  THE  EARLIEST  STATES.  21 

"tcly,  these  pacific  reigns  were  not  of  long  duration.  Disputes 
and  quarrels  almost  unavoidable  between  neighbors,  jealousy 
against  a  superior  power,  desire  to  enlarge  one's  dominions  or  to 
acquire  glory,  restless  and  warlike  inclinations,  etc.,  gave  rise  to 
different  wars  which  could  not  be  otherwise  terminated  than  by 
the  entire  defeat  of  the  weaker  party.  The  first  advantages 
gained  over  an  enemy,  while  they  flattered  the  ambition  of  the 
conqueror,  increased  his  resources,  gave  a  new  stimulus  to  his. 
courage,  and  inspired  him  with  a  desire  to  subdue  other  coun- 
tries. It  was  thus  that  small  states  gradually  became  powerful 
kingdoms. 

This  was  the  case  chiefly  with  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonian 
empires.  Although  Ninive  and  Babylon,  their  capitals,  were  at 
no  great  distance  from  each  other,  they  for  a  long  time  preserved 
their  respective  independence.  Each  formed  a  state  of  moderate 
extent.  At  length,  the  Assyrian  monarchs  availed  themselves 
of  certain  favorable  circumstances  to  attack  the  Babylonians, 
defeated  them,  and  taking  their  sovereign  prisoner,  added  the 
kingdom  of  Babylon  to  that  of  Ninive.  From  that  period,  the 
Assyrian  empire  acted  a  considerable  part  in  the  world,  and  en- 
joyed a  formidable  power  throughout  all  Upper  Asia.  Hence 
several  historians  and  critics*  place  its  origin  about  the  time  of 
the  Trojan  war,  and  think  that,  until  the  death  of  Sardanapalus, 
it  lasted  no  more  than  five  hundred  and  twenty  years ;  whereas 
others  f  allow  it  a  duration  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  centuries, 
which  is  also  very  true,  if  we  take  into  consideration  its  very 
beginning  and  the  whole  period  of  its  slow  progress.  Thus  the 
two  opinions  may  be  easily  reconciled;  the  more  so,  as  they  both 
seem  equally  to  agree  with  the  Scripture,  which,  although  it 
gives  to  the  cities  of  Ninive  and  Babylon  the  remotest  antiquity, 
does  not  speak  of  the  Assyrian  empire  as  extensive  and  powerful 
till  a  much  later  period. 

In  consequence  of  the  still  greater  darkness  in  which  the  early 
history  of  Arabia,  India,  China,  and,  with  still  greater  reason, 
America,  is  involved,  we  purposely  omit  the  history  of  these 
countries  till  the  times  of  modern  history,  when  they  came  in 
contact  with  European  nations. 

spectata  inter  bonos   moderatio  provehebat Fines   imperii   tueri 

magis,  quam  proferre,  mos  erat ;  intra  suam  cuique  patriam  regna 
finiebantur." — Justin,  Hist.  lib.  i,  cap  1.  See  likewise  the  judicious 
remarks  of  English  Univ.  Hist.,  vol.  i,  pp.  314,  315. — RoUin's  Ancient 
Hist.,  vol.  i,  avant propos ; — and  Goguet,  Origine  des  Lois,  etc.  vol.  i,  b.  L 
Preliminary  Observations. 

*  E.  g.  Herodotus,  Usher,  Bossuet,  D.  Calmet,  etc. 

f  Ctesias,  Justin,  Diodorus  Sic,  Petavius,  Rollin,  Gerard,  etc. 


22  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt^, 


EGYrTIANS. 

Egypt,  on  tlie  contrary,  claims  for  the  present  our  undivided 
attention.  Among  all  the  nations  of  remote  and  profane  anti- 
quity, the  Egyptians  were  the  most  remarkable  for  the  stability 
of  their  government,  the  wisdom  of  their  laws,  and  the  high  de- 
gree of  civilization  and  proficiency  in  the  arts  and  sciences  which 
they  attained.  Whatever  is  to  be  said  here  of  this  celebrated 
people  and  country,  shall  be  placed  under  four  separate  heads. 
The  first  head  or  section  will  treat  of  the  fertility  and  monuments 
of  Egypt ;  the  second,  of  her  civil  and  political  history ;  the 
third,  of  the  government,  laws  and  manners  of  her  inhabitants; 
the  fourth,  of  their  religion,  and  of  the  origin  and  progress  of 
idolatry. 

§  I.    FERTILITY   AND   MONUMENTS   OF   EGYPT. 

For  the  fertility  of  its  soil  and  the  number  of  its  monuments, 
Egypt  was  almost  without  a  rival.  This  fertility  depended,  as  it 
still  depends,  on  the  annual  overflowings  of  the  river  Nile,  which 
traverses  and  waters  the  valley  of  Egypt  in  all  its  extent,  from 
the  confines  of  Nubia  in  the  south  to  the  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean sea  in  the  north.  These  inundations  are  produced  by  the 
heavy  rains  that  fall  in  Upper  Ethiopia  during  the  summer  sea- 
son. The  rivers  of  that  country,  pouring  their  swollen  waters 
into  the  Nile,  cause  it  to  overflow  its  banks,  and,  by  covering 
the  lands  on  each  side  for  several  months,  to  fertilize  them  by 
the  alluvion  which  it  deposits  on  their  surface.  When  the 
waters  subside,  a  few  months  are  sufficient  to  till  the  ground, 
60W  the  grain,  and  reap  an  abundant  harvest.  Nay,  the  same 
Boil  will,  in  one  year,  yield  three  or  four  difl^erent  kinds  of  fruit, 
corn  or  vegetables. 

To  produce  this  wonderful  effect  on  the  land,  the  overflowing 
of  the  Nile  must  reach  a  certain  height.  If  it  remains  below 
eighteen  or  nineteen  feet,  or  if  it  exceeds  thirty-one  or  thirty- 
two,  there  is  an  equal  danger  of  sterility  and  famine.  The 
favorable  height  is  twenty-five  or  twenty-six  feet. 

In  order  to  counteract  these  irregularities  in  the  annual  over- 
flow of  the  Nile,  Moeris,  one  of  the  first  kings  of  Egypt,  dug  at 
some  distance  from  the  river  a  deep  and  vast  basin,  connected 
with  it  by  a  canal.  This  basin,  or  rather  lake,  received  the 
superabundant  waters  when  the  inundation  was  excessive,  and 
gave  of  its  own  abundance  when  the  Nile  had  not  swollen  to  the 
desired  height. 


EGYniANS.  23 

Egypt  wfis,  moreover,  intersected  by  a  great  number  of  other 
canals,  of  a  length  and  breadth  proportioned  to  the  situation  and 
wants  of  the  lands.  Through  them  the  river  bore  fertility  in 
every  direction }  opened  an  easy  communication  between  cities, 
and  even  between  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Red  seas ;  facili- 
tated inland  commerce  as  well  as  foreign  trade;  and  finally 
Bcrved  as  a  barrier  against  the  attacks  of  an  enemy :  thus  afford- 
ing, at  the  same  time,  nourishment  and  protection  to  Egypt. 
The  lands  were  left  to  be  occupied  by  it  for  a  season;  but  the 
towns,  situated  on  more  elevated  ground,  stood  like  islands  in 
the  midst  of  the  waiters,  and  seemed  to  look  down  with  joy  on 
the  plains  overflowed  and  enriched  by  the  Nile. 

Even  at  the  present  time,  according  to  many  grave  authors,* 
no  scenery  surpasses  in  beauty  that  of  Egypt  at  two  seasons  of 
the  year  In  the  month  of  July  or  August,  a  spectator  from 
the  summit  of  a  mountain  or  the  top  of  one  of  the  pyramids, 
beholds  a  vast  inland  sea,  in  which  several  towns  and  villages 
appear,  with  several  causeways  leading  from  place  to  place,  the 
whole  intersected  with  groves  and  fruit-trees  forming  a  delightful 
prospect ;  in  the  distance  he  beholds  woods  and  mountains,  ter- 
minating the  most  beautiful  horizon  that  can  be  imagined.  The 
scene  is  changed  in  the  months  of  January  and  February.  The 
whole  country  then  appears  to  be  one  continued  and  splendid 
meadow,  whose  verdure  enamelled  with  flowers  charms  the 
eye.  The  spectator  beholds,  on  every  side,  flocks  and  herds 
scattered  through  the  plain,  with  numbers  of  husbandmen  and 
gardeners  busy  at  their  respective  occupations.  The  air  also  is 
then  perfumed  by  the  great  quantity  of  blossoms  on  the  orange, 
lemon,  and  other  trees ;  and  is  so  pure  .that  a  more  wholesome 
or  agreeable  climate  could  hardly  be  found  in  the  world  :  so  that 
nature,  which,  at  that  season  of  the  year,  is  in  other  regions 
apparently  lifeless,  seems  to  live  only  in  this  delightful  abode. 

If  all  this  be  true  of  Egypt  at  the  present  day,  how  magnifi 
cent  a  spectacle  it  must  have  formerly  presented,  when  it  con- 
tained, according  to  some  historians,  twenty  thousand  villages 
and  cities,  and  was  covered  with  monuments  of  every  description ! 

The  principal  monuments  were :  1.  The  obelisks,  ov  quadran- 
gular pyramids  hewed  out  of  a  single  block  of  granite,  raised 
perpendicularly,  and  covered  with  inscriptions  and  hieroglyphic 
or  mysterious  symbols.  Some  of  those  obelisks  were  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  or  even  two  hundred  feet  high,  and  are  still  one 
of  the  chief  ornaments  of  Rome,  whither  they  were  transported 
by  sea  under  the  emperors. 
*  £!n(jil.  Univ.  Hist.  vol.  ii,  p.  20;  Rollin's  Ancient  History,  vol.  i,  p.  45. 


24  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I. 

2.  The  pyramids  are  still  more  lofty  and  astonishing  struc- 
tures. Three  of  them  deserved  to  be  reckoned  among  the  seven 
wonders  of  the  world,*  and  their  enormous  bulk  and  strength 
enabled  them  to  triumph  over  time  and  the  inroads  of  barbarians. 
The  largest  of  the  three  forms  a  perfect  square,  each  side  of 
which  measures  about  seven  hundred  feet  at  the  base.  Its 
perpendicular  height  is  five  hundred  feet;  and  its  summit,  which 
from  below  seems  to  be  nothing  more  than  a  sharp  point,  is 
however  a  square  platform  measuring  nearly  twenty  feet  on  each 
side.  This  amazing  structure  is  composed  of  stones  of  extraor- 
dinary size,  many  of  them  being  not  less  than  thirty  feet  long, 
three  feet  wide  and  four  feet  high.  According  to  Herodotus,  the 
building  of  this  pyramid  occupied  a  hundred  thousand  workmen 
at  the  same  time,  and  even '  more,  according  to  Diodorus  and 
Pliny.  They  were  succeeded,  at  the  end  of  three  months,  by  an 
equal  number,  and  so  on  in  succession.  It  took  thirty  years  to 
complete  the  stupendous  work,  and  the  cost  of  the  single  item 
of  vegetables  furnished  to  the  workmen  amounted  to  sixteen 
hundred  talents,  or  nearly  one  million  seven  hundred  thousand 
dollars;  from  which  we  may  conjecture  how  great  must  have 
been  the  total  expense  of  the  structure. 

3.  Next  to  the  pyramids,  the  lahyrintli  of  Egypt  deserves  to 
be  mentioned  as  one  of  the  most  considerable  and  extraordinary 
works  ever  contrived  and  executed  by  men.  If  we  give  credit 
to  Herodotus,  who  had  seen  it,  it  surpassed  the  pyramids  them- 
selves. 

This  edifice  comprised  within  the  same  enclosure  three  thou- 
sand rooms,  twelve  of  which  were  so  beautiful  and  magnificent 
as  to  be  justly  called  palaces.  Of  the  three  thousand  apart- 
ments, fifteen  hundred  were  above,  and  fifteen  hundred  under 
ground.  They  all  indeed  communicated  with  one  another,  but 
by  such  a  complication  of  circuitous  passages,  that  in  order  to 
avoid  being  lost  in  them,  it  was  absolutely  necessary  to  have  a 
skilful  guide.  All  the  parts  of  the  edifice,  the  ceilings  and  the 
walls,  were  of  white  marble  embellished  with  a  variety  of  carv- 
ings, and  the  twelve  palaces  just  spoken  of  were  supported  by 
pillars  of  the  same  material.  Nothing  now  remains  of  this  mag- 
nificent building. 

4.  Among  the  splendid  monuments  of  ancient  Egypt,  may  be 
also  reckoned  the  Mausoleum  of  Osymandias,  one  of  its  kings.   It 

*  The  other  reputed  wonders  of  the  ancient  world,  were  :  the  Pharos 
of  Alexandria,  in  Lower  Egypt ;  the  Colossus  of  Rhodes  ;  the  Tomb  of 
Mausolus,  king  of  Caria ;  the  Temple  of  Diana  in  Ephesus ;  the  Statue 
of  Jupiter  Olympian,  and  the  Labyrinth  of  Crete. 


EGYPTIANS.  25 

was  encompassed  with  a  circle  of  gold,  having  in  breadth  one 
cubit  (or  a  foot  and  about  eight  or  ten  inches),  and  in  circum- 
ference, three  hundred  and  sixty-five  cubits,  on  every  one  of 
which  were  marked  the  rising  and  setting  of  the  sun,  of  the 
moon,  and  of  the  constellations.  So  far  back  as  this  remote 
antiquity,  the  Egyptians  divided  the  year  into  twelve  months^ 
consisting  each  of  thirty  days;  and  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
month,  they  added  five  days  to  complete  the  total  number  of 
three  hundred  and  sixty-five,  very  nearly  the  whole  of  the  solar 
year :  a  circumstance  which  alone  is  enough  to  show  the  great 
progress  that  they  had  already  made  in  astronomy.  At  the 
sight  of  this  costly  and  superb  monument,  the  beholder  knew 
not  which  most  to  admire,  the  costly  nature  of  the  materials,  or 
the  skill  and  genius  of  the  artists.  It  was  carried  away  by 
Cambyses,  king  of  Persia,  when  he  conquered  Egypt. 

5.  The  city  of  Thebes,  in  Upper  Egypt,  was  by  itself,  its 
extent  and  its  magnificence,  a  world  of  wonders.  We  may,  it  is 
true,  suspect  exaggeration  in  the  statement  of  some  ancient 
writers,  that  it  had  a  hundred  gates  and  could  send  forth  through 
each  of  them,  and  at  the  same  time,  two  hundred  chariots  with 
ten  thousand  combatants ;  a  number  which  would  suppose  four 
or  five  millions  of  inhabitants.  But  no  one  can  question  the 
detailed  and  impartial  account  of  several  modern  travellers,  who 
have  visited  the  spot  once  occupied  by  Thebes.  The  ruins  with 
which  it  is  covered  are  so  stately,  and  exhibit  to  the  astonished 
beholder  so  prodigious  a  variety  of  gigantic  statues,  columns, 
obelisks  and  porticoes,  that  they  alone  may  suffice  to  give  the 
highest  idea  of  the  splendor,  glory  and  riches  of  the  ancient 
Egyptian  monarchy. 

The  various  monuments  which  have  been  just  mentioned, 
were  erected  at  different  times  and  by  different  princes.  Wc 
will  now  give  a  brief  history  of  the  principal  among  those 
ancient  Egyptian  kings,  as  far  as  the  obscurity  of  so  remote  a 
period  will  permit. 


§  II.    KINGS    OF    EGYPT 


^'A' 


Males  or  Mesraim,  towards  the  year  B.  C.  2200. — AA'hcn  the 
dispersion  of  men  took  place,  Cham,  one  of  the  three  sons  of 
Noe,  settled  with  his  family  in  Egypt  and  the  neigliboring  coun- 
tries, where,  after  his  death,  he  received  divine  honors,  under 
the  name  of  Jupiter  Ammon.  Mesraim  or  Menes,  his  son, 
founded,  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  and  was  the  first  sovereign 
of  that  country.     Hence  Egypt,  in  the  Hebrew  text  of  Scrip- 

3 


2(5  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I. 

turc.  is  commonly  called  Mesraim;  and  sometimes  the  land  of 
Cham. 

Busiris.  Mesraim,  after  a  short  interval,  was  succeeded  by 
Busiris,  ^ho  built  the  famous  city  of  Thebes,  and  surrounded  it 
with  strong  walls,  to  protect  it  against  the  attacks  of  the  Ethio- 
pians. 

Moerisj  who  seems  to  have  reigned  a  little  before  Abraham's 
time,  that  is,  about  the  year  b.  c.  2000,  immortalized  himself  by 
the  construction  of  the  celebrated  lake  which  bears  his  name. 

Osymandias,  (believed  by  some  to  have  reigned  at  a  later 
period,  and  to  have  been  one  of  the  successors  of  Sesostris).  It 
is  related  of  him  that,  with  an  army  of  four  hundred  thousand 
foot  and  twenty  thousand  horse,  he  waged  a  successful  war 
against  the  Bactrians,  a  people  of  Asia.  Not  less  conspicuous 
for  his  civil  than  for  his  military  abilities,  he  embellished  Thebes 
with  a  variety  of  splendid  monuments,  among  others,  with  a 
magnificent  library,  the  first  recorded  in  history,  and  his  own 
mausoleum,  which  has  been  already  described. 

Uchoris,  whose  date  is  likewise  uncertain,  built  or  at  least 
considerably  enlarged  the  city  of  Memphis,  in  that  part  of  Middle 
Egypt  where  the  Nile  divides  itself  into  several  branches.  Besides 
extending  it  to  nearly  twenty  miles  in  circumference,  he  raised, 
on  the  southern  side,  a  very  high  mole,  and  built  on  the  right 
and  left  strong  causeways,  to  secure  the  town  both  against  the 
overflowings  of  the  river  and  the  attacks  of  invaders.  A  city  so 
well  fortified  and  so  advantageously  situated  soon  became  the 
usual  residence  of  the  Egyptian  kings.  It  continued  in  the  pos- 
session of  this  honor,  until  Alexandria  was  founded  by  Alexander 
the  Great. 

Egypt  had  been  so  far  governed  by  its  native  princes,  when 
it  passed  for  a  time  under  the  sway  of  foreign  kings,  usually 
called  (in  profane  history)  Sheplierd-Jcwgs.  The  history  of  this 
foreign  dynasty  of  sovereigns  is  involved  in  the  greatest  obscu- 
rity, both  as  to  their  origin  and  to  the  duration  of  their  powei 
until  their  final  expulsion.  This,  however,  appears  certain,  that 
they  never  occupied  Upper  Egypt,  and  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Thebais  not  only  preserved  their  independence,  but  even  suc- 
ceeded at  length  in  expelling  those  foreigners  from  all  Egypt. 

A  much  more  authentic  account  of  this  part  of  Egyptian  history 
is  found  in  the  corresponding  part  of  Scripture.  During  the 
interval  which  elapsed  between  the  years  B.  c.  1900  and  1500, 
there  reigned  in  Egypt  a  long  series  of  monarchs  designated  by 
the  common  name  of  Pharaos.  It  was  under  this  dynasty  that 
Ihe  Israelites,  or  chosen  people  of  God,  obtained  an  advantageous 


EGYPTIANS.  27 

Bcttlomcnt  ill  the  best  part  of  that  kingdom.  Being  at  first 
highly  favored,  they  afterwards  experienced  a  cruel  perseoutioD; 
until  the  Almighty  was  pleased  to  deliver  them  from  their 
bondage  by  unheard-of  prodigieS;  through  the  ministry  of 
Moses. 

Shortly  after,  and  probably  during  the  forty  years'  sojourn 
of  the  Israelites  in  the  desert,  the  Egyptian  sceptre  was  wielded 
by  Sesostris,  whom  historians  represent  not  only  as  one  of  the 
most  powerful  kings  that  ever  reigned  over  Egypt,  but  even  as 
one  of  the  greatest  conquerors  of  antiquity.  His  father,  called 
Amenophis,  seemed  to  have  a  presentiment  of  the  future  great- 
ness of  his  son,  and  omitted  nothing  that  might  be  conducive 
to  it. 

He  ordered  all  the  male  children  who  were  born  on  the  same 
day  with  Sesostris,  to  be  brought  to  the  court.  Here  they  were 
raised  as  if  they  had  been  his  own  children,  receiving  the  sama 
attention  as  the  young  prince  himself,  with  whom  they  always 
remained.  The  chief  part  of  their  education  consisted  in  training 
them,  from  their  infancy,  to  a  hard  and  laborious  life,  in  order 
that  they  might  one  day  be  able  easily  to  bear  the  fatigues  of  war. 
They  were  never  permitted  to  take  their  meals,  till  they  had 
gone  a  considerable  distance  on  foot  or  on  horseback.  Hunting 
was  their  usual  exercise;  and  when  they  had  grown  sufficiently 
strong  for  more  violent  exertions,  they  were  made  to  attend 
several  military  expeditions  against  the  neighboring  tribes.  Just 
at  this  juncture,  Amenophis  died,  leaving  his  son  well  pre- 
pared to  attempt  with  success  the  greatest  and  most  arduous 
enterprises. 

Sesostris,  having  ascended  the  throne,  thought  of  nothing  less 
than  the  conquest  of  the  whole  world.  However,  before  leaving 
his  kingdom,  he  endeavored  with  great  care  to  provide  for  its 
interior  tranquillity,  and  particularly  to  win  the  aflfection  of  his 
subjects  by  his  equity,  affability  and  beneficence.  He  divided 
the  whole  country  into  thirty-six  provinces,  and  intrusted  the 
government  of  them  to  persons  of  undoubted  uprightness  and 
fidelity. 

In  the  meanwhile,  he  was  making  adequate  preparations  for 
the  execution  of  his  vast  designs.  Pie  assembled  troops,  and 
appointed  over  them  able  and  brave  officers,  such  as  the  young 
men  whom  his  father  had  caused  to  be  educated  with  him,  and 
whose  number  amounted,  it  is  said,  to  seventeen  hundred.  His 
whole  army  consisted  of  six  hundred  thousand  infantry  and 
twenty -four  thousand  cavalry,  besides  twenty- seven  thousand 
chariots  armed  for  war. 


28  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I. 

He  began  by  subduing  Ethiopia,  a  country  situated  at  tho 
south  of  Egypt.  He  rendered  it  tributary,  and  compelled  the 
•.nhabitants  to  pay  him  every  year  a  certain  quantity  of  ivory 
ind  gold. 

AVith  a  fleet  of  three  or  four  hundred  vessels,  he  conquered 
various  islands  and  maritime  cities  or  provinces  contiguous  to 
the  Arabian  gulph,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  Indian  Ocean. 
His  conquests  by  land  were  still  more  considerable.  Placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  he  overran  Asia  with  astonish- 
ing rapidity,  and  advanced  farther  into  Eastern  India  than  even 
Hercules  or  Alexander  the  Great  at  a  subsequent  period.  To- 
wards the  north,  the  Scythians  were  likewise  subdued  by  him, 
as  well  as  Armenia  and  Cappadocia.  Near  the  Euxine  sea,  in 
the  ancient  kingdom  of  Colchos,  he  left  a  colony  which  preserved 
the  Egyptian  manners  long  after  its  foundation ;  various  monu- 
ments of  his  victories  also  remained  in  Asia  Minor,  where,  after 
the  lapse  of  many  centuries,  they  were  seen  by  Herodotus.  In 
several  countries  there  were  found  columns  with  the  following 
bombastic  inscription:  ^'Sesostris,  king  of  kings  and  lord  of 
lords,  subdued  this  country  by  the  power  of  his  arms.'^  Pillars 
of  this  kind  had  been  erected  even  in  Thrace;  Sesostris  had 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  Tanais;  and  his  empire  extended  from 
the  Ganges  to  the  Danube. 

Want  of  provisions  prevented  him  from  advancing  farther  inta 
Europe.  This  prince  did  not  seek,  like  other  conquerors,  td 
maintain  his  power  in  the  countries  he  had  subdued,  but  con- 
tenting himself  with  having  once  taken  possession  of  them,  and 
having  overrun  the  world  during  the  space  of  nine  years,  he  in 
the  end  appeared  satisfied  with  the  ancient  limits  of  Egypt;  nor 
do  we  find  in  history  any  clear  vestige  of  this  new  empire,  whether 
under  himself  or  his  successors. 

Sesostris  returned  to  his  kingdom,  loaded  with  spoils  and 
crowned  with  glory;  if  indeed  glory  consists  in  ravaging  the 
earth,  depopulating  provinces,  and  reducing  an  infinite  number 
of  persons  to  misery  and  distress.  He  spent  the  remainder  of 
his  life  in  the  peaceful  government  of  his  people.  There  were 
still  extant,  under  the  first  Roman  emperors,  monuments  that 
testified  the  high  degree  of  splendor  and  opulence  to  which  he 
had  raised  his  kingdom.  Having  become  blind  in  his  old  age, 
this  great  conqueror  of  numberless  nations  had  not  the  courage 
to  conquer  himself,  and  to  bear  that  infirmity  with  patience;  he  is 
believed  to  have  put  an  end  to  his  own  life,  after  a  brilliant  rcigu 
of  thirty-three  years. 

Little  will  be  said  about  the  successors  of  Sesostris,  most  of 


EGYPTIANS.  29 

irhom  'lid  nothing  very  remarkable."  Moreover,  the  history  of 
Egypt  will  henceforth  be  found  usually  blended  with  that  of  the 
Israelites,  the  Assyrians  and  the  Persians,  till  the  destructiou 
of  her  national  independence. 

§   III.    GOVERNMENT,  LAWS   AND   MANNERS    OF   THE  ANCIENT 
EGYPTIANS. 

Egipt  was,  from  the  beginning,  governed  by  kings.  The 
crown  was  hereditary,  but  the  sovereign  was  under  the  control 
of  the  law,  as  well  as  the  least  of  his  subjects;  there  existed  a 
variety  of  regulations  for  the  employment  of  his  time,  the  order 
of  his  actions,  and  even  the  quantity  and  quality  of  the  aliments 
to  be  served  up  at  his  table.  Every  day,  during  the  public  wor- 
ship at  which  he  had  to  attend,  he  was  put  in  mind  of  his  duties. 
The  high-priest  exhorted  him  to  the  practice  of  all  royal  virtues, 
pronounced  maledictions  against  wicked  counsellors,  and  closed 
the  ceremony  by  the  recital  of  the  best  moral  maxims,  and  of 
such  parts  of  history  as  could  be  of  the  greatest  service  to  the 
monarch  for  the  right  government  of  his  people. 

The  chief  obligation  and  usual  function  of  the  sovereign,  was 
to  administer  justice  to  his  subjects.  The  trial  and  decision  of 
cases  which  could  not  easily  be  brought  before  his  tribunal,  were 
committed  to  a  court  of  thirty  judges  taken  from  the  three  prin- 
cipal cities  of  the  kingdom,  viz. :  Memphis,  Heliopolis  and 
Thebes.  The  most  upright  citizens  were  selected  to  discharge 
this  important  function,  and  placed  under  the  presidency  of  that 
one  of  their  own  number  who  enjoyed  the  highest  reputation 
for  learning  and  integrity.  They  received  suitable  salaries  from 
the  king,  in  order  that,  being  freed  from  domestic  cares,  they 
might  spend  their  whole  time  in  promoting  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  and  render  to  every  one  more  impartial  justice. 

This  select  assembly,  to  avoid  prejudice,  treated  and  examined 
affairs  in  writing.  They  feared  nothing  so  much  as  a  false  elo- 
quence, which  moves  to  excess  the  feelings  of  the  heart  by 
glowing  expressions,  and  dazzles  the  mind  by  artful  sophisms; 
the  truth  could  not  be  presented  to  them  with  too  much  plain- 
ness, since  it  was  to  be  the  only  rule  of  their  judgments.  As 
an  emblem  of  that  truth,  the  president  of  the  court  wore  a  collar 
of  gold  set  with  precious  stones,  at  which  hung  a  figure  without 
eyes.  He  touched  with  it  the  person  whose  claims  had  been 
judged  valid,  and  this  was  the  usual  manner  of  passing  sentence. 

The  civil  laws  of  the  Egyptians,  enacted  at  different  times  of 
theii   monarchy,  commonly  evinced  a  great  spirit  of  wisdom 

3* 


■ 


80  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I. 

The  population  was  divided  into  three  classeSj  priests^  warriow 
and  people.  The  two  jSrst  were  the  most  respected;  still,  the 
last,  consisting  of  husbandmen  and  mechanics,  enjoyed  due 
regard  and  consideration,  and  agriculture  especially  was  held  in 
high  esteem,  as  an  inexhaustible  source  of  public  prosperity. 
Professions,  as  well  as  the  royal  dignity  and  power,  were  heredi- 
tary, and  invariably  passed  from  fathers  to  sons.  No  citizens 
were  allowed  to  lead  a  useless  life,  but  every  individual  was 
obliged  to  declare  before  the  magistrates  his  name,  his  residence, 
and  his  profession. 

The  criminal  code  of  the  Egyptian  nation  was  plain  and  pre- 
cise. Voluntary  murder,  though  committed  only  on  a  slave, 
was  punished  with  death,  as  also  perjury  and  a  culpable  refusal 
to  defend  a  person  attacked  by  assassins.  False  and  slanderous 
accusers  underwent  the  same  chastisement  which  would  have 
been  inflicted  on  the  accused  person,  if  found  guilty. 

Those  who  made  false  coins,  or  used  false  measures,  had  both 
hands  cut  off.  Soldiers  who  deserted  their  standard  or  otherwise 
failed  in  their  duty,  were  punished  with  degradation ;  but  they 
could  redeem  their  honor  by  greater  courage  and  better  conduct. 
Great  infamy  was  likewise  attached  to  insolvency.  No  one  was 
allowed  to  solicit  and  obtain  a  loan,  unless  by  delivering  his 
father's  embalmed  body  as  a  pawn  to  the  creditor;  not  to  redeem 
it  was  considered  infamous  and  a  sort  of  impiety,  which  deprived 
the  person  that  died  without  fulfilling  this  obligation,  of  tha 
usual  honors  of  burial. 

Every  Egyptian,  from  the  monarch  to  the  private  individual, 
underwent  after  his  death  a  solemn  and  most  extraordinary  judg- 
ment. A  public  accuser  was  heard.  If  proof  was  adduced  that 
the  conduct  of  the  deceased  had  been  wicked,  his  memory  was 
condemned,  and  they  interred  him  without  honor.  But,  if  the 
judgment  proved  favorable  to  him,  his  encomium  was  publicly 
delivered,  and  the  body  carefully  embalmed  and  returned  to  his 
family  and  relations,  who  placed  it  in  an  erect  posture,  in  a  niche 
prepared  for  the  purpose.  The  bodies  thus  embalmed  are  called 
in  history  Egyptian  mummies;  many  of  them  still  exist,  being 
perhaps  some  thousand  years  old. 

From  what  has  been  said,  we  may  gather  the  chief  moral  quali- 
ties  of  the  ancient  Egyptians.  They  manifested  great  zeal  for 
the  public  good,  a  relish  for  a  serious  manner  of  life,  gravity 
of  deportment,  respect  towards  persons  of  an  advanced  age,  and 
gi-atitude  for  benefits  received.  The  chief  trait,  perhaps,  in  their 
national  character  was  that  they  imbibed,  from  their  youth,  a 
deep  spirit  of  reverence  and  submission  for  the  civil  and  moral 


EGYPTIANS.  81 

laws  of  their  country;  hence  very  few  nations  can  be  found  who 
preserved  their  social  manners  and  customs  as  long  as  the 
Egyptians  did,  throughout  the  various  dynasties  of  their  native 
sovereigns. 

As  to  their  proficiency  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  it  everywhere 
shone  forth  in  the  variety  and  magnificence  of  their  public  monu- 
ments. We  wiil  merely  add  that  Egypt  was  considered  by  other 
nations  as  the  best  school  of  learning  and  wisdom;  Greece,  in 
particular,  was  so  fully  persuaded  of  this,  that  her  greatest 
geniuses,  such  as  Homer,  Pythagoras,  Herodotus,  Plato,  Solon, 
Lycurgus,  and  others,  went  purposely  to  Egypt,  and  dwelt  there 
for  a  time,  in  order  to  improve  themselves  in  the  different 
branches  of  knowledge.  The  Scripture  itself  gives  a  remarkable 
testimony  in  behalf  of  this  celebrated  nation,  by  saying  that 
"Moses  was  instructed  in  all  the  wisdom  of  the  Egyptians;  and 
he  was  powerful  in  his  words  and  in  his  deeds."* 

§  TV.    RELIGION    OF    TIIK    EGYPTIANS — ORIGIN,    PROGRESS,    AND 
EXTENT    OF   IDOLATRY. 

But  Egypt  did  not  possess,  on  the  subject  of  religion,  the 
wisdom  which  she  displayed  in  political  matters,  civil  laws,  and 
the  arts  and  sciences;  on  the  contrary,  no  nation  was  ever  so 
blind  and  superstitious  as  the  Egyptian  people.  They  not  only 
admitted  the  absurdities  of  Polytheism,  adoring  the  sun  and 
moon  under  the  names  of  Osiris  and  Isis,  but  they  also  reckoned 
among  their  gods  a  great  variety  of  animals;  for  instance,  the 
ox,  as  being  the  emblem  of  husbandry ;  the  dog,  as  the  guardian 
of  houses  and  flocks ;  the  cat,  as  the  destroyer  of  rats,  with  which 
the  country  was  filled;  the  ibis,  a  kind  of  stork,  and  the  enemy 
of  serpents;  the  ichneumon,  a  sort  of  lizard,  which  waged  a  ter- 
rible war  against  the  monstrous  crocodile,  etc.  Even  noxious 
animals,  owing  to  the  terror  which  they  inspired,  received  divine 
honors  from  this  deluded  people.  The  very  plants  and  vege- 
tables, onions  and  leeks  for  instance,  partook  of  these  honors; 
which  made  the  satiric  poet  ironically  exclaim  : 

0  sanctas  gentes,  quibus  hiec  nascuntur  in  hortis  numina  !f 

Of  all  the  animals  in  which  a  deity  was  thought  to  reside,  the 
most  renowned  was  the  ox  called  Apis  or  Onuphis.  To  this 
pretended  god  magnificent  temples  were  erected.     Extraordinary 

•  Acts  vii,  22. 

f  0  sanctimonious  nations,  whose  gods  grow  in  their  gardens! — 
Juvenal,  Sat.  xv  V  10. 


82  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pai?t  I. 

honors  were  bestowed  on  him  during  his  life,  and  still  greater 
ones  after  his  death,  which  was  for  the  Egyptians  a  subject  of 
general  mourning;  and  his  obsequies  were  solemnized  with  a 
degree  of  pomp  almost  incredible.  The  next  care  was  to  provide 
a  successor  to  the  deceased  deity.  He  was  to  be  recognised  by 
certain  signs,  which  distinguished  him  from  every  other  animal 
of  his  kind,  viz. :  a  white  spot  on  his  forehead,  -the  figure  of  an 
eagle  on  his  back,  and  upon  his  tongue  that  of  a  beetle.  As 
soon  as  he  was  found,  mourning  gave  place  to  exultation,  and 
nothing  was  heard  in  all  parts  of  Egypt  but  festivity  and  rejoic- 
ing. The  new  god  was  led  to  Memphis,  and  there,  with  a  great 
number  of  ceremonies,  put  in  possession  of  his  dignity.* 

Although  the  Egyptians  agreed  as  to  the  substance  of  this 
gross  idolatry,  which  made  them  bow  down  in  adoration  before 
beasts,  they  did  not  all  agree  as  to  the  particular  objects  of  their 
worship.  Whilst  some  revered  one  kind  of  animals  as  gods, 
their  neighbors  held  the  same  animals  in  abomination ;  a  cir- 
cumstance which  gave  rise  to  many  civil  wars  between  the  dif- 
ferent cities.  Their  zeal  for  the  honor  of  their  respective  gods 
was  truly  astonishing;  it  was  deemed  a  crime  punishable  with 
death,  to  have  killed,  even  involuntarily,  a  cat  or  an  ibis. 
Diodorus,  the  historian,  relates  an  incident  to  which  he  himself 
was  an  eye-witness,  during  his  stay  in  Egypt.  A  Roman  once 
inadvertently  killed  a  cat;  the  exasperated  populace  ran  to  his 
house,  and  neither  the  authority  of  the  king,  who  had  sent  a 
body  of  the  royal  guard,  nor  the  high  respect  generally  enter- 
tained for  the  lloman  name,  could  rescue  the  unfortunate  indi- 
vidual from  their  fury.  Such  was  the  reverence  which  the 
Egyptians  bore  to  those  animals,  that,  in  a  time  of  extreme 
famine,  they  chose  to  eat  one  another,  rather  than  feed  upon  the 
flesh  of  their  imaginary  deities. 

Thus  this  polished  and  enlightened  nation  became  the  votaries 
of  the  most  ridiculous  superstition.  Nor  was  the  evil  confined 
to  Egypt.  In  proportion  as  the  various  branches  of  the  human 
family  were  more  remote  from  their  origin,  the  more  they  forgot 
their  Creator,  and,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Hebrew 
people,  adopted  the  deplorable  errors  and  practices  of  idolatry. 
The  Babylonians  had  their  Mse  god  Bel  us;  the  Phenicians  and 

*  For  any  one  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  Bible,  it  is  easy  to 
rcccgnise  the  imitation  of  the  Egyptian  god  Apis,  in  the  golden  calf 
cast  and  worshipped  by  the  Israelites  in  the  desert,  Exod.  xxxii,  4,  6  ; 
and  in  the  two  golden  calves  afterwards  set  up  for  adoration  by  the 
impious  king  Jeroboam,  at  the  two  extremities  of  the  kingdom  of 
Tarael,  3  Kings  xii,  i!8-  30. 


ISRAELITES.  83 

Chanaanitcs,  their  Asiartlie  and  their  Moloch  or  Saturn;  in  later 
times,  the  Greeks  and  Romans  had  their  Jupiter,  and  a  vast 
number  of  other  pretended  deities.  Not  only  the  temples,  hut 
also  the  houses,  the  cities,  the  country,  the  air,  the  forests,  etc. 
were  supposed  to  be  filled  with  them.  "Every  thing  was  {held 
as)  god,  except  God  himself;  and  the  universe,  which  the 
Almighty  had  created  for  the  manifestation  of  his  power,  seemed 
to  have  been  changed  into  a  temple  of  idols. ^'* 

Men  were  not  even  satisfied  with  worshipping  the  creature 
instead  of  the  Creator,  the  sun,  the  moon,  and  the  stars,  as  well 
as  heroes  and  benefactors;  they  went  so  far  as  to  deify,  under 
the  disguise  of  various  names,  their  very  vices  and  passions. 
They  so  utterly  lost  sight  of  the  true  God  that  they  thought 
they  could  make  gods  for  themselves,  cause  a  deity,  the  offspring 
of  their  imagination,  to  reside  in  vain  idols,  and  pay  divine 
honors  to  the  works  of  their  hands.")"  These  honors  frequently 
consisted  in  human  sacrifices,  degrading  actions,  impure  rites, 
and  other  excesses,  which  everywhere  showed  how  very  low 
man  had  fallen  beneath  the  dignity  of  his  first  origin. 

This  great  evil  daily  made  an  alarming  progress.  Lest  it 
should  at  last  infect  all  mankind,  the  Almighty  determined,  in 
the  decrees  of  his  eternal  wisdom,  to  set  apart  a  whole  people, 
among  whom  the  true  worship  and  doctrines  of  religion  might 
be  preserved,  until  the  coming  of  the  great  Redeemer  of  the 
world  and  the  beginning  of  his  church. 


I 


BARRIER  OPPOSED  TO  IDOLATRY. 
HEBREWS  OR  ISRAELITES 


Abraham,  a  descendant  of  Sem,  was  the  father  of  this  chosen 
people. J  The  Lord  called  him  from  the  place  of  his  birth, 
Chaldea,  to  the  land  of  Chanaan  or  Palestine,  where  he  intended 
to  establish  at  first  the  true  religion  together  with  the  posterity  of 
this  holy  patriarch.  Abraham  readily  obeyed  the  divine  calk 
Although  possessed  of  immense  riches,  he  always  preserved  the 

*  Bossuet,  Discourse  on  Univ.  Hist,  part  ii,  ch.  3. 

f  See  Psalm  cxlii ;  Isa.  xlii  and  xliv ;  Dan.  v,  4,  and  xiv,  5,  23  ; 
3  Reg.  xii,  28,  29,  etc. 

X  A  particular  and  detailed  account  of  what  concerns  the  Israelites, 
properly  belongs  to  Sacred  History,  and  therefore  does  not  come  within 
the  scope  of  the  present  -work.  Yet,  since  they  also  were  a  nation,  and 
their  history  is  often  very  closely  interwoven  with  that  of  their  neigh- 
bors, Egyptians,  Assyrians,  etc.,  mention  will  be  made  of  them,  whtn 
required  by  the  nature,  importance  or  connection  of  events. 


84  ANCIENT  HISTOPtf.  Part  L 

simplicity  of  ancient  manners,  and  led,  with  his  ftimily,  a  pas- 
toral life  united  with  a  certain  magnificence,  which  he  displayed 
chiefly  in  exercising  hospitality  towards  strangers.  He  had  the 
honor  to  receive  and  treat  as  guests,  heavenly  messengers  under 
a  human  shape.  The  angels  acquainted  him  with  the  designs 
of  Grod  upon  his  descendants  and  upon  himself;  he  believed  them 
with  unshaken  faith,  and  showed  in  all  things  his  piety  and  sub- 
mission  to  the  divine  will. 

Abraham  was  succeeded  by  Isaac,  his  son,  and  Jacob,  his 
grandson,  the  faithful  imitators  of  his  virtues  and  pastoral  life. 
The  Almighty  reiterated  in  their  behalf  the  promises  which  he 
had  made  to  their  pious  parent,  and  was  their  constant  protector. 
Jacob,  moreover,  received  from  an  angel  the  name  of  Israel , 
whence  his  descendants,  previously  called  Hebrews,  were  like- 
wise called  Israelites.  He  had  twelve  sons,  who  became  the 
fathers  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,  and  the  most  remarkable 
of  whom  were  Juda,  the  ancestor,  according  to  the  flesh,  of  the 
promised  Messiah;  Levi,  from  whose  tribe  the  priests  and  other 
ministers  of  sacred  things  were  to  be  chosen;  and  Joseph,  so 
well  known  for  his  innocence  and  purity  of  life,  his  misfor- 
tunes caused  by  the  jealousy  of  his  brothers,  the  special  protec- 
tion of  God  over  him,  and  his  subsequent  elevation  to  the 
summit  of  power  among  the  Egyptians,  whose  favors  he  also 
conciliated  for  his  family. 

It  was  by  this  series  of  wonderful  events,  that  Divine  Provi- 
dence brought  about  the  settlement  of  the  Israelites  in  Lower 
Egypt.  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Joseph,  they  became  exceed- 
ingly numerous.  This  provoked  the  jealousy  and  fears  of  tho 
Egyptians,  particularly  of  their  monarch s,  and  the  Hebrews  were 
subjected  to  a  persecution  equally  inhuman  and  unjust,  till 
Elcaveri,  moved  by  their  miseries,  gave  them  a  deliverer  in  the 
person  of  Moses.  This  great  man  awed  nature  itself  by  the 
splendid  prodigies  of  which  he  was  the  instrument  in  behalf  of 
a  cruelly  oppressed  people.  The  Hebrews  were  at  length,  in 
compliance  with  his  earnest  request,  permitted  to  depart;  and 
their  miraculous  escape  through  the  Red  Sea,  which  opened  to' 
leave  them  a  free  passage,  whilst  it  swallowed  up  in  its  waves 
the  Egyptians  who  pursued  them,  completed  their  happy  dili- 
verance,  B.  c.  1491. 

Fifty  days  after  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt, 
Almighty  God  gave  them  his  written  law  through  the  ministry 
of  the  same  Moses ^  for  which  reason,  it  is  also  called  the  Mosaic 
Jaw.  This  great  event  was  followed  by  their  residence  during 
forty  years  in  the  deserts  of  Arabia,  and  by  a  series  of  painful 


GRECIAN  STATES.  8& 

wanderings  to  wliicli  they  were  coiiJomncd  m  puniiilimcnt  of 
their  repeated  revolts,  obstinacy  and  ingratitude.  At  the  expira- 
tion of  tkis  term,  they  arrived  in  sight  of  the  hind  of  promise. 
Thoy  were  at  hist  put  in  possession  of  it  by  Josue,  the  worthy 
sui  tessor  of  Moses  both  as  to  the  government  of  the  people,  and 
\\\c  prodigious  power  over  nature  with  which  God  had  likewieo 
invested  him  for  the  execution  of  his  designs. 

After  the  death  of  Josue,  and  during  the  space  of  more  than 
tliree  hundred  years,  the  Israelites  were  commonly  governed  by 
judges,  or  chiefs  established  to  rule  them  in  the  name  and  by 
the  authority  of  God,  whether,  as  was  commonly  the  case,  i.hey 
Wi  re  expressly  appointed  by  the  Lord  himself,  or,  as  it  some- 
times happened,  were  chosen  by  the  people.  The  most  illus- 
trious of  these  judges  were  Gedeon,  Jephte,  Samson  and  Samuel, 
by  whom  the  Hebrews  were  successively  delivered  from  the 
oppression  of  their  enemies,  the  Madianites,  the  Ammonites  and 
the  Philistines. 

It  was  during  the  government  of  Jephte,  that  the  Greeks  and 
Trojans  carried  on  the  obstinate  struggle,  which  terminated  in 
the  entire  destruction  of  Troy.  In  order  to  have  a  correct  idea 
of  this  event,  it  is  necessary  to  know  the  state  of  the  Greeks  and 
the  Trojans  before  that  period 


RISE  AxNTD  PROGEESS  OF  THE  GRECIAN  STATES: 

KINGDOM  OF  TROY. 

Javan  or  Ion,  one  of  the  sons  of  Japhet  and  grandson  of 
Noe,  is  to  be  considered  as  the  common  father  of  all  those  tribes 
that  went  under  the  general  denomination  of  Greeks.  For, 
although  he  has  been  considered  by  some  as  the  father  only  of 
the  lonians  properly  so  called,  who  were  but  one  particular 
nation  of  Greece;  yet  the  Hebrews,  Chaldeans,  Arabians,  and 
others,  give  no  other  appellation  to  the  whole  body  of  Grecian 
states  than  that  of  lonians.*  For  this  reason  Alexander  the 
Great,  in  the  prophecy  of  Daniel,  is  mentioned  under  the  name 
of  King  of  Javan,  that  is,  of  the  Greeks.f 

Javan  had  four  sons,  Elisa,  Tharsis,  Cetthim  and  Dodanira, 
who  became  the  heads  of  the  chief  Grecian  families.  Their 
names  were  for  a  long  time  preserved  in  various  parts  of  the 

*  See  U?7(jl.   Univ.  ITht.  vol.  ix,  pp.  5,   6. — Rollin's  AncieU   Ffistfry, 
fol.  ii,  pp.  437— 440  j~Gerard,  Lcgojis  sur  VHistoire,  vol.  i,  pp  203—207 
f  Dan.  \iii,  21. 


4- 


jQ  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I 

couutry.  But  when  the  original  tribes  were  cither  subdivided, 
or  blended  with  new  settlers,  or  driven  away  and  succeeded  by 
an  enemy,  those  of  more  recent  origin  adopted  various  appella- 
tions, according  to  the  names  of  their  most  renowned  sovereigns 
or  founders  of  their  dynasties.  Such  were  the  denominations  of 
Pelasgi,  Hellenes,  Danai,  Graii  or  Gra3ci,  Argives,  Dorians, 
lonians  proper,  ^olians,  Acha3ans,  etc. 

Nothing  is  more  intricate  and  obscure  than  the  early  history 
of  those  petty  original  tribes,  which  afterwards  became  so  con- 
spicuous among  all  nations  of  the  earth,  for  the  glory  of  their 
arms,  the  refinement  of  their  manners,  and  the  high  degree  of 
perfection  which  they  attained  in  the  arts,  sciences  and  polite 
literature.  What  we  know  with  greatest  certainty  concerning 
the  primitive  inhabitants  of  Greece  is,  that  they  lived  a  wretched 
and  miserable  life,  warring  against  each  other,  wandering  in 
forests,  and  feeding,  like  brutes,  upon  roots  and  acorns.  The 
whole  country,  in  that  infant  state,  was  one  continued  scene  of 
disturbances  and  revolutions.  As  the  people  had  no  settled 
government,  and  there  existed  no  common  authority  to  enact 
laws  and  enforce  their  execution,  every  thing  was  determined  by 
mere  physical  force.  The  strongest  invaded  the  lands  of  their 
neighbors  which  they  thought  more  fertile  and  productive,  and 
dispossessed  the  lawful  owners,  who  were  thus  obliged  to  seek 
new  settlements  in  other  countries. 

It  is,  however,  probable  that  the  weakest  tribes  soon  perceived 
the  necessity  of  living  together,  or  at  least  of  assisting  each  other, 
the  better  to  protect  themselves  against  violence  and  oppression. 
But  the  mere  fact  of  an  alliance  based  on  a  defensive  treaty  was 
not  sufficient  to  civilize  a  people  whose  moral  condition  was  in 
the  highest  degree  deplorable.  It  was  reserved  to  Phenicia  and 
Egypt  to  produce  this  desirable  effect.  Both  these  nations,  by 
the  colonies  which  they  sent  into  Greece,  contributed  most  to 
spread  the  advantages  of  social  life  among  its  early  inhabitants 
The  former  taught  them  writing,  navigation  and  commerce;  the 
latter  instructed  them  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  made  them  adopi 
•i  regular  form  of  government,  subjected,  them  to  laws,  and 
founded  many  of  the  earliest  cities  and  kingdoms  of  Greece. 

The  most  conspicuous  among  these  ancient  states  were  those 
of  Sicyon,  B.  c.  about  2000;  Argos,  b.  c.  1856;  Athens,  1582; 
Thebes,  1519;  Laceda^mon  or  Sparta,  1516;  and  Corinth, 
137'6.  The  kingdom  of  Macedon  was  of  much  more  recent  date, 
although  it  had  already  lasted  several  centuries  when  Philip  and 
Alexander  the  Great  raised  it  to  the  highest  pitch  of  power  and 
glory.      That  of  Thesr^ly  derived  its  origin  frcm  Deucalion, 


GRECIAJT  STATES.  »7 


(luring  whose  reign  there  happened,  about  the  year  li.  c.  1500, 
u  great  inundation,  which  many  profane  writers  have  confounded 
with  the  universal  deluge  described  by  Moses. 

The  first  Grecian  states  were  independent,  and  had  no  com- 
mon tie,  no  common  centre  of  unity  in  their  government.  This 
might  have  been  a  great  hindrance  to  their  progress  in  civiliza- 
tion, or  a  subject  of  temptation  for  some  powerful  neighbor  to 
attack  and  subdue  them  successively;  but  the  evil  was  remedied 
by  a  man  of  great  prudence  and  genius.  Amphictyon,  a  king 
of  Athens,  according  to  some, — but  according  to  many  others,  a 
king  of  Thessaly, — conceived  the  happy  idea  of  forming  one 
mighty  nation  out  of  so  many  small  states,  without  altering  any 
thing  in  the  political  constitution  of  each.  He  effected  his 
design  by  establishing  a  confederacy  of  twelve  tribes,  whose 
deputies  assembled  twice  a  year  at  Delphi  or  at  Thermopylae, 
and,  after  offering  public  sacrifices,  deliberated  uiider  the  auspices 
of  religion  about  the  common  interests  of  Greece.  This  cele- 
brated institution  was  called  the  Amjjhicfi/onic  council,  from  the 
name  of  its  founder.  The  members  who  composed  it  had  full 
powers  to  propose  and  carry  out  whatever  they  thought  neces- 
sary or  advantageous  to  the  public  good ;  nor  was  their  authority 
restricted  to  the  enacting  of  laws;  they  could  likewise  raise 
troops  to  enforce  their  execution,  and  to  chastise  rebels  and  dis- 
turbers of  the  public  tranquillity. 

Hence,  the  sessions  of  the  Amphictyonic  council  should  be 
considered  as  the  states-general  or  congress  of  the  Hellenic  tribes, 
having  authority  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare.  This  was  a 
master-piece  of  skill  and  policy ;  it  diffused  a  spirit  of  patriotism 
among  the  Greeks,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  their  future  great- 
ness. Its  salutary  effects  were  seconded  by  a  variety  of  circum- 
stances, chiefly  by  the  invaluable  services  of  several  persons 
endowed  with  a  generous  and  indomitable  courage,  such  as 
Theseus,  Perseus,  Hercules,  Meleager,  Jason,  and  a  host  of 
others,  so  much  celebrated  by  the  poets.  Their  chief  exploits 
consisted  in  delivering  the  country  from  wild  beasts,  or  from 
pirates  and  banditti.  For  these  exertions,  grateful  though 
superstitious  Greece  not  only  praised  them  as  her  heroes  and 
benefactors,  but  even  honored  them  as  demi-gods. 

This  display  of  patriotism  and  warlike  emulation,  combined 
with  national  concord  and  unanimity  of  views,  seemed  to  portend 
something  great  for  the  future,  and  to  forebode  the  probable 
downfall  of  those  who  should  dare  to  attack  or  provoke  a  nation 
of  this  charact  2r.     Such  was  invariably  the  result,  whenever  the 

4 


88  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I 

honor  of  all  Greece  was  concerned,  and  first  of  all,  in  the  famous 
event  which  gave  rise  to  the  Trojan  war. 

Troy  was  a  large,  rich  and  well  fortified  city,  situated  on  the 
western  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  opposite  to  the  northern  part  of 
Greece.  Towards  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  before 
the  Christian  era,  it  was  under  the  sway  of  Priam,  who  embel- 
lished it,  and  made  it  the  capital  of  an  extensive  territory 
subdued  by  his  arms.  Unfortunately  for  that  prince  and  his 
kingdom,  he  had  a  son,  called  Paris,  whose  unruly  passions,  not 
sufficiently  restrained  by  a  too  indulgent  father,  provoked  a 
bloody  struggle  that  led  to  the  ruin  of  the  whole  nation.  This 
young  prince,  in  his  travels  through  Greece,  happened  to  stay 
for  some  time  in  the  palace  of  Menelaus,  king  of  Sparta.  Hert 
he  received  a  very  courteous  and  friendly  welcome.  In  return 
for  so  much  hospitality,  he  had  the  baseness,  at  his  departure,  to 
carry  off  the  wife  of  Menelaus,  the  famous  Helen;  nor  could  the 
deputations  and  remonstrances  of  the  offended  monarch  prevail 
upon  the  court  of  Priam  to  make  due  reparation. 

SIEGE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  TROY.— b.  c.  1184. 

Upon  the  intelligence  of  this  refusal  of  justice,  all  Greece  flew 
to  arms,  in  order  to  avenge  the  base  insult  offered  to  one  of  its 
sovereigns,  and,  in  his  person,  to  the  whole  nation.  Their  com- 
bined  fleet  amounted  to  nearly  tv/elve  hundred  vessels,  and  the 
army  consisted  of  about  a  hundred  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  their  respective  princes.  The  most  conspicuoua 
among  their  leaders  were  Agamemnon,  king  of  Mycena  and 
Argos,  who  was  appointed  commander-in-chief,  and  Menelaus, 
his  brother;  Mnestheus,  king  of  Athens;  Idomeneus,  king  of 
Crete;  the  wise  Nestor,  king  of  Pylos;  the  prudent  Ulysses, 
king  of  Ithaca;  the  brave  Diomedes,  king  of  ^tolia;  the  intrepid 
Philoctetes,  a  friend  of  Hercules;  the  two  undaunted  warriors 
called  Ajax,  one  the  son  of  Oileus,  and  the  other  of  Telamon; 
the  invincible  Achilles  with  his  friend  Patroclus ;  and  a  multi- 
tude of  others  equally  eager  to  distinguish  themselves  in  so  Moble 
a  cause,  the  cause  of  injured  hospitality  and  morality.* 

*  The  most  valuable  and  authentic  account  of  tlic  Trojan  war  conica 
from  Homer,  whose  inimitable  works  are  not  to  be  looked  upon  as  the 
mere  sport  of  imagination,  but  as  an  excellent  portion  of  the  history  of 
ancient  Greece.  The  established  rule  of  epic  poems  is  to  admit  a 
variety  of  poetical  fictions  and  embellishments,  and  still  to  be  based  on 
the  truth  of  the  main  facts  which  they  describe.  Hence,  should  anti- 
quity supply  us  -with  no  other  evidence  than  Homer's  testimony,  even 
then  we  could  have  no  reas:)uable  doubt  as  to  the  reality  of  the  Trojan 


n.    C.   llSi.        SI EQE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  TROY.  39 

Ten  years  had  been  spent  in  equipping  and  collecting  this 
powerful  armament.  At  length,  it  sailed  from  Aulis,  a  town  of 
l^ccotia,  and  after  a  happy  passage  across  the  ^gian  sea,  landed 
tlie  troops  on  the  coast  of  Asia,  not  far  from  the  walls  of  Troy. 
The  Trojans,  on  their  side,  had  called  to  their  assistance  and 
obtained  a  large  number  of  auxiliary  troops  from  Lydia,  Lycia, 
I'aphlagonia,  and  even  from  Assyria  and  Thrace.  Their  chief 
commanders  and  warriors  were  Hector,  a  son  of  Priam  ;  -^neas, 
the  chief  hero  of  Virgil's  uEneid  ;  Sarpedon,  a  Lycian  prince; 
and  Mcnmon,  the  leader  of  the  Assyrians.  Their  forces,  pro- 
tected by  the  ramparts  of  the  city,  were  nearly  a  match  for  those 
of  their  opponents. 

Here  these  two  exasperated  nations  began  a  long  and  terrible 
war.  Want  of  experience  in  the  attack  of  fortified  places,  the 
difficulty  of  procuring  provisions  in  a  hostile  country,  the  occa-. 
Bional  ravages  of  pestilence  among  the  troops  and  dissensions 
among  their  leaders,  detained  the  Greeks  for  more  than  nine 
years  on  the  Asiatic  shore,  and  prevented  them  from  obtaining 
any  decisive  advantage.  Their  manner  of  attack  upon  Troy  was, 
properly  speaking,  neither  a  blockade  nor  a  regular  siege.  They 
contented  themselves  with  intrenching  their  camp,  and  leaving 
between  its  fortifications  and  the  walls  of  the  city  an  extensive 
plain,  which  served  as  a  battle-ground  for  the  two  parties,  and  in 
which  they  daily  performed  many  daring  exploits,  not  without 
the  loss  of  several  among  the  bravest  warriors  on  each  side.  In 
the  tenth  year  of  the  war,  the  assailants  redoubled  their  energy, 
concentrated  their  forces,  and  resolved  by  a  last  effort  to  bring 
the  protracted  struggle  to  a  successful  issue.  Troy,  now  deprived 
of  its  best  defenders,  at  last  yielded  to  the  repeated  attacks  of 
the  Greeks,  although  it  seems  impossible,  from  the  contradictory 
accounts  of  historians,  to  decide  whether  the  place  was  carried 
by  storm,  treason  or  stratagem. 

The  victorious  Greeks  destroyed  every  thing  with  fire  and 

war  and  its  result :  but  there  is,  moreover,  concerning  this  great  event, 
1.  Tlie  testimony  of  the  best  historians,  such  as  Herodotus,  Thucydides, 
etc.,  and,  2.  A  sure  additional  voucher  in  the  Arundelian  Marbles,  one 
of  the  most  authentic  documents  and  sources  of  ancient  history.  This 
curious  monument  consists  of  a  series  of  marbles  containing  a  chrono- 
logy of  the  principal  events  of  Greece,  during  a  space  of  about  twelve 
hundred  years,  from  the  year  b.  c.  1582,  to  the  year  b.  c.  355.  This 
chronology,  it  is  said,  was  drawn  up  by  public  authority  and  for  the 
use  of  the  Athenians,  shortly  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great 
These  marbles  were  found  in  the  island  of  Paros,  and  sold  to  the  earl 
of  Arundel,  who  had  them  transported  to  England  towards  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century. 


40  ANCIENT    HISTORY.  .  Part  I. 

sword  in  that  unfortunate  city.  King  Priam  perislicd  with  all 
bis  family;  the  other  inhabitants,  with  the  exception  of  a  fovt 
who  escaped  by  timely  flight,  were  slaughtered  or  led  away  cap- 
tives, and  the  town  itself  was  reduced  to  ashes.  This  happened, 
according  to  the  ablest  chronologists,*  in  the  year  E.  c.  1184;  a 
highly  important  epoch  in  the  annals  of  the  Greeks,  as  it  in- 
cluded the  chief  exploit  of  their  heroic  times,  and  proved  whal 
their  valor  could  effect,  when  their  forces  were  united.  It  must, 
however,  be  admitted  that  the  Trojan  war,  in  its  immediate  con- 
sequences, proved  nearly  as  disastrous  to  the  victors  as  to  the 
vanquished. 

*  Scaliger,  Usher,  Petavius,  Bossuet,  the  learned  authors  of  English 
Universal  History,  eto. 


PART    II. 

FROM   THE  CLOSE  OP  THE  TROJAN  WAR  (B.   C.    1184),  TO   THE  BUILDING 
OP    ROME    (b.   C.    753). 


POLITICAL  SITUATION  OF  GREECE  AFTER  THE 
TROJAN  WAR. 

GRECIAN  COLONIES  AND  DIALECTS. 

The  divine  vengeance  seemed  to  pursue  the  Greeks  on  their 
■  return  from  Asia,  in  punishment  of  their  merciless  and  inexorable 
fury  towards  a  vanquished  enemy.  Few  only  of  their  leaders 
were  allowed  to  visit  their  homes.  Patroclus  and  Achilles  had 
been  slain  a  little  before  the  close  of  the  war,  under  the  ramparts 
of  Troy.  Mnestheus  died  before  he  arrived  at  Athens.  Of  the 
two  Ajiiixes,  the  one  killed  himself  in  a  fit  of  rage  ;  the  other, 
having  suffered  shipwreck,  perished  in  the  sea.  Ulysses  was  not 
able  to  reach  his  island  of  Ithaca,  till  he  had  undergone  count- 
less dangers  and  hardships  in  his  voyage.  Finally,  most  of  the 
others,  as  Agamemnon,  Nestor,  Idomeneus  and  Diomedes,  either 
met  with  a  violent  death  at  home,  or  were  obliged  to  quit  their 
kingdoms  and  go  in  search  of  a  new  residence  in  distant  coun- 
tries. 

Several  other  emigrations  took  place  during  this  turbulent 
period.  A  spirit  of  jealousy  and  animosity  now  seemed,  with 
redoubled  strength,  to  arm  the  Grecian  tribes  against  one  another. 
The  HeraClidae,  or  descendents  of  Hercules,  had  already  made 
two  unsuccessful  attempts  towards  the  subjugation  of  souther  i 
Greece  or  Peloponnesus^  thus  called  from  Fclops,  one  of  its  former 
settlers,  and  which  they  claimed  as  their  inheritance  ;  eighty 
years  after  the  Trojan  war,  they  together  with  the  Dorians 
renewed  their  efforts,  and  at  length  succeeded  in  obtaining  entire 
and  permanent  possession  of  the  country.  The  vanquished 
tribes,  in  their  turn,  attacked  and  dispossessed  others  weaker 
than  themselves,  so  that  nearly  all  Greece  was  a  theatre  of  con- 
tinual vicissitudes  and  utter  confusion. 

So  unpleasant  and  perilous  a  situation  prompted  a  large  num- 

14*  41 


42  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pari  II 

ber  of  families  to  leave  the  country  altogether.  Most  uf  them 
belonged  to  the  Doiian,  JEolian  and  Ionian  nations.  They 
passed  over  to  the  neighboring  islands,  and  reaching  even  the 
Asiatic  continent,  founded  there  along  the  coast  many  cities, 
which  soon  rose  to  a  high  degree  of  prosperity  and  splendor,  by 
their  rapid  improvement  in  the  arts  and  sciences,  commerce  and 
civilization.  Such  were,  among  others,  Halycarnassus,  Phocea, 
Clazomena,  Smyrna,  Ephesus  and  Miletus.  All  continued  for  a 
time,  after  the  example  of.  the  mother  country,  to  be  free  and 
independent  cities ;  still,  deputies  from  each  leading  colony  occa- 
sionally assembled  to  offer  solemn  sacrifices,  and  to  deliberate  on 
their  common  interests.  But,  as  there  existed  among  them  no 
other  tie  than  this  loose  confederation,  they  could  not  long 
maintain  their  independence,  and  were,  sooner  or  later,  com- 
pelled to  submit,  first  to  the  Lydian,  and  afterwards  to  "the 
Persian  power. 

The  preceding,  though  brief,  description  of  Grecian  states  and 
colonies  may  enable  the  reader  to  appreciate  the  difference  of 
dialects  in  use  among  them.  There  was  indeed,  as  to  the  sub- 
stance, but  one  language  (the  Grreek  tongue)  common  to  them 
all;  but  that  language,  undergoing  in  various  places  alterations 
more  or  less  considerable,  gave  rise  to  four  principal  forms  or 
dialects,  the  Attic,  Ionic,  Doric  and  JEolic.  This  va^ety  of 
forms  in  the  mother-tongue  should  not  appear  surprising  in  a 
country  parcelled  out,  as  Greece  was,  into  many  states  independeni 
of  each  other,  and  each  possessing  its  peculiar  government,  lawa 
and  customs. 

The  Attic  dialect  belonged  to  that  part  of  Greece  called  Attica, 
which  had  Athens  for  its  capital.  This  dialect  was  used  in  ita 
purity  by  the  dramatic  poets  ^schylus,  Sophocles,  Euripides 
and  Aristophanes;  by  the  historians  Thucydides  and  Xenophonj 
and  by  Plato,  Isocrates,  Demosthenes,  and  other  orators  of  the 
same  age. 

The  Ionic  was  nearly  the  same  with  the  ancient  Attic.  Having 
passed,  together  with  the  Ionian  tribe,  from  the  continent  of 
Greece  to  several  cities  of  Asia  Minor,  it  there  underwent  pecu- 
liar changes,  and  never  possessed  the  refined  delicacy  subsequently 
attained  by  the  pure  Attic.  It  was  followed  by  the  ancient  poeta 
Homer  and  Hesiod,  with  a  mixture  of  some  other  forms;  also, 
by  Anacreon,  in  his  odes ;  and  in  all  its  purity,  by  the  prose 
writers  Herodotus  and  Hippocrates. 

The  Doric  was  first  used  among  the  Lacedaemonians  and 
Argives,  and  generally  among  the  inhabitants  of  Peloponnesuvs 
01  southern  Greece.     From  thence  it  passed  to  the  islands  of 


ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE.  48 

Jvhodes,  Crete  and  Sicily;  to  Epirus,  and  to  that  part  of  southcrD 
Italy  settled  by  the  Greeks.  It  was  used  by  Pindar,  the  poet; 
])y  Theocritus  and  Archimedes,  both  natives  of  Syracuse  in 
Sicily;  and  by  the  Pythagorean  philosophers. 

The  iEolic,  which  bears  a  striking  resemblance  to  the  Doric, 
was  at  first  spoken  by  the  Boeotians  and  their  neighbors.  It 
afterwards  accompanied  the  -^olian  colonies  into  the  particular 
district  of  Lesser  Asia  which  they  occupied  along  the  coast,  and 
into  some  of  the  neighboring  islands,  such  as  Lesbos.  Thia 
dialect  was  used  by  Alcaaus  and  Sappho,  who  have  left,  it  is  true, 
but  few  writings;  but  a  mixture  of  it  is  found  in  Homer,  Pindar, 
Theocritus,  and  many  others. 

From  the  Doric  and  jEolic  dialects  blended  together  was 
formed,  in  great  part,  the  Latin  language 


ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE  UNDER  NINUS  AND  SEMIRAMIS 

NiNivE  aod  Babylon  had  already  e^iisted  for  centuries,  with- 
out carrying  their  domination  to  any  great  extent.*  Shortly 
before  the  Trojan  war,  this  aspect  of  affairs  was  quite  changed 
under  Ninus,  an  enterprising,  ambitious  and  warlike  prince,  who 
first  of  all  reigned  over  the  two  cities  when  united  by  the  con- 
quest of  Babylon.  Besides  this  important  achievement,  he  -sub- 
dued, within  the  space  of  seventeen  years,  many  other  countries, 
Armenia,  Media,  Persia,  etc.,  and  extended  his  empire  towards 
the  east  as  far  as  India. 

After  this  first  series  of  conquests  and  before  undertaking  new 
wars,  Ninus  applied  himself  to  render  Ninive,  the  capital  of  all 
his  dominions  the  greatest  city  in  the  world.  He  enlarged  it  to 
such  a  degree  as  to  give  it  a  circumference  of  about  four  hun- 
dred furlongs,  or  fifty  miles ;  an  extent  which  will  not  appear 
incredible,  if  we  recollect  that,  according  to  Holy  Writ  itself, 
"Ninive  was  a  great  city  of  three  days' journey,"t  and  that  the 
number  alone  of  its  little  children  not  knowing  yet  how  to  dis- 
tinguish between  their  right  hand  and  their  left,  amounted  to 
more  than  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand. it  This  prodigious 
^  *  Tlie  early  history  of  Assyria  is  concealed  in  almost  impenetrable 
-arkne.^s.  There  are  scarcely  to  be  found  two  or  three  authors  who 
e'itirely  agree,  either  as  to  the  facts,  or  as  to  the  circumstances  and 
particulars,  or  at  least  as  to  the  chronology  of  this  empire.  We  give, 
therefore,  the  present  narrative  as  being  more  commonly  adopted  by 
historians,  but  without  in  the  least  presuming  to  vouch  for  its  perfect 
accuracy, 
t  Jonas  Hi,  3.  j  lb.  iy,  2. 


44  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IL 

extent  of  the  place  corresponded  with  the  strength  of  its  fortifica- 
tions. The  walls  were  a  hundred  feet  in  height,  and  so  wide  that 
three  chariots  might  drive  on  them  abreast;  and  they  were,  more- 
over, flanked  with  fifteen  hundred  towers,  two  hundred  feet  high 

Having  completed  these  great  works,  Ninus  undertook  a  new 
expedition  against  the  Bactrians,  a  powerful  nation  of  central 
Asia.  He  led  against  them  a  formidable  host,  with  which  he 
subdued  many  towns  and  fortresses,  and  finally  laid  siege  to 
Bactria,  the  capital  of  the  country.  Here  all  his  efforts  might 
have  failed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  assistance  which  he  received 
from  Semiramis,  the  wife  of  one  of  his  officers,  a  woman  of  ex- 
alted genius  and  masculine  courage.  Owing  to  a  bold  and  well- 
directed  attack  which  she  led  on  in  person,  he  was  enabled  to 
make  himself  master  of  the  citadel,  and  afterwards  of  the  whole 
city,  in  which  he  found  immense  riches. 

Ninus  then  returned  to  Ninive.  He  married  Semiramis  after 
the  death  of  her  former  husband,  and  dying  shortly  after,  left  to 
her  the  government  of  his  vast  empire.  After  his  example,  she 
determined  to  immortalize  her  name  by  magnificent  structures 
and  extensive  conquests.  Under  her  rule  Babylon  became  the 
successful  rival  of  Ninive,  and  being  more  and  more  embellished 
by  some  of  her  successors,  was,  in  all  probability,  the  most  beauti- 
ful and  splendid  city  that  ever  existed. 


DESCRIPTION  OF  BABYLON. 

The  principal  monuments  which  rendered  Babylon  so  con- 
spicuous, were  its  walls  and  gates,  its  bridge  and  quays,  its 
palaces  and  gardens,  and  the  temple  of  Belus.  Although  they 
were  built  and  completed  at  different  epochs,  we  shall  speak  of 
them  all  in  this  place,  in  order  to  convey  at  once  a  just  and  well- 
connected  idea  of  this  famous  city. 

1.  Walls  and  Gates. — Babylon  was  a  perfect  square,  measur- 
ing one  hundred  and  twenty  furlongs  or  fifteen  miles  on  each 
side,  and  consequently  four  hundred  and  eighty  furlongs  or  sixty 
miles  in  circumference.  The  walls,  made  of  brick  cemented  with 
bitumen,  were  at  least  two  hundred  (according  to  Herodotus, 
more  than  three  hundred)  feet  high,  and  protected  by  towers  of 
still  greater  height.  They  were  moreover  surrounded  by  a  deep, 
ditch,  and  had  a  hundred  gates,  twenty-five  on  each  side  of  the 
square,  and  all  made  of  solid  brass.  From  the  twenty-five  gates 
on  each  side  went  as  many  streets,  which,  by  extending  fifteen' 
miles  in  a  straight  line,  reached  the  twenty-five  gates  on  the  op- 
posite side.     These,  besides  the  four  half  streets  that  fronted  the 


DESCRIPTION  OF  BABYLON.  45 

oralis,  made  fifty  splendid  streets,  crossing  each  other  at  right 
angles,  and  dividing  the  whole  city  into  six  hundred  and  seventy- 
six  squares. 

It  should,  however,  be  remarked  that  not  all  of  these  squarea 
were  occupied  by  inhabitants.  Nor  did  the  houses  stand  con- 
tiguous to  each  other;  but  they  were  separated  by  gardens, 
which  served  both  as  productive  lands  and  as  embellishments  to 
tlie  city. 

'2.  Quays  and  Bridge. — As  the  great  river  Euphrates  flowed 
through  Babylon,  a  thick  and  high  wall  was  built  on  each  bank, 
of  the  same  materials  with  the  walls  that  surrounded  the  city. 
In  this  wall,  at  every  street  that  led  to  the  river,  were  gates  of 
brass,  and  from  them  easy  descents  to  the  river  itself,  which  the 
inhabitants  crossed  in  boats,  before  a  bridge  was  constructed. 
These  brazen  gates  were  always  open  during  the  day,  but  shut 
during  the  night. 

The  bridge  was  not  surpassed  by  any  of  the  other  works,  either 
in  strength  or  beauty.  The  arches  were  made  of  huge  stones, 
fastened  together  with  chains  of  iron  and  melted  lead. 

3.  Ditches  and  Canals. — These  works,  which  elicited  so  much 
admiration  from  succeeding  ages,*  were  still  more  useful  than 
magnificent.  As  in  the  beginning  of  summer  the  sun  melts  the 
snows  that  cover  the  mountains  of  Armenia,  an  unusual  quantity 
of  water  flows  into  the  Euphrates,  and  annually  occasions  an  in- 
undation similar  to  that  produced  by  the  Nile  in  Egypt.  In 
order  to  avoid  the  injury  which  both  the  city  and  the  neighbor- 
ing plains  were  apt  to  sustain  from  those  inundations,  at  a  consi- 
derable distance  from  the  town  and  in  an  elevated  situation,  two 
artificial  canals  were  cut  which  turned  the  excess  of  the  water 
into  the  Tigris,  before  it  reached  Babylon. 

But,  to  facilitate  the  construction  of  the  preceding  works,  the 
course  of  the  river  itself  had  to  be  turned  for  a  time  in  another 
direction.  This  was  indeed  an  arduous  undertaking;  but  the 
Babylonian  kings  spared  neither  trouble  nor  expense  to  secure 
the  welfare  of  their  capital.  They  caused  to  be  dug,  at  some 
distance  west  from  Babylon,  a  prodigious  lake,  having,  according 
to  the  lowest  calculation,  a  circumference  of  one  hundred  and 
forty  miles,  and  a  depth  of  thirty-five  feet.  Into  this  lake  the 
whole  river  was  turned  through  a  canal  cut  at  the  western  side 
of  it,  till  the  works  above  mentioned  were  completed,  when  it  waa 
made  to  flow  again  in  its  former  channel.     Lest  however  the 

*  See  Herod,  b.  i ; — Pliny,  b.  v ; — Strab.  b.  xvi ; — Prideaux'a  Con- 
ncctions,  vol.  i,  pp.  197,  198  ; — Goguet,  De  V  Origine  des  Lois,  etc.  vol.  iii, 
b.  iii,  cli.  iii,  art.  i : — Rollin,  vol.  ii ;  etc. 


46  ANCIENT  IIISTORY.  Part  n. 

Euphrates  miglit  «till,  in  times  of  extraordinary  inundation,  over- 
flow the  city,  this  lake  was  preserved  as  well  as  the  canal  from 
the  river.  The  superabundant  water  which  those  overflowing's 
caused  to  run  into  it,  was  kept  there  as  in  a  common  reservoir, 
to  be  let  out  at  proper  times,  by  means  of  locks  and  sluices,  for 
the  watering  of  the  lands  below.  The  lake  therefore  was  equally 
useful  in  protecting  the  country  against  inundations,  and  render 
mg  it  fertile. 

4.  Palaces  and  Hanging  Gardens. — At  one  extremity  of  the 
bridge,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river,  was  the  old  palace  of  the 
Babylonian  kings,  and  on  the  opposite  side  stood  the  new  palace 
built  by  Nabuchodonosor  II.  It  was,  according  to  the  custom 
of  those  times,  strongly  fortified,  surrounded  by  three  walls,  and, 
together  with  the  enclosures,  it  covered  a  space  of  eight  miles. 
Within  its  precincts  were  the  hanging  gardens,  so  much  extolled 
by  the  generality  of  historians,  although  by  some  passed  over  in 
silence  or  called  in  question.  According  to  the  former,  these 
gardens  consisted  of  several  large  terraces,  raised  above  one 
another,  so  as  to  be  on  a  level  with  the  ramparts  of  Babylon. 
They  were  supported  by  strong  walls  and  pillars,  well  floored 
with  cement  and  lead,  and  covered  with  a  great  quantity  of  earth 
in  which  the  most  beautiful  trees  and  shrubs  were  planted. 

5.  But  the  most  wonderful  structure  of  Babylon  was  the  temple 
of  Bel  us.  There  was  in  the  midst  of  it  a  lofty  tower  more  than 
six  hundred  feet  high,  and  consequently  higher  than  the  largest  of 
the  Egyptian  pyramids,  although  not  so  broad  at  its  base.  Many 
learned  men  believe  it  to  have  been  the  same  with  the  tower  of 
Babel;  and  this  is  the  more  probable,  as  besides  the  resemblance 
of  the  names  Babel  and  Babylon,  the  materials  in  the  two  struc- 
tures were  exactly  the  same,  bricks  and  bitumen. 

On  ihe  top  of  the  tower  was  a  kind  of  observatory  in  which  the 
Babvlonians  or  Chaldeans  made,  from  the  earliest  period,  astro- 
nomical observations,  and  became  expert  in  that  science,  perhaps 
beyond  all  other  nations  of  antiquity.  It  is  related  that  when 
Alexander  took  Babylon  (b.  c.331),  Callisthenes  the  philosopher, 
who  accompanied  him,  found  that  these  scientific  observations  of  the 
Chaldeans  had  begun  1903  years  before;  which  carries  the  account 
as  far  back  as  the  1 1 5th  year  after  the  deluge,  or  the  14th  after 
the  building  of  the  tower  of  Babel. 

The  other  wonders  of  the  temple  of  Belus  consisted  chieOy  in 
an  immense  quantity  of  statues,  tables,  cups,  and  other  vessels 
which  it  contained,  all  of  solid  gold.  Among  the  statues,  there 
was  one  forty  feet  high,  and  weighing  a  thousand  Babylonian 
talents.     The  whole  value  of  these  difierent   articles  amounted 


SEMIRAMIS,  ETC.  47 

according  to  the  calculations  made  by  Diodorus  Siculus,  to  six 
thousand  three  hundred  Babylonian  talents  of  gold,  probably 
more  than  a  hundred  millions  of  dollars. 

This  famous  temple  stood  until  the  time  of  Xerxes,  who,  on 
his  return  from  his  unhappy  expedition  into  Greece,  first  stripped 
it  of  all  its  treasures,  and  then  razed  it  to  the  ground  (b.  c.  478). 

Such  were  the  mighty  and  splendid  works  that  rendered 
Babylon,  as  it  were,  the  queen  of  the  east.  Some  of  them,  as 
we  have  already  said,  were  attributed  to  Semiramis,  to  whose 
reign  it  is  now  time  to  return. 


.&«ii»^ " 


SEMIRAMIS  CONTINUED.    NINYAS 

DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  FIRST  ASSYRIAN  EMPIRE. 

Semiramis  did  not  confine  her  attention  and  care  to  the  city 
of  Babylon.  She  visited  all  the  parts  of  her  empire,  and  every- 
where left  monuments  of  her  magnificence,  by  the  many  noble 
structures  which  she  caused  to  be  reared  for  the  convenience  or 
the  ornament  of  cities.  She  applied  herself  particularly  to  have 
water  brought  by  aqueduct?  to  such  places  as  needed  it,  and  to 
improve  the  roads,  by  cutting  through  mountains  and  filling  up 
valleys.  In  the  time  of  Diodorus  the  historian  (shortly  before 
the  coming  of  Christ),  there  were  still  monuments  to  be  seen  in 
many  places  with  her  name  inscribed  upon  them. 

Not  satisfied  with  the  vast  extent  of  her  dominions,  she  en- 
larged them  by  new  conquests.  Her  last  and  greatest  expedition 
was  against  India,  which  she  invaded  with  numberless  troops 
assembled  from  all  the  provinces  of  her  empire.  At  the  news 
of  this  invasion,  the  Indian  king  sent  ambassadors  to  ask  her  who 
she  was,  and  what  right  she  had  to  attack  his  territory;  adding 
that  her  boldness  would  soon  meet  with  the  punishment  which 
it  deserved.  ^'Tell  your  master/'  answered  the  queen,  "that  in 
a  short  time  I  myself  will  let  him  know  who  I  am."  She  im- 
mediately advanced  towards  the  great  river  Indus,  from  which 
the  country  takes  its  name,  and  having  prepared  a  large  number 
of  boats,  attempted  the  passage.  It  was  vigorously  opposed; 
still  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight  after  a  sharp  conflict;  about 
a  thousand  of  their  boats  were  sunk,  and  moro  than  a  hundred 
thousand  of  their  troops  taken  prisoners. 

Encouraged  by  the  success  of  this  first  attempt,  Semiramis  left 
a  body  of  sixty  thousand  men  to  protect  a  bridge  of  boats  which 
she  liad  built  over  the  river,  and  prepared  to  advance  still  farther 


48  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  II 

into  the  enemy's  country.  This  determination  was  precisely 
what  the  Indian  monarch  desired.  To  inspire  her  with  still 
greater  confidence  and  security,  he  feigned  a  flight  at  her  ap- 
proach ;  but  no  sooner  did  he  perceive  that  she  had  advanced 
Bufficiently  far  into  the  heart  of  his  dominions,  than  facing  about 
he  attacked  her  with  a  great  multitude  of  men  and  elephants. 
Here  the  engagement  proved  disastrous  for  Semiramis  and  her 
troops.  Notwithstanding  all  her  exertions  to  animate  and  rally 
them,  they  were  thrown  into  disorder,  and  either  routed  or 
crushed  under  the  feet  of  the  elephants;  and  the  queen  herself, 
having  received  two  wounds,  was  indebted  for  her  preservation 
to  the  swiftness  of  her  horse. 

This  signal  defeat  obliged  her  to  retrace  her  steps,  and  to  re 
cross  the  river;  but  at  this  juncture  also,  on  account  of  the  pre- 
cipitancy and  confusion  unavoidable  on  such  occasions,  many  of 
the  Chaldeans  perished.  As  soon  as  the  survivors  had  effected 
their  passage,  the  queen  ordered  the  bridge  to  be  destroyed,  in 
order  to  prevent  any  farther  pursuit  from  the  enemy.  Having 
then  proceeded  to  the  city  of  Bactra,  where  an  exchange  of  pri- 
soners took  place,  she  put  an  end  to  this  unhappy  expedition 
which  had  cost  her  two-thirds  of  her  army. 

The  failure  of  this  undertaking  did  not  prevent  Semiramis  from 
leaving  behind  her  a  great  reputation  for  skill  and  courage.  It 
is  said  that,  on  a  certain  day,  when  a  serious  disturbance  had 
arisen,  her  presence  alone  suppressed  the  sedition.  Less  success- 
ful against  the  intrigues  of  her  son  Ninyas,  she  resigned  the 
crown  in  his  behalf,  and  placed  the  government  in  his  hands ;  a 
fact,  however,  still  more  uncertain  than  the  rest  of  her  historj^, 
and  very  differently  represented  by  authors.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  case,  this  celebrated  queen  is  believed  to  have 
lived  sixty-two  years,  during  forty-two  of  which  she  occupied  the 
throne. 

Ninyas  reigned  in  the  place  of  his  mother.  An  unworthy 
successor  of  both  Ninus  and  Semiramis,  he  became  indolent  and 
effeminate,  seldom  showing  himself  to  his  people,  but  maintain- 
ing his  authority  by  a  large  number  of  troops  stationed  about 
him  in  Ninive,  and  placed  under  the  command  of  a  general  on 
whose  fidelity  he  could  depend.  His  successors  for  thirty  gene- 
rations imitated  his  example;  so  that  Assyrian  history  offers 
little  during  all  that  time  but  an  uninterestiDg  list  of  names. 

The  last  of  these  insignificant  monarchs  was  Sardanapalus,  the 
very  personification  of  effeminacy  and  luxury.  His  degrading 
conduct  provoked  to  the  highest  pitch  the  indignation  of  Arbaces. 
governor  of  Media,  and  of  Belesis,  governor  of  Babylon ;  they 


LEARNING,  INDUSTRY,  ETL'.  49 

entered  into  a  confederacy  against  him,  and  placed  themselves  at 
the  head  of  numerous  troops  whom  they  persuaded  to  second 
their  views.  The  king,  being  obliged  to  take  up  arms,  gained 
at  first  some  advantage  over  the  insurgents;  but  he  was  entirely 
defeated  in  a  decisive  battle,  and  compelled  to  confine  himself 
within  Ninive  his  capital,  which  was  soon  besieged  by  the  vic; 
torious  army. 

It  happened  at  this  time  that  an  extraordinary' swelling  of  the 
Tigris  destroyed  a  considerable  part  of  the  city  wall,  as  if  to  open 
a  free  passage  to  the  assailants.  Sardanapalus,  judging  it  inex 
pedient  or  impossible  to  resist  any  longer,  shut  himself  up  in  his 
palace,  and  voluntarily  perished  in  the  flames  with  his  wives  and 
treasures,  towards  the  middle  of  the  eighth  century  before  the 
Christian  era. 

Thus  ended  the  first  Assyrian  empire,  after  a  duration  of  five 
hundred  and  twenty  years  according  to  Herodotus,  and  thirteen 
or  fourteen  hundred  years  according  to  Ctesias,  Djodorus  and 
Justin.  We  will  see,  in  the  next  part,  what  mighty  states  arose 
from  the  wrecks  of  this  ancient  monarchy. 

LEARNING,  INDUSTRY,  RELIGION,  AND  MANNERS  OF  THE 
ASSYRIANS  AND  BABYLONIANS. 

The  stupendous  walls,  palaces,  fortifications  and  other  build- 
ings of  both  Ninive  and  Babylon,  bear  ample  testimony  to  the 
progress  which  the  Assyrians  had  made  in  architecture.  This 
I  art  however  was  confined  among  them,  as  among  the  Egyptians, 
I  to  one  kind  of  remarkable  monuments,  viz. :  to  such  as  were 
grand  and  imposing  by  their  height  or  size,  but  without  those 
elegant  forms  and  proportions  that  architecture  afterwards  re- 
ceived from  the  Greeks  and  the  Romans. 

The  objects  in  which  the  industry  of  the  Assyrians  and  Baby- 
lonians chiefly  appeared,  were  the  manufacturing  of  cloth,  the 
casting  of  metals,  and  the  production  of  specimens  of  splendid 
workmanship  in  gold,  silver,  brass,  wood  and  stone.  Their  com- 
merce is  generally  believed  to  have  been  extensive,  and  very 
actively  carried  on,  through  the  Persian  gulf  with  the  eastern, 
and  through  the  Euphrates  and  Tigris  with  the  western  and 
northern  countries. 

Music  was  not  unknown  to  the  Assyrians,  but  it  would  be 
difficult  to  ascertain  how  far  they  excelled  in  it.  Generally 
speaking,  it  may  be  said  that  they  yielded  only  to  the  Greeks  iu 
those  arts  which  are  conducive  to  ornament  or  comfort.  Their 
medical  science  consisted  less  in  theory  than  in  practice.     Sick 

5 


60  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Taet  II. 

persons  were  publicly  exposed;  tliey  who  passed  near  them,  in 
quired  into  the  nature  of  the  disease,  and,  if  they  had  experi* 
enced  any  such  infirmity,  mentioned  the  remedy  with  which  they 
had  effected  a  cure.  "When  the  application  of  the  remedy  proved 
successful,  the  whole  process  was  made  the  object  of  a  report 
which  they  deposited  in  a  temple  for  the  benefit  and  instruction 
of  others.  It  is  said  that  Hippocrates,  the  author  of  the  firsi 
books  on  medicine,  availed  himself  of  these  observations  and 
experiments. 

The  Babylonians  or  Chaldeans  probably  advanced  farther  in 
the  knowledge  of  astronomy  than  in  any  other  science.  Being 
favored  with  a  vast  horizon  where  the  sight  was  obstructed  by  no 
mountain,  and  with  a  constantly  serene  sky  which  invited  them 
to  an  exact  observation  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  they  discovered, 
from  an  early  period,  that  the  solar  year  is  composed  of  365 
days  and  nearly  6  hours.  To  them  is  also  ascribed  the  invention 
of  the  dial.  Unfortunately,  their  astronomical  science  soon 
degenerated  into  the  follies  of  astrology,  an  art  (falsely  so  called) 
which  presumes  to  know  and  foretell  future  contingencies  from 
the  site  and  motions  of  the  stars.  Hence  Chaldea  was,  if  not 
the  parent  country,  at  least  the  principal  seat  of  the  superstitions 
of  magic ;  this  last  word  is  derived  from  Magi,  the  name  given 
to  the  Chaldean  doctors. 

The  religion  of  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians  was  downright 
idolatry.  They  had  a  number  of  temples  consecrated  to  their 
different  idols,  such  as  those  of  Nesroch,*  of  Belus,  one  of  their 
ancient  kings  ;f  of  the  sun,  moon,  and  other  heavenly  bodies,  etc. 
They  honored  these  pretended  deities  by  every  kind  of  supersti- 
tious, degrading,  and  cruel  or  impure  homages;  and  the  natural 
consequence  of  this  impious  worship  was  that  its  abettors  set  no  I 
bounds  to  the  licentiousness  and  profligacy  of  their  manners.  It 
was  this,  indeed,  as  we  learn  from  the  writings  of  the  prophets,J 
that  justly  provoked  the  indignation  of  Heaven  against  so  perverse 
a  nation,  and  finally  drew  down  the  heaviest  strokes  of  divino 
justice  on  the  cities  of  Ninive  and  Babylon. 

*  4  Kings  xix,  37.  f  Dan.  xiv,  2. 

X  Jonas,  Nahum,  Isaias,  Daniel,  and  several  others. 


J 


B  0.  1095-    1055.  REIGN  OF  SAUL.  61 

THE  ISRAELITES  UNDER  THEIR  KINGS. 
REIGN  OF  SA.UL.— B.  c.  1095—1055. 

The  history  of  the  Israelites  during  the  same  period  is  highly 
iuteresting.  In  a  political  point  of  view,  it  certainly  was  the 
most  brilliant  part  of  their  national  existence. 

After  the  wise  and  prosperous  administration  of  Samuel,  the 
last  of  their  judges,  they  asked  to  be  governed  like  other  nations 
by  a  king.  In  compliance  with  their  wishes,  Saul,  the  son  of 
Cis,  a  man  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  was  anointed  by  Samuel  to 
be  their  sovereign,  according  to  an  order  which  the  prophet  had 
received  from  God  himself,  b.  c.  1095.  The  majestic  appearance 
of  Saul,  his  courage,  and  his  moderation  in  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  soon  gained  him  the  respect  and  affection  of  all  the  people. 
Being  informed  that  the  city  of  Jabes  was  closely  besieged  by 
the  Ammonites,  he. raised  a  valiant  army,  approached  their  camp 
during  the  night,  and  attacked  them  on  three  different  sides  with 
BO  much  resolution,  that  nearly  all  were  cut  to  pieces;  the 
remnant  fled,  and  the  town  was  gloriously  delivered.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  happy  event,  Samuel,  whose  ascendency  over  the 
people  was  still  very  great,  convened  another  general  assembly 
at  Galgal,  to  confirm  the  election  of  Saul.  This  was  done  with 
great  solemnity  and  gave  universal  satisfaction. 

Two  years  after,  the  king  engaged  in  a  still  more  important 
war.  The  Philistines,  a  powerful  tribe  near  his  frontiers,  and 
khe  most  persevering  enemy  of  the  Hebrews,  had  invaded  their 
territory  with  a  large  body  of  infantry,  cavalry  and  charioteers. 
Saul  marched  against  them,  and  with  the  help  of  his  intrepid  son 
.Jonathan  and  God's  special  protection,  he  gained  over  them  a 
signal  victory. 

He  likewise  conquered  several  other  tribes  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  his  kingdom,  but  none  so  completely  as  the  nation  of  the 
Amalecites,  which  was  nearly  all  destroyed.  Unfortunately,  he 
began  about  this  time  to  degenerate  from  his  former  virtue,  and 
by  repeated  acts  of  disobedience  to  the  divine  will,  to  lose  for 
himself  the  fruit  of  so  many  victories.  On  one  occasion,  he  pre- 
sumed to  offer  a  sacrifice  without  the  co-operation  of  Samuel ; 
and  on  another,  he  spared  the  life  of  Agag,  king  of  Amalec,  with 
the  most  valuable  portion  of  the  booty,  against  the  express  order 
which  he  had  received  from  God.  For  this  reason  the  Almighty 
rejected  him,  and  destined  his  crown  to  pass  to  David,  a  youth 
of  the  tribe  of  Judaj  Samuel,  by  the  divine  command,  anointed 


52  AKCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  II. 

David  king,  in  the  midst  of  his  brethren.  The  prophet  died 
shortly  after  this  event. 

Saul  however  won  another  great  victory  over  the  Philistines. 
For  this  new  advantage,  he  was  principally  indebted  to  the  valor 
of  David,  who  with  a  mere  sling  defeated  and  slew  the  famous 
giant  Goliath,  the  most  formidable  champion  of  the  Philistiuea. 
This  exploit  raised  David  exceedingly  in  the  estimation  of  the 
army  and  people;  but  the  honor  paid  on  this  occasion  to  the 
young  hero,  excited  the  anger  and  jealousy  of  Saul  against  him. 

The  last  part  of  this  unhappy  monarch's  reign  was  but  one 
continued  series  of  evils  and  crimes.  He  now  persecuted  David 
and  those  whom  he  suspected  to  be  his  adherents,  and  sought  by 
every  means  to  deprive  him  of  life.  To  this  relentless  hatred 
and  animosity  he  added  superstition ;  contrary  to  the  severe  edicts, 
lately  published  by  himself  against  magicians,  he  consulted  the 
sorceress  of  Endor,  for  the  purpose  of  knowing,  through  her  im- 
pious art,  what  would  be  the  result  of  a  new  battle  which  he  waa 
preparing  to  fight  against  the  Philistines. 

The  power  of  God,  anticipating  the  wicked  practices  of  necro- 
mancy, caused  Samuel  to  appear,  and  to  announce  to  the  king 
his  final  defeat  and  approaching  death.*  The  prediction  was 
rcrified;  the  army  of  Saul  was  cut  in  pieces;  three  of  his  sons 
were  slain  in  battle;  and  he  himself,  grievously  wounded  and 
dreading  to  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  requested  his 
armor-bearer  to  despatch  him  witli  a  sword.  On  the  refusal  of 
that  officer,  the  king  destroyed  himself  by  falling  on  his  own 
sword,  after  a  reign  of  forty  years,  B.  c.  1055. 

REIGN  OF  DAVID.— B.  c.  1055—1014. 

The  Jewish  sceptre  passed  into  the  hands  of  David.  He  was 
again  publicly  anointed  king  at  Hebron,  a  city  of  the  tribe  of 
Juda;  yet,  for  seven  years  and  a  half,  he  was  acknowledged  by 
that  tribe  only,  whilst  the  other  Israelites  acknowledged  for 
their  sovereign,  Isboseth,  a  son  of  the  late  monarch.  This  occa- 
sioned a  long  war  between  the  two  families,  and  some  conflicts 
took  place,  in  which  the  house  of  Juda  always  had  the  advan- 
tage. At  last,  Isboseth  and  Abner,  the  general  of  his  troops, 
having  both  lost  their  lives,  David  was  proclaimed  king  over  all 
Israel. 

His  first  care,  when  he  saw  his  power  fully  established,  was  to 
attack  the  fortress  of  Sion  or  Jerusalem,  which  was  still  occupied 
by  the  Jebusites,  a  Chanaanite  nation  Notwithstanding  tlia 
*  1  Kings  xxviij,  11 — 19. 


r>.  c.  1055—1014.  REIGN  OF  DAVID.  63 

Etroiigth  of  the  place,  he  took  it,  added  to  it  many  new  buildings, 
and  made  it  the  capital  of  his  kingdom  and  the  seat  of  his  resi- 
dence j  hence  it  was  also  called,  from  that  time,  the  city  of 
Jhtvid.  Hither  he  had  the  ark  of  the  covenant  transported  with 
great  solemnity.  He  even  thought  seriously  of  rearing  a  mag- 
nificent temple  for  the  divine  worship;  but  Almighty  God  told 
liini  by  a  prophet  that  this  great  work  was  reserved  to  his  son 
8()lomon. 

David  was  thus  left  to  follow  his  warlike  ardor  against  the 
enemies  of  his  people.  Constantly  favored  by  the  divine  assist- 
ance and  well-seconded  by  the  natural  bravery  of  his  nation,  he 
conquered  all  his  foes,  whether  they  fought  separately,  or  com- 
bined their  forces  against  him.  The  Philistines,  in  particular, 
experienced  from  him  so  many  signal  defeats,  that  they  ceased 
to  be  formidable  to  the  Israelites.  The  next  campaigns  wit- 
nessed the  successive  overthrow  of  the  Edomites,  the  Moabites, 
the  Ammonites,  and  especially  of  the  Syrians,  who  lost,  in  a  first 
battle,  twenty-two  thousand  men,  and  no  fewer  than  eighty-seven 
thousand  in  another.*  The  Hebrews,  whether  led  to  the  field 
of  battle  by  the  king  in  person  or  by  his  general  Joas,  were 
everywhere  victorious,  and  they  pushed  their  conquests  as  far  as 
tho  river  Eupir!*a-*«*« 

David  had  now  reached  the  height  of  power  and  glory.  All 
his  enemies  had  been  humbled  and  subdued;  all  the  neighboring 
Btates  had  sought  his  alliance,  or  become  his  tributaries;  he  was 
besides  surrounded  by  valiant  troops,  excellent  officers,  and  a 
numerous  offspring.  In  the  midst  of  this  prosperity,  the  king, 
as  too  often  happens  in  similar  circumstances,  forgot  himself  and 
his  duty  towards  both  God  and  men:  he  suffered  an  evil  passion 
so  far  to  prevail  upon  him  as  to  become  guilty  of  adultery  and 
homicide.  Being  rebuked  for  this  double  crime  by  a  man  of 
God,  he  became  sensible  of  its  enormity,  and  wept  bitterly  for 
the  evil  that  he  had  committed.  Upon  this,  the  same  prophet, 
iu  the  name  of  God,  assured  him  of  his  pardon  as  to  the  removal 
of  his  guilt;  still  a  severe  retribution  awaited  him,  as  a  just 
punishment  of  his  iniquity  and  a  reparation  of  the  scandal  which 
he  had  given  to  his  people. 

*  This  whole  number  is  not  thus  expressed  in  any  part  of  Scripture, 
but  is  deduced  from  two  different  verses,  the  second  of  which  mentions 
what  had  been  partly,  though  not  without  reason,  omitted  in  the  first ; 
(see  2  Kings  x,  18,  compared  with  1  Paralip.  xix,  18.)  As  we  read 
moreover  (2  Kings  x,  19),  that,  on  the  same  occasion,  fifty-eight  thou- 
Band  of  the  enemy  fled  away  before  Israel,  it  follows  that  the  combined 
army  of  the  Syrians  and  their  auxiliaries  amounted,  before  the  battle, 
to  one  hundred  and  forty-five  thousand  soldiers. 

6* 


54  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  TL 

This  prediction  was  speedily  verified.  Misfortunes  and  afflic- 
tions of  every  description  began  to  assail  David :  his  days  were 
imbittered  by  the  premature  and  unhappy  death  of  some  of  his 
children,  by  the  wicked  lives  of  others,  and  especially  by  the 
ingratitude,  revolt  and  tragical  end  of  his  son  Absalom.  This 
rebellion  was  no  sooner  suppressed  than  it  was  followed  by 
another,  which  renewed  the  king's  anxiety;  and  afterwards  by 
the  plagues  of  famine  and  pestilence  that  raged  among  his 
subjects. 

These  domestic  and  political  trials  were  at  length  terminated ; 
tranquillity  was  restored  to  the  nation,  and  prosperity  to  the 
king.  He  died  in  an  advanced  age,  after  a  reign  of  forty  years, 
leaving  behind  him  the  well-deserved  reputation  of  a  great  mon- 
arch, a  great  conqueror,  a  great  prophet  (in  his  admirable 
psalms),  and  although  for  a  time  a  slave  to  a  criminal  passion, 
vet  a  model  for  all  sincere  and  humble  penitents. 

REIGN  OF  SOLOMON.— B.  c.  1014—975. 

Solomon  was  the  successor  of  David.  Under  this  new  sove- 
reign, the  Hebrew  nation  enjoyed  an  almost  uninterrupted  peace, 
opulence  and  prosperity.  As  the  late  civil  feuds  had  lasted  too 
short  a  time  to  deprive  it  either  of  its  power  or  of  its  conquests, 
the  strength  of  the  state  appe'ared  to  be  the  same  as  under  the 
vigorous  administration  of  David.  The  population  was  immense ; 
the  people  lived  contented  and  happy;  ''Solomon  had,"  more- 
over, "under  him  all  the  kingdoms  from  the  river  (Euphrates)  to 
the  land  of  the  Philistines,  even  to  the  border  of  Egypt:  and 
they  brought  him  presents,  and  served  him  all  the  days  of  hia 
life."  Finally,  he  established,  in  concert  with  the  Tyrians,  an 
extensive  maritime  trade,  the  profits  of  which,  added  to  the  vast 
amount  of  treasures  he  had  inherited  from  his  father,  put  him  in 
possession  of  immense  riches.  Thus  was  perfectly  fulfilled  the 
promise  which  the  Almighty  had  made  in  his  behalf,  when  he, 
in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  having  asked  only  for  the  gift  of 
wisdom,  received  in  addition  to  it,  the  assurance  of  extraordinary 
wealth  and  glory.* 

Solomon  availed  himself  of  so  many  advantages,  to  build  in 
Jerusalem  a  temple  worthy,  by  its  magnificence,  to  be  the  house 
of  solemn  worship  and  the  special  residence  of  the  Most  High. 
This  wondrous  structure  occupied  upwards  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  workmen,  and  required  full  seven  years  for  its 
completion.  It  was  made  of  the  most  costly  materials,  and 
*  See  3  Kings  iii. 


n 


KINGS  OF  JUDA,  ETC.  55 

adorned  with  the  mast  beautiful  specimeni:  of  art.  Its  dedication 
took  place  in  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  year  of  Solomon's  reign, 
B.  c.  about  1000. 

The  king  built  also  a  palace  of  unrivalled  splendor,  and  foundcvl 
many  cities  in  various  parts  of  his  dominions.  One  of  them 
called  Tadmor,  but  afterwards  Palmyra,  subsequently  rose  to  a 
degree  of  prosperity,  that  made  it  one  of  the  most  conspicuous 
places  of  all  the  east. 

Finding  that  there  were  yet  in  Palestine  some  remnants  of 
the  ancient  Chanaanites,  Solomon  subdued  them  and  made  them 
tributary.  To  these  great  achievements,  he  added  the  reputation 
of  an  extraordinary  prudence,  which  gained  him  the  admiration 
of  both  subjects  and  foreigners,  and  of  extensive  learning,  not 
only  in  matters  connected  with  morality  and  religion,  but  like- 
wise in  the  various  branches  of  natural  history ►* 

Still,  however  splendid  were  the  gifts  of  nature  and  grace 
which  Solomon  had  received,  he  had  towards  the  end  of  his  life 
the  misfortune  to  be  seduced,  by  foreign  alliances,  from  God's 
service  into  the  impious  practices  of  idolatry.  He  died  after  a 
reign  of  forty  years  (b.  c.  975),  leaving  behind  him  a  serious 
doubt  whether  he  ever  rose  from  his  fall,  and  did  penance  for 
his  infidelity;  a  most  terrible  example  of  the  frailty  of  the 
human  heart,  showing  that  neither  talents,  nor  wisdom,  nor 
advanced  age,  nor  even  the  long  practice  of  virtue,  can  give  per- 
fect security  against  its  attacks. 


:s*-X — 


SCHISM  OF  THE  TEN  TRIBES 

KINGS  OF  JCDA  FROM  ROBOAM  TO  ACHAZ.— b.  c.  975—742. 

PROPHETS. 

The  death  of  Solomon  was  followed  by  the  separation  of  the 
two  kingdoms  of  Juda  and  Israel.  As  he  had  during  the  last 
years  of  his  administration  laid  heavy  taxes  on  the  people,  all 
Israel  came  to  Roboam,  his  son  and  successor,  earnestly  petition- 
ing for  their  suppression.  The  new  sovereign,  rashly  preferring 
the  advice  of  his  young  to  that  of  his  old  counsellors,  answered 
the  request  of  the  people  by  a  stern  and  threatening  refusal. 
Ten  of  the  twelve  tribes  immediately  withdrew  from  the  as- 
sembly, and  chose  for  their  king  Jeroboem,  a  man  of  great 
natural  talents  and  of  still  greater  ambition,  who  fearing  lest  his 
I  „     ^  3  KingH  iv. 


66  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  II 

subjects  should,  by  going  to  adore  in  Jerusalem,  return  to  their 
former  allegiance,  made  them  offer  their  worship  to  two  golden 
calves  which  he  set  up  at  the  two  extremities  of  his  kingdom. 
Thus  was  the  crime  of  idolatry  added  to  the  guilt  of  separation 
and  schism. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  the  impious  orders  of  Jeroboam  were 
not  obeyed  by  all  the  Israelites.  The  whole  tribe  of  Levi  and 
various  families  from  the  other  tribes  went  to  join  those  of  Juda 
and  Benjamin,  which  had  remained  faithful  to  the  royal  family 
of  David.  This  additional  force  greatly  increased  the  power  of 
Roboam;  still,  he  could  not  succeed  in  bringing  back  his  former 
subjects  to  obedience.  On  the  contrary,  in  punishment  of  his 
own  personal  infidelities  and  those  of  his  people,  he  had  the  new 
mortification  to  see  the  country  invaded,  Jerusalem  taken,  and 
the  public  treasure  carried  away  by  Sesac,  king  of  Egypt.  He 
died  after  an  inglorious  reign  of  seventeen  years,  and  was  suc- 
seeded  on  the  throne  by  his  son  Abias,  b.  c.  958. 

Under  the  last  reign,  hostilities  had  been  carried  on  between 
i,he  kingdoms  of  Juda  and  Israel ;  but  they  were  now  renewed 
with  greater  fury  than  ever.  Abias  marched  at  the  head  of  four 
hundred  thousand  chosen  men  against  Jeroboam,  who  himself 
had  an  army  of  eight  hundred  thousand  soldiers  full  of  resolu- 
tion and  courage,*  When  these  two  powerful  hosts  approached 
sach  other,  the  Jewish  monarch,  from  an  eminence,  began  to 
deliver  an  animated  exhortation  to  the  Israelites,  urging  them 
not  to  fight  against  their  brethren,  nor  to  resist  the  God  of  their 
fathers.  In  the  meanwhile,  Jeroboam  was  extending  his  army, 
with  a  view  to  surround  the  Jews  on  all  sides.  The  latter  per- 
ceiving their  danger  earnestly  implored  the  divine  assistance, 
and  after  the  priests  had  sounded  their  trumpets,  fought  with 
such  valor  and  success  that  there  fell,  on  the  side  of  Jeroboam, 
five  hundred  thousand  men.f  This  is  the  greatest  number  upon 
record  of  slain  and  wounded  in  any  battle,  whether  of  ancient  or 
modern  history. 

This  decisive  engagement  exceedingly  weakened  the  kingdom 
of  Israel,  and  gave  a  great  superiority  to  that  of  Juda.     Yet,  by 

*  The  vast  multitude  of  troops  in  these  armies  might, at  first,  appear 
almost  incredible,  especially  if  we  take  into  consideration  that  the 
united  kingdoms  of  Israel  and  Juda  did  not  equal,  in  extent  of  terri' 
(ory,  one  of  our  largest  States.  But  our  surprise  will  disappear,  if  we 
call  to  mind,  first,  that  every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms,  was,  in 
oases  of  necessity,  obliged  to  perform  military  service ;  and,  secondly, 
that  the  country  was  very  thickly  inhabited.  See  3  Kings  iv,  20;  and 
2  Paralip.  i,  9. 

t  2  Paralip.  xiii,  17. 


I 


B.  c  975—742.  KINGS  OF  JUDA,  ETC.  57 

anew  and  dcplurable  instance  of  the  frailty  of  man,  so  great. a 
blessing  of  God's  providence  could  not  induce  Abias  to  persevere 
in  the  way  of  virtue.  He  imitated  the  infidelity  of  his  father 
Roboam,  and  died  when  he  had  scarcely  completed  the  third  year 
of  his  reign. 

Asa,  his  son  and  successor,  was  more  faithful  in  the  service  of 
God,  and  constantly  evinced  great  zeal  for  the  extirpation  of  vice 
and  idolatry;  in  return,  the  Almighty  blessed  him  with  prosperity 
and  success  above  all  his  immediate  predecessors.  He  availed 
himself  of  the  peace  which  his  kingdom  at  first  enjoyed,  to  build 
and  fortify  cities,  and  to  raise  an  army  of  five  hundred  and  eighty 
thousand  valiant  men.  These  precautions  were  not  useless. 
Shortly  afti^r,  Asa  was  attacked  by  Zara,  the  Ethiopian  king, 
who  marched  against  him  with  a  million  of  soldiers  and  three 
hundred  chariots.  The  religious  monarch  was  not  dismayed  by 
the  sight  of  this  amazing  multitude  of  enemies,  but  trusting  in 
the  divine  protection,  fearlessly  went  to  meet  and  fight  them  in 
the  plains  of  Maresa.  His  hopes  were  fully  realized ;  the 
Ethiopian  king  was  completely  overcome,  and  although  the 
troops  under  his  command  endeavored  to  escape  by  flight  from 
the  fury  of  the  Jews,  they  were  pursued  with  immense  slaughter 
as  far  as  Gerara.  Their  defeat  not  only  rescued  the  country 
from  a  formidable  invasion,  but  also  put  the  conquerors  in  pos- 
session of  an  immense  number  of  cattle  and  camels,  and  othei: 
articles  of  booty;  many  cities,  likewise,  fell  into  their  hands. 
After  this  glorious  expedition,  Asa  and  his  army  returned  in 
triumph  to  Jerusalem. 

This  prince  is  reproached  for  having  in  the  end  failed' to  place 
full  confidence  in  God,  and  for  having  become  suspicious  and 
irascible.  Being  afilicted  with  the  gout,  he  died  after  three 
years  of  great  suflferings,  B  c.  914.  He  had  occupied  the  throne 
during  the  space  of  forty-one  years,  generally  with  great  advan- 
tage to  the  nation;  and  in  return,  the  people  paid  extraordinary 
honors  to  his  memory. 

The  reign  of  Josaphat,  which  lasted  twenty -five  years  (B.C. 
914 — 889),  was  still  more  glorious  and  happy.  Under  him,  th(3 
kingdom  of  Juda  reached  a  degree  of  splendor  and  strength  ap- 
proaching to  that  which  it  had  possessed  under  Kings  David 
and  Solomon,  when  the  twelve  tribes  were  yet  united  under  the 
same  government.  Josaphat  had  a  large  number  of  fortified 
places;  and  besides  the  garrisons  of  these  fortresses  or  cities,  he 
had  at  his  disposal  an  army  of  eleven  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
Band  men.*  His  alliance  was  eagerly  solicited  by  the  kings  of 
*  2  Paralip.  xvii,  14—18.     See  p.  5G,  note. 


58  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  II. 

Israel;  his  power  was  respected  at  home  and  abroad;  the  Philis- 
tines, those  ancient  enemies  of  the  Jews,  paid  him  tribute,  and 
the  Arabs  brought  him  considerable  presents. 

Josaphat  deserved  this  high  state  of  prosperity  by  his  valor, 
nis  constant  fidelity  to  God,  his  exertions  against  wicked  and 
idolatrous  practices,  his  great  zeal  for  the  religious  instruction  of 
his  subjects  and  his  impartial  administration  of  justice.  He  sent 
priests  and  levites  throughout  the  various  cities  of  Juda,  to  in- 
struct the  people  in  the  divine  law;  and  recommended  to  magis- 
trates and  judges  the  greatest  care,  disinterestedness  and  equity 
in  the  discharge  of  their  important  functions. 

Towards  the  end  of  his  reign,  Josaphat  was  unexpectedly  at- 
tacked by  the  Moabites,  Ammonites  and  Edomites.  In  this 
terrible  emergency,  he  had  recourse,  as  usual,  to  the  divine 
assistance  which  had  never  failed  him,  and  endeavored  to  secure 
it  by  public  prayer  and  fasting.  When  he  approached  the  camp 
of  his  enemies,  he  found  that  they  had  turned  their  arms  against 
themselves,  and  destroyed  each  other  to  the  last;*  the  whole 
plain,  far  and  wide,  was  strewed  with  their  dead  bodies.  The 
Jews  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  carry  off  their  spoils,  which  were 
so  great,  that  three  days  were  not  sufficient  for  that  purpose. 

After  this  new  miraculous  mark  of  God's  favor  to  his  people,f 
Josaphat  redoubled  his  works  of  zeal  and  piety.  This  great 
prince  enjoyed,  to  the  close  of  his  career,  the  respect  both  of 
foreign  nations  and  of  his  own  subjects.  He  died  at  the  age  of 
sixty,  after  a  reign  of  twenty -five  years,  and  is  justly  considered 
as  one  of  the  most  religious  monarchs  that  ruled  over  the  Jewish 
nation. 

He  however  impaired,  in  some  degree,  the  splendor  of  his 
reign,  by  entering  into  a  close  connection  with  the  family  of 
Achab,  king  of  Israel.     His  son"  Joram  married  Athalia,  the 

'■  Paralip.  xx,  22—24. 

f  Temporal  prosperity  is  not  of  itself,  and  independently  of  God^'a 
promise  or  special  interference,  a  sign  of  tlie  divine  favor,  nor  an  ap- 
proval of  the  religion  and  conduct  of  those  to  whom  it  is  granted.  We 
see  it,  on  the  contrary,  to  be  frequently  the  lot  of  sinners.  Nay,  we 
learn  from  almost  every  page  of  profane  history,  that  human  glory  and 
human  happiness  were  possessed  in  a  high  degree  by  several  idolatrous 
nations,  such  as  the  Assyrians,  the  Persians,  the  Greeks  and  the  Pvo- 
mans,  assuredly  without  implying  at  all  the  divine  approbation  of  their 
general  conduct  and  religious  worship.  But  the  case  is  altogether 
iiflferent,  when  liberation  from  imminent  dangers,  a  signal  victory,  or 
iny  other  temporal  blessing  is  evidently  the  effect  of  the  special  inter- 
vention or  miraculous  assistance  of  Heaven.  Such  was  the  case  with 
the  pious  princes  whD  have  just  been  mentioned,  David,  Asa  and 
loBaphat 


R.  0. 976—742.  KINGS  OF  JUDA,  ETC.  59 

(laughter  of  Achub;  this  marriage  produced  little  or  no  advan- 
rage  to  the  reigning  dynasty  of  Israel,  and  occasioned  inaumcr- 
al)Te  evils  in  the  royal  family  of  Juda.  Whilst  the  lormer 
kingdom,  by  its  perseverance  in  idolatry,  provoked  more  and 
more  the  just  indignation  of  Heaven,  and  rapidly  tottered  to  its 
fall;  the  latter  also,  by  frequently  falling  into  the  same  aisorder, 
Loiisidcrably  declined.  For  three  or  four  successive  reigns  after 
the  death  of  Josaphat,  the  history  of  the  Jewish  monarchs  pre- 
sents little  else  than  a  series  of  prevarications,  murders,  conspi- 
racies and  revolutions.  It  was  only  during  the  better  adminis- 
tration of  Kings  Azarias  (otherwise  called  Ozias)  and  Joatham, 
liis  son  (b.  c.  810 — 742),  that  the  state  partly  recovered  from 
its  losses  and  again  enjoyed  some  degree  of  happiness. 

The  reign  of  Ozias  beheld  also  the  commencement  of  that 
wonderful  succession  of  prophets,  whose  writings  form  a  consi- 
derable portion  of  the  Old  Testament.  During  the  dpace  of 
more  than  three  hundred  years,  these  holy  men,  filled  wiin  the 
spirit  of  God,  foretold  the  greatest  events  of  both  profane  And 
sacred  history;  the  destinies  and  revolutions  of  empires;  the 
vicissitudes  of  their  own  nation;  the  sublime  mysteries  of  the 
Now  Law;  the  Incarnation  of  the  Son  of  God  and  his  coming 
among  men,  together  with  the  various  circumstances  of  his  lix"e, 
death  and  resurrection;  the  foundation,  progress,  qualities  and 
perpetuity  of  his  church  on  earth  till  the  end  of  the  world,  and 
his  eternal  kingdom  in  heaven.  Some  of  these  predictions  are 
expressed  in  so  clear  and  obvious  terms,  that  their  inspired  au- 
thors seem  to  have  been  historians  rather  than  prophets. 

Even  the  kingdom  of  Israel  often  enjoyed  the  presence  of 
similar  holy  personages,  possessed  in  a  high  degree  of  the  two- 
fold gift  of  prophecy  and  miracles,  which  they  exercised  to  recall 
the  Israelites  from  their  evil  ways.  Such,  among  others,  were 
the  prophets  Elias  and  Eliseus,  in  the  time  of  King  Achab  and 
his  immediate  successors.  Nay,  one  of  the  prophets  (Jonas) 
went  by  God's  command  to  the.  idolatrous  city  of  Ninive,  to 
invite  its  inhabitants  to  penance.  His  preaching  there  was  ac- 
companied with  great  success,  and  furnished  a  striking  figure 
of  the  future  vocation  of  the  Gentiles  to  the  light  of  the  true 
fiiith. 


60  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  fl. 


EGYPT  DUPtlNG  TEE  SECOND  PERIOD. 

RISE  OF  CARTHAGE. 

Like  the  Jews  after  the  death  of  Josaphat,  Egypt^  ever  since 
the  reign  of  Sesostris,  had  greatly  degenerated  from  her  formci 
glory.  Of  all  the  Egyptian  kings  of  that  period,  not  more  than 
two  or  three  deserve  even  a  cursory  notice.  The  first  is  Sesac, 
of  whom  mention  has  already  been  made  in  the  history  of  the 
Jewish  kings,  and  who,  under  the  reign  of  Roboam,  the  unwary 
son  of  Solomon,  waged  war  against  Judea  and  plundered  Jeru- 
salem. His  army  consisted  of  twelve  hundred  chariots,  sixty 
thousand  cavalry  and  an  incredible  multitude  of  infantry,  in- 
cluding Libyans,  Ethiopians,  and  Troglodites  or  inhabitants  of 
the  countries  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Eed  Sea.  His  empire 
therefore,  (unless  all  these  were  mere  auxiliary  troops),  must 
have  extended  beyond  the  natural  boundaries  of  Egypt,  and  com 
prised  also  several  neighboring  nations. 

This  power  of  the  Egyptians  was  but  transient.  Under  the 
reign  of  Any  sis,  their  country  was  subdued  by  Sabacos,  the  king 
of  Ethiopia,  who,  however,  used  his  success  with  moderation. 
He  reigned  with  great  clemency,  and  built  several  magnificenl 
temples,  among  others,  one  in  the  city  of  Bubaste,  of  which 
Herodotus  gives  a  long  and  splendid  description.  After  a  reign 
of  fifty  years,  Sabacos  voluntarily  abdicated  the  throne  and 
returned  to  Ethiopia,  about  the  time  when  the  first  Assyrian 
empire  was  overthrown  by  the  Modes  and  Babylonians. 

But,  in  another  country  of  Africa,  there  arose  during  the  same 
period  a  new  state  which,  though  weak  in  the  beginning  and 
slow  in  its  progress,  was  destined  to  shine  with  great  splendor 
for  a  long  time,  and  to  rival  even  Home  itself  in  the  mastery  of 
the  world.  This  was  the  celebrated  city  of  Carthage,  founded 
by  Dido,  a  Tyrian  princess,  towards  the  year  B.  c.  880.  That 
princess  had  escaped  from  Tyre,  with  her  adherents  and  trea- 
sures, to  avoid  the  cruel  avarice  of  her  brother  Pygmalion;  this 
fugitive  colony  reached  by  sea  the  part  of  northern  Africa  op- 
posite to  Sicily,  and  having  purchased  a  certain  extent  of  ground 
from  the  natives,  built  upon  it  a  city  which  received  the  name 
of  Carthage. 

Its  inhabitants  were  obliged,  at  first,  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
princes  of  their  neighborhood.  But  when  their  strength  had 
increased,  they  shook  ofi"  this  yoke,  and  even  began  to  extend 
their  power  abroad  by  the  subjection  of  the  native  tribes,  and 


I 


EGYPT,  ETC.  61 

the  foundation  of  new  settlements  along  the  coast.  Although 
there  were  in  the  country  still  more  ancient  colonies  from  Phc- 
nicia,  such  as  Utica  and  Leptis,  these,  instead  of  being  jealous 
of  the  rising  preponderance  of  Carthage,  formed  a  sort  of  con- 
federation of  which  the  new  city  was  acknowledged  the  head- 
This  was  the  commencement  of  Carthaginian  greatness.  It  leads 
us  to  the  epoch  of  the  building  of  a  still  more  illustrious  city, 
viz. :  the  city  of  Eome,  the  future  and  successful  rival  of  Car- 
thage. 


TART    III. 

raOX   THK    BriLDINQ    OF   ROME  (b.  C.  753),  TO  THE    DESTHrCTION   Of    rKH 
BABYLONIAN   ASD    RISE    OF    THE    PERSIAN    EMPIRE    (b.  C.    030). 


BUILDING  OF  KOME.— b.  c.  753. 

The  peninsula  of  Italy  had  been  gradually  peopled  by  settlera 
from  various  countries,  chiefly  Greeks,  Gauls,  and  also,  if  we 
may  believe  the  Latin  historians  and  poets,  by  Trojans  led  by 
^neas.  Among  the  descendants  of  the  latter,  were  reckoned 
the  kings  of  Alba  in  the  province  of  Latium.  One  of  them, 
called  Procas,  had  two  sons,  Numitor  and  Amulius,  the  first  of 
whom  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne;  but  Amulius,  having 
obtained  a  strong  party,  dethroned  his  brother  and  reduced  him 
to  the  condition  of  a  private  citizen.  The  more  surely  to  deprive 
him  of  all  hope  of  ever  being  re-established,  he  put  to  death 
Egestus  or  Lausus,  the  son  of  this  unfortunate  prince,  and  com- 
pelled Ilia  or  Rhea  Sylvia,  his  daughter,  to  become  a  vestal 
virgin,  that  is,  a  priestess  of  the  heathen  goddess  Vesta,  in 
which  state  of  life  it  was  forbidden  to  marry. 

All  these  precautions  of  the  usurper  proved  useless.  Rhea 
Sylvia,  having  secretly  married,  gave  birth  to  twin  brothers,  who 
were  called  Romulus  and  Remus..  Amulius,  it  is  true,  in  com- 
pliance with  his  former  scheme  of  cruel  policy,  gave  orders  that 
they  should  be  drowned  in  the  Tiber;  but  the  helpless  infants 
were  saved  through  the  commiseration  of  Faustulus,  one  of  the 
royal  shepherds,  and  nursed  in  his  family.  When  they  had 
grown  up  to  adolescence,  he  acquainted  them  with  the  secret  of  j 
their  birth.  They  immediately  assembled  a  band  of  valiant] 
shepherds  and  hunters  like  themselves,  added  to  them  a  body  of  i 
their  grandfather's  adherents,  and  marching  at  their  head  against! 
the  usurper,  slew  him  in  his  vej-y  palace,  and  replaced  Numitorj 
on  the  throne. 

After  this  bold  achievement,  the  two  brothers  resolved  to  build 
a  city  on  the  same  spot  on  which  tliey  had  been  rescued  from 
62 


B.  c.  768.  BUILDING  OF  ROME.  63 

death,  and  so  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  their  dangers  and 
their  deliverance.  They  began  speedily  to  accomplish  their 
design;  but  jealousy  set  them  at  variance  with  each  other  before 
its  full  execution.  Having  an  equal  right  and  urged  on  by  equal 
ambition,  they  soon  formed  parties  against  each  other,  to  decide 
who  should  possess  the  principal  authority  in  their  rising  state; 
a  violent  contest  arose,  and  the  result  of  this  unnatural  struggle 
was  the  death  of  Remus,  who  received  a  mortal  wound,  perhaps 
from  the  hand  of  Romulus  himself. 

Freed  from  a  rival,  but  probably  guilty  of  fratricide,  the  sur- 
viving brother  completed  the  building  of  the  new  city,  and  gave 
to  it  the  name  of  Rome.  To  supply  it  with  a  sufficient  number 
of  inhabitants,  he  made  it  an  asylum  for  every  one  whom  guilt 
or  misfortune  might  compel  to  fly  from  his  native  country.  In 
this  manner,  there  were  soon  assembled  around  him  troops  of  in- 
solvent debtors,  fugitive  slaves,  discontented  people,  and  friends 
of  novelty.  Such  were  the  first  inhabitants  of  Rome;  and  this 
motley  band  of  adventurers  laid  the  foundation  of  an  empire 
which  was  one  day  to  conquer  the  world,  to  astonish  posterity 
at  the  mere  recital  of  its  stupendous  achievements,  and  to  pro- 
duce a  countless  number  of  profound  politicians,  able  generals, 
accomplished  orators  and  scholars,  and  great  men  of  every  de- 
scription. 

All  the  circumstances  just  related  are  not  equally  certain;  but 
there  seems  to  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  principal  facts.  Rome  was 
built,  according  to  Varro,*  the  four  hundred  and  thirty-first  year 
after  the  destruction  of  Troy,  and  the  third  year  of  the  sixth 
Olympiad  ;f  which  corresponds  to  the  year  B.  c.  753.  Some,  it 
is  true,  place  the  foundation  of  the  city  a  few  years  later;  yet 
V^arro's  opinion  is  more  commonly  adopted. 

The  beginning  of  Roman  history  being  totally  unconnected 

•  Marcus  Terentius  Varro  lived  in  the  last  age  of  the  Roman  re- 
public. He  was  a  friend  of  Cicero,  and,  for  a  long  time,  one  of  Pom- 
pey's  lieutenants.  As  a  scholar  and  a  writer,  he  is  thought  to  have 
been  the  most  learned  of  the  Romans,  and  is  often  quoted  as  such  by 
St.  Augustine  in  his  admirable  work  JDe  Civitale  Dei,  e.  g.  lib.  iv,  ch.  i ; 
Ti,  2;  xviii,  2;  xix,  22;  etc. 

f  An  Olympiad  is  a  period  of  four  complete  years,  so  called  from  the 
Olympic  games,  which  the  Greeks  celebrated  at  the  end  of  every  four 
years  at  Olympia  or  Pisa,  a  city  of  Peloponnesus,  in  honor  of  Jupiter 
Olympian.  These  games,  instituted  by  Hercules,  were  after  some  in- 
terruption re-established  by  Iphitus  (b.  c.  884).  However,  their  regu- 
lar return  was  not  yet  adopted  as  a  system  of  chronology  by  the  Greek 
historians ;  the  first  Olympiad  mentioned  by  them  in  the  computation 
of  time,  was  that  in  which  Coroobus  won  the  prize  over  all  his  com- 
petitors (b.  c.  775). 


64  ANCIENT  HISTOKY.  Part  III. 

with  thati  of  contemporary  empires,  we  will  give  here,  without 
interruption,  an  account  of  nearly  ail  the  kings  of  Kome,  from 
Romulus  its  founder  to  Tarquin  the  Proud,  under  whom  royalty 
was  abolished. 


ROMULUS.— B.  c.  752—715. 

Not  less  cunning  than  ambitious,  Romulus  succeeded  in  having 
himself  acknowledged  king  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
people,  and  began  to  exercise  the  functions  of  a  sovereign, 
though  not  of  an  absolute  monarch.  Whenever  he  appeared  in 
public,  he  was  preceded  by  twelve  lictors,  or  officers  carrying 
axes  bound  up  in  a  bundle  of  rods,  to  signify  that  in  him  resided 
the  greatest  executive  authority,  and  the  right  of  enforcing  the 
observance  of  the  laws. 

From  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  Romulus  divided  the  people 
into  three  tribes^  having  men  of  distinguished  merit  at  their 
head ;  and  he  subdivided  every  one  of  the  tribes  into  ten  curi'ce, 
Wth  a  priest  in  each  curia  to  offer  the  sacrifices.  This  division 
and  subdivision  of  the  people  was  extended  to  the  partition  of 
the  Roman  territory.  Thirty  equal  portions  were  allotted  to  the 
thirty  curiae,  and  so  distributed  as  to  provide  every  citizen  with 
two  acres  of  land;  two  other  portions  were  set  apart,  one  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  religious  worship,  the  other  to  form  a 
public  treasury. 

Romulus  afterwards  established  a  permanent  body  of  coun- 
sellors, to  share  with  him  in  the  direction  of  affairs  of  state.  Ho 
himself  chose  its  first  member,  leaving  to  each  of  the  three  tribes 
aud  each  of  the  thirty  curiae  the  election  of  three  members,  to 
be  chosen  from  among  the  most  distinguished  citizens.  The 
whole  number  of  senators  thus  amounted  to  one  hundred ;  it  was 
afterwards  doubled  under  Romulus  himself,  and  increased  to 
three  hundred  under  his  fourth  successor.  This  body,  so  con- 
spicuous in  the  history  of  Rome  for  its  wisdom,  prudence,  mag- 
nanimity and  firmness,  was  called  Senate,  from  the  Latin  sencxj 
which  means  "advanced  in  age;''  and  those  who  composed  itl 
were  called  patres,  either  for  the  same  reason,  or  because  theyj 
were  expected  to  watch  with  paternal  care  over  those  in  an 
humble  station.  The  epithet  conscripti  (conscript  or  enrolled) 
was  added  in  the  course  of  time,  and,  after  being  peculiai*  to 
senators  recently  elected,  became  finally  common  to  all. 

Besides  the  institution  of  a  Senate,  Romulus  founded  a  royal 
body-guard  of  three  hundred  horse  The  curiae  v/ere  directed  to 
choose  them  from  the  most   conspicuous  families,  ten  from  eaeh 


li  c.  752—715.  ROMULUS.  65 

curia.  They  were  to  be  always  ready,  not  only  to  accompany 
the  king,  but  also  to  march  at  the  first  signal  for  the  defence  of 
tiie  state.  For  this  reason,  they  were  called  celeres  (alert),  and 
al'torwards  took  the  name  of  Equites  (cavaliers  or  Jcnights) ;  but 
tliey  formed  a  distinct  order  of  citizens  only  towards  the  latter 
(lays  of  the  republic.  For  many  centuries  there  were  but  two 
classes  of  people  among  the  Romans,  viz. :  that  of  the  patricians 
(patre^),  or  hereditary  nobility  and  descendants  of  the  senators 
originally  appointed  by  Romulus  and  his  successors;  and  that 
of  the  2^l(^i>eians  (plehs),  which  comprised  all  the  other  citizens. 

The  patricians  were  exclusively  invested  with  the  honors  of 
priesthood,  the  care  of  sacred  things,  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice, all  civil  and  military  preferments,  and  the  right  to  pass  a 
final  decision  upon  every  affair  that  might  be  referred  by  the 
kiiig  to  their  tribunal.  But  the  plebeians  shared  with  them  in 
the  power  to  make  laws,  to  declare  war  and  peace,  and  to  elect 
the  sovereign,  the  magistrates  and  the  pontiffs.  In  all  these 
matters  the  people  voted  by  curiae,  but  the  resolutions  of  the  ma- 
jority had  no  force  till  they  received  the  confirmation  of  the  senato^ 

From  all  this  it  appears  that  the  original  constitution  of  Rome 
was  neither  purely  monarchical,  nor  entirely  republican.  The 
king,  the  senate  and  the  people  were,  in  some  measure,  placed 
in  a  state  of  dependence  with  regard  to  each  other.  This  mutual 
dependence  produced  a  balance  of  power,  which,  keeping  within 
bounds  the  royal  prerogative,  secured  at  the  same  time  the  rights 
of  the  senate  and  the  liberty  of  the  people.       __ 

To  prevent  as  much  as  possible  all  cause  of'dissensions  between 
the  patricians  and  plebeians,  Romulus  undertook  to  establish  a 
bond  of  union  between  the  two  orders,  by  a  reciprocity  of  services 
and  corresponding  obligations,  under  the  name  of  patronage  and 
clientship.  Every  plebeian  was  allowed  to  choose,  from  the  body 
of  patricians,  a  patron  or  protector,  and  to  become  his  client. 
This  contract  was  placed  under  the  sanction  of  the  civil  as  well 
as  religious  laws ;  and,  when  thus  sanctioned,  strictly  bound  the 
two  parties  to  benefit,  help  and  defend  each  other,  according  to 
their  relative  condition  and  to  the  nature  or  exigency  of  the  case ; 
and  so  sacred  was  this  mutual  obligation  in  the  eyes  of  the  Ro- 
mans, that  patrons  watched  over  the  interests  of  their  clients, 
and  clients  over  those  of  their  patrons,  as  if  they  had  been  re- 
spectively parents  and  children. 

When  the  empire  of  Rome  had  become  extensive,  patricians 
had  clients,  not  only  in  the  city,  but  also  in  other  Italian  towns 
and  even  in  distant  provinces.  The  nations  that  had  been  con- 
quered sought  to  place  themselves  under  the  protection  of  some 

6* 


86  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  III. 

ilhistrious  Roman  family,  and  commonly  chose  that  of  their  very 
conqueror;  a  practice  not  less  advantageous  to  the  vanquished, 
than  honorable  to  the  victorious  party. 

Romulus  made  several  other  regulations  for  the  improvement 
and  benefit  of  his  people.  Some,  it  is  true,  savored  of  inhu- 
manity or  despotism;  but  many  evinced  great  wisdom  and  fore- 
sight. He  encouraged  agriculture  by  every  possible  means,  and 
adopted  such  measures  for  the  stability  of  marriages  that  not  a 
single  divorce  occurred  in  Rome  during  the  space  of  five  hun- 
dred years,  from  the  time  of  its  foundation  till  after  the  close  of 
the  first  Punic  war. 

The  more  surely  to  increase  the  power  and  population  of  the 
city,  he  did  not  content  himself  with  offering  to  strangers  a  free 
asylum  within  its  precincts;  he  made  it  a  rule  to  spare  the  con- 
quered nations,  to  establish  a  social  intercourse  with  them,  and 
sometimes  to  grant  them  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Roman 
citizenship.  By  this  wise  conduct  he  succeeded,  after  defeating 
his  enemies,  in  rendering  them  allies  or  citizens  of  Rome,  and  trans- 
forming within  a  few  years  his  little  original  colony  into  a  state 
of  considerable  importance.  In  the  beginning,  his  army  con-, 
sisted  of  only  three  thousand  infantry  and  three  hundred  horse; 
but  at  his  death  the  infantry  amounted  to  forty-six  thousand, 
and  the  cavalry  to  one  thousand.  The  kings,  his  successors,  and 
after  them  the  leaders  of  the  republic,  followed  the  same  rules 
of  government  and  obtained  similar  results,  so  that  Rome  gradu- 
ally advanced  till  it  became  the  capital  of  the  world. 

But  there  was  at  first  a  serious  difficulty  in  the  way  of  its 
progress;  most  of  the  Romans  had  no  wives,  and  the  neighbor- 
ing nations,  through  contempt  for  them  or  through  fear  of  their 
rising  power,  were  unwilling  to  enter  into  any  matrimonial  alli- 
ance with  them.  Romulus  had  recourse  to  stratagem :  he  pro- 
claimed a  great  festival  and  solemn  games  in  honor  of  Neptune, 
to  which  he  invited  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  situated  near 
the  Roman  frontier.  Both  men  and  women,  particularly  the 
Sabines,  ran  in  crowds  to  the  promised  spectacle.  Whilst  their 
whole  attention  was  directed  to  what  was  passing  under  their 
eyes,  at  a  preconcerted  signal,  their  maidens  were  seized  by  aa 
armed  band  of  Romans,  who,  partly  by  force,  partly  by  kindness, 
prevailed  upon  them  to  become  their  wives.* 

*  We  relate  these  matters  as  they  are  found  in  the  generality  of  his- 
torians. Still,  it  should  be  observed  that  the  truth  of  several  incidents 
belonging  to  the  early  history  of  Rome,  for  instance  the  rape  of  the 
Sabines  and  the  various  wars  of  Romulus  or  their  circumstances,  ia 
questioned  by  many  able  critics. 


BC.  762— 7]5  ROMULUS  67 

In  the  mean  time,  the  fathers  of  these  virgins  had  left  the  city, 
fir(;tl  with  indignation  and  breathing^  nothing  but  vengeance. 
First  of  all,  the  Cecinians  took  the  field,  with  their  king  Acrou 
at  their  head.  Romulus  marched  out  against  them,  and,  slaying 
tlu'ir  leader  with  his  own  hand,  put  them  to  flight  and  took  their 
(•ity  at  the  first  onset.  Equally  capable  of  performing  great  ex- 
])l()its  and  enhancing  their  value,  he  retraced  his  steps  in  triumph 
towards  Rome,  vested  in  purple,  wearing  a  crown  of  laurel  on 
his  head,  and  holding  in  his  hand  the  arms  of  Acron  as  a  trophy; 
the  troops,  arrayed  as  for  a  battle,  chanted  hymns  in  honor  of 
their  gods,  and  by  their  military  songs  celebrated  the  praises  of 
the  conqueror.  In  this  order  he  advanced  towards  Rome,  where 
ho  was  received  with  every  demonstration  of  joy,  and  having 
designated  a  spot  on  the  Capitolian  hill  to  build  a  temple,  de- 
posited in  it  the  splendid  spoils  which  he  had  gained.  This  was 
the  origin  as  well  as  model  of  these  triumphs  subsequently  cele- 
brated by  the  Romans  with  so  much  pomp  and  solemnity. 

Romulus  defeated  with  equal  ease  two  other  tribes,  the  An- 
trinnians  and  the  Crustumerians;  but  the  war  against  the  Sabines 
proved  a  much  more  arduous  and  perilous  undertaking.  This 
nation,  besides,  having  a  larger  number  of  troops  than  their. in- 
cautious neighbors,  acted  too  with  much  greater  prudence  and 
energy.  Encouraged  by  the  presence  of  their  king  Tatius  and 
by  the  example  of  Mettius  Curtius,  a  general  of  undaunted 
bravery,  they  succeeded  so  far  as  to  make  themselves  masters  of 
the  Roman  citadel.  To  dislodge  them  was  not  an  easy  task, 
liomulus  fearlessly  made  the  attempt,  and  the  two  armies  en- 
gaged in  a  furious  combat,  the  issue  of  which  appeared  doubtful 
for  a  long  time,  although  the  advantage,  after  incredible  efi'orts 
on  both  sides,  began  to  incline  in  favor  of  the  Romans. 

At  that  terrible  moment  the  Sabine  women,  who  had  now  been 
three  years  in  Rome,  ran  to  the  field  of  battle,  and,  rushing  be- 
tween the  combatants,  entreated  them  to  desist  from  an  unnatural 
conflict;  or  else  to  turn  their  weapons  against  those  whose  mis- 
fortune it  was  to  have  been  the  occasioii  of  so  great  an  evil. 
They  were  willing,  they  exclaimed,  rather  to  suff'er  death  them- 
selves, than  become  widows  by  the  death  of  their  husbands,  or 
orphans  by  the  fall  of  their  fathers.* 

So  moving  a  spectacle,  and  words  so  impressive,  could  not 

■*  Hinc  patres,  hinc  viros  orantes,  ne  se  sanguine  nefando  soccvi 

generique  respergerent Si  affinitatis   inter  vos,   si    connubii 

piget,  in  nos  vertite  iras:  nos  causa  belli,  nos  vulnerum  ac  coRdiuiu 
viris  ac  parentibus  sumus.  Melius  peribimus,  quam  sine  alteris  vetj- 
triiin  viduse  aut  orbce  vivemus. — Livy,  b.  i,  ch.  13. 


i 


68  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III. 

fail  to  go  to  the  heart.  The  weapons  fell  from  the  hands  of  the 
combatants;  a  deep  silencie  ensued,  which  was  followed  by  tho 
conclusion  of  a  truce  between  th^  Romans  and  the  Sabines,  and 
soon  after  the  two  kings  passed  a  definitive  treaty,  by  which  it 
was  agreed  that  the  two  nations  should  be  blended  into  one 
people,  over  whom  Romulus  and  Tatius  would  reign  together 
with  equal  authority;  that  the  seat  of  government  should  con- 
tinue in  Rome;  and  that  the  city  should  therefore  be  enlarged 
to  receive  its  new  inhabitants.  All  the  conditions  of  this  treaty 
were  punctually  observed.  Their  fulfilment  gave  increased 
strength  to  the  state;  so  that  a  war  which  had  threatened  Rome 
with  entire  destruction  in  its  very  cradle,  proved  one  of  the  chief 
causes  of  its  future  greatness. 

Six  years  after  the  conclusion  of  this  treaty,  Tatius  was  killed 
in  a  private  encounter  by  the  inhabitaiits  of  Lavinium,  to  whom 
be  had  refused  to  do  justice.  By  his  death,  the  whole  power  of 
royalty  again  devolved  exclusively  on  Romulus.  He  made  use 
of  it  to  enlarge  the  Roman  territory,  and  to  conquer  all  his 
enemies  around,  whenever  by  their  attacks  or  depredations  they 
provoked  hostilities.  The  powerful  tribes  of  the  Fidenates  and 
Veientes  at  this  time  felt  the  strength  of  his  arms;  the  former 
he  entirely  subdued,  the  latter  he  compelled  to  sue  for  peace. 

Thus  Romulus  prospered  in  every  undertaking;  but  his  very 
prosperity  was  the  first  cause  of  his  ruin.  If  we  may  rely  on  the 
vague  account  of  historians,  he  became  haughty  and  despotic  in 
the  exercise  of  his  authority,  to  the  great  displeasure  of  the 
senators,  to  whom  he  now  allowed  but  an  insignificant  share,  if 
any,  in  the  government  of  the  state.  It  appears  also  that  he 
was  killed  in  the  senate;  but  a  rumor  was  industriously  circu- 
lated among  the  people,  that  he  had  been  taken  up  to  heaven 
during  the  horrors  of  a  dreadful  storm.  The  senators  took  advan- 
tage of  this  popular  belief  to  decree  that  religious  worship  should 
be  paid  to  his  memory,  and  caused  him  to  be  honored  as  a  god 
after  death,  whom  they  had  detested  during  life.  Romulus  had 
lived  fifty-five  and  reigned  thirty-seven  years. 


NUMA-POMPILIUS.— B.  c.  714—671- 

j      After  an  interregnum  of  one  year,  during  which  the  senators 
^  governed  the  state,  each  of  them  during  five  days  by  turn,  Numa- 

Pompilius,  a  Sabine  by  birth,  was  chosen  to  succeed  Romulus. 

He  was  a  man  of  remarkable  moderation,  and  did  not  accept, 

without  much  reluctance,  the  high  honor  conferred  upon  him. 

Having  at  last  been  persuaded  to  acquiesce  in  his  election,  he 


I.  r.  714-G71.  NUiMA-POMPILIUS.  69 

piactised  upon  the  throne  the  same  virtues  which  had  character- 
i/.(Hl  his  private  conduct,  and  directed  them  to  the  welfare  of  his 
pt'ople.  lie  constantly  endeavored  to  inspire  them  with  a  relish 
lor  social  principles,  respect  for  the  laws,  feelings  of  humanity, 
iK inency,  and  other  virtuous  dispositions.  His  efforts  supported 
1-y  his  example  had  an  excellent  effect,  and  greatly  contributed 
to  form  the  moral  character  of  the  Romans.  It  was  he,  above 
all,  who  gave  them  so  high  an  esteem  for  agriculture,  that,  for 
many  centuries  after  him,  magistrates  and  generals  were  often 
called  from  the  employments  of  a  country  life  to  the  highest 
station  in  the  commonwealth,  or  to  the  command  of  armies, 
whence  they  cheerfully  returned,  after  their  term  of  office  had 
expired,  to  cultivate  their  small  farms  with  the  very  hands  which 
had  saved  the  state  and  put  its  enemies  to  flight. 

One  of  the  chief  cares  of  Numa-Pompilius  was  to  settle  the 
laws  relating  to  property.  He  divided  among  the  poor  citizens 
the  lands  which  his  predecessor  had  conquered,  and  placed  the 
limits  of  estates  under  a  religious  sanction.  But  his  greatest 
labor  was  about  the  national  worship :  he  framed  the  entire  ritual 
of  the  Romans,  and  enacted  a  variety  of  regulations  for  the 
priesthood,  prayers,  sacrifices,  and  other  similar  objects.  His 
zeal  for  whatever  could  promote  good  order,  prompted  him  to 
procure  a  calendar  less  deficient  than  the  one  then  existing;  still 
his  own,  owing  to  the  imperfection  of  science  among  the  early 
Romans,  stood  itself  greatly  in  need  of  reformation.  This  was 
done  only  after  the  lapse  of  several  centuries,  first  by  Julius 
Caesar,  and  much  more  successfully,  at  a  later  period,  by  Pope 
Gregory  XIII. 

The  reign  of  Romulus  had  presented  an  almost  uninterrupted 
series  of  military  expeditions;  that  of  Numa  was  entirely  pacific. 
The  temple  of  Janus,  which  he  had  erected  with  the  intention 
that  it  should  be  open  in  time  of  war  and  shut  in  time  of  peace, 
remained  constantly  closed  under  him;  nay,  the  influence  of  his 
example  diffused  the  blessings  of  tranquillity  through  the  other 
parts  of  the  Italian  peninsula. 

Numa-Pompilius  died  without  any  apparent  disease,  at  the  age 
of  eighty-three,  after  a  reign  of  forty-three  years.  He  left  a 
grandson,  named  Ancus  Martins,  who  succeeded  Tullus  Hostil'oa 
the  immediate  successor  of  Numa. 


70  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III. 


TULLUS  HOSTILIUS.— B.  c.  G71— 639. 

After  the  death  of  Numa,  the  throne  was  for  a  short  time 
vacant;  at  the  ensuing  election,  the  choice  of  the  senate  and 
people  fell  on  TuUus  Hostilius,  a  distinguished  citizen.  During 
his  reign,  an  open  rupture  took  place  between  the  Romans  and 
the  Albans.  The  armies  of  both  nations  soon  took  the  field,  and, 
advancing  against  each  other,  met  at  the  distance  of  five  miles 
from  Rome.  Here,  in  order  to  avoid  an  unnecessary  efi"usion  of 
blood,  it  was  agreed  that,  instead  of  a  general  battle,  there  should 
be  a  combat  between  three  champions  from  each  party,  with  the 
condition  that  the  issue  of  this  contest  should  decide  the  fate  of 
the  two  armies. 

There  were  at  this  time  in  each  army,  three  brothers  of  great 
strength  and  valor,  the  Horatii  and  the  Curiatii.  According  to 
the  more  common  opinion  held  by  ancient  authors  and  adopted 
by  Livy,  the  Horatii  belonged  to  the  Roman,  the  Curiatii  to  the 
Alban  side.  On  these  devolved  the  honor  of  the  important  con- 
flict. They  advanced  from  their  respective  camps  with  equal 
resolution,  and  carrying  within  themselves,  as  the  historian  ex- 
presses it,  the  courage  of  two  great  armies.*  As  soon  as  the 
clashing  of  their  swords  was  heard,  all  the  beholders  were  struck 
with  awe,  and  awaited  the  result  with  breathless  anxiety. 

Soon  after  this  terrible  onset,  the  three  Curiatii  were  wounded, 
but  two  of  the  Horatii  fell  dead.  The  Albans  at  this  spectacle 
shouted  for  joy,  whilst  the  Romans  were  dismayed,  and  trembled 
for  the  surviving  brother  now  surrounded  by  his  opponents. 
Fortunately  for  him,  he  was  not  wounded;  and  although  un- 
equal to  the  task  of  fighting  the  three  together,  was  more  than  a 
match  for  them  singly.  To  separate  them,  he  retreated,  and  as 
the  Curiatii,  unable  to  keep  up  with  him,  were  soon  at  some  dis- 
tance from  one  another,  he  rushed  upon  the  nearest  and  slew 
him  on  the  spot, — and  successively  despatched  the  other  two 
Thus  almost  the  same  moment  which  had  witnessed  the  despair 
of  the  Romans,  saw  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  a  complete  victory 
won  by  the  prudence  and  intrepidity  of  their  warrior. 

But  the  victorious  youth  sullied  the  glory  of  his  achievement 
by  the  murder  of  his  own  sister.  Whilst  he  was  returning  in 
triumph  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  troops,  she  presented  herself 
before  him  bewailing  with  bitter  tears  the  death  of  one  of  tho 
Curiatii,  to  whom  she  had  been  betrothed.     In  a  burst  of  indig- 

^  Infcstis  armis,  terni  juvenes  magnorum  cxercituum  ariimos  gorentes, 
conciuTunt. — Livy,  b   i,  ch.  25. 


8.  c.  671-  639.  TULLUS  HOSTILIUS.  71 

nation,  he  pierced  her  witli  his  sword,  saying:  '^Thus  perish 
every  one  that  shall  deplore  the  death  of  an  enemy.''  Whatever 
provocation  had  been  given,  this  action  was  justly  pronounced 
fm  atrocious  deed ;  Horatius  was  condemned  to  die,  but  the  tears 
of  an  aged  father  and  the  commiseration  of  the  people  rescued 
him  from  the  severity  of  the  law. 

In  the  interim,  the  Albans  had  acknowledged  their  defeat  and 
professed  their  submission  to  the  Romans.  They  however  bore 
the  yoke  with  great  reluctance.  With  a  view  to  shake  it  off, 
^Ik'ir  leader,  Mettius  Fuffetius,  prevailed  upon  two  neighboring 
tribes,  the  Veientes  and  the  Fidenates,  to  declare  war  against 
Rome,  promising,  if  they  would  make  the  attack,  to  pass  over  to 
their  side  during  the  engagement.  In  consequence  of  this  pro- 
luiso,  hostilities  began,  and  a  battle  took  place  between  the 
Fidenates  and  Veientes  on  one  side,  and  the  Romans  and  their 
supposed  auxiliaries  on  the  other.  Mettius  gradually  withdrew 
his  forces  from  the  field,  leaving,  by  this  treacherous  movement, 
the  flank  of  the  Romans  uncovered :  Tullus,  informed  of  this 
act  of  perfidy,  cried  out  with  a  voice  loud  enough  to  be  heard  not 
only  by  his  soldiers,  but  even  by  the  enemy,  that  the  movement 
of  the  Albans  was  made  by  his  command,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  attacking  the  Fidenates  in  the  rear.  The  stratagem  had  its 
desired  effect;  the  confederates  wer£  terrified,  and  fled;  the 
Romans  fought  with  redoubled  ardor,  and  obtained  a  complete 
victory. 

At  that  moment  the  Albans  returned  with  their  leader.  Met- 
tius, not  having  dared  to  carry  out  his  treasonable  project,  and 
seeing  a  result  so  different  frum  what  he  had  expected,  congratu- 
lated Hostilius  upon  his  signal  success.  The  king  dissembled 
his  resentment,  but,  on  the  following  day,  caused  the  unsuspect- 
ing Albans  to  be  surrounded  by  his  armed  troops,  and  arresting 
their  general,  immediately  put  him  to  death.  He  then  razed 
the  city  of  Alba,  and  transferred  the  inhabitants  to  Rome,  where, 
by  being  blended  with  the  mass  of  the  Roman  population,  they 
lost  every  feature  of  national  existence. 

Tullus  Hostilius  undertook  many  other  expeditions,  m  all  ot 
which  he  was  victorious.  As  warlike  at  least  as  Romulus  him- 
self,  he  considerably  extended  the  power  and  territory  of  Rome, 
but  was  carried  off  in  the  midst  of  his  successful  career,  some 
say,  by  a  thunderbolt,  others  by  the  dagger  of  an  assassin.  He 
died  after  a  glorious  reign  of  thirty-two  years. 


72  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paut  IlL 


ANGUS  MARTIUS.— B.  c.  G38— 614. 

The  next  king  was  Ancus  Martins,  a  grandson  of  Numa ;  ho 
held  the  sceptre  twenty-four  years,  and  yielded  to  none  of  his 
.predecessors  in  ability  and  patriotism.  Equally  brave  and  reli- 
gious, he  repelled  all  the  attacks  of  his  restless  neighbors,  nay, 
succeeded  in  taking  many  of  their  cities;  whilst  he  was  not  less 
successful  at  home  in  reviving  the  respect  of  the  Roman  people 
for  religion,  the  laws  and  useful  institutions.  He  was  the  first 
to  build  a  public  prison  in  the  midst  of  Rome,  for  the  more  easy 
and  efiicacious  repression  of  crime. 

Another  enterprise,  equally  honorable  to  the  wisdom  of  Ancus 
Martins  and  conducive  to  public  utility,  was  the  foundation  of 
the  city  and  harbor  of  Ostia,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber.  This 
important  undertaking  was  the  first  step  of  the  Romans  towards 
the  establishment  of  their  maritime  commerce. 

Ancus  Martins  evinced  as  much  prudence  and  equity  in  hia 
conduct  towards  the  enemies  of  Rome,  as  he  displayed  activity 
and  zeal  for  the  government  of  Rome  itself.  It  was  his  practice 
to  send  them  an  embassy  before  hostilities  commenced,  and  not 
to  declare  war  against  them,  until  they  obstinately  refused  to 
give  satisfaction  for  attempted  inroads  and  the  wrongs  which 
they  had  inflicted.  This  moderation  appeared  so  wise,  that  it 
was  subsequently  imitated  and  became  a  national  custom  among 
the  Romans. 

A  premature  death  carried  ofi"  Ancus  Martins,  in  the  midst  of 
his  many  schemes  and  occupations  for  the  good  of  his  people. 

TARQUINIUS  PRISCUS,  OR  TARQUIN  THE  ELDER.— b.  c. 

G14— 578. 

Angus  Martius,  before  his  death,  had  intrusted  the  care  of 
his  sons  to  Lucius  Tarquinius,  a  Grecian  by  descent,  but  by  birth 
an  Etrurian,  who  had  come  towards  the  year  B.  c.  632,  to  settle 
in  Rome,  whither  he  brought  immense  treasures,  numerous 
clients  and  all  the  Etrurian  magnificence.  By  his  courage  in 
war,  his  prudence  in  counsel,  and  the  generous  use  which  he 
made  of  his  revenues,  he  soon  endeared  himself  alike  to  the  king 
and  to  all  the  citizens ;  hence  after  the  death  of  Ancus,  he  was,  in 
preference  to  the  sons  of  that  prince,  chosen  by  unanimous  con- 
gent  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne. 

Tarquin,  anxious  to  reward  his  ancient  and  to  acquire  new 
partisans,  increased  the  number  of  the  Roman  knights.    He  also 


B.  a.  678—634.  SERVIUS  TULLIUS.  73 

appointed  a  huiulrcd  new  senators,  and  ingiutiated  himself  raoro 
and  more  with  the  citizens  at  hirge  by  instituting  the  annual 

lies  of  the  circus. 

Having  thus  secured  his  power,  he  directed  his  attention  to 
\v.>rks  of  still  greater  utility.  The  most  conspicuous  of  thoso 
constructed  by  his  orders,  were  magnificent  aqueducts  to  provide 
the  city  with  water,  and  vaulted  sewers  to  convey  the  filth  of  tho 
streets  to  the  river;  these  sewers  were  so  stupendous  that  Home 
had  reason  to  boast  of  them  even  in  the  time  of  her  greatest 
gh)ry,  and  such  was  their  solidity,  that  they  have  subsisted  till 
the  present  day,  during  the  space  of  more  than  two  thousand 
four  hundred  years.  The  exterior  wall  of  the  city,  and  many 
other  buildings  equally  conducive  to  its  advantage  and  ornament, 
likewise  owed  their  existence  to  Tarquin. 

Home  was  thus  rapidly  rising  in  power  and  strength,  appear- 
ing more  and  more  like  a  queen  in  the  midst  of  the  neighboring 
cities  and  states.  Jealousy  soon  armed  them  anew  against  her; 
but  she  found  an  adequate  resource  against  their  attacks,  in  the 
ability  of  her  sovereign  and  the  bravery  of  her  people.  '  The 
Latins  seemed  to  have  renewed  the  struggle  only  to  supply  the 
lionians  with  an  opportunity  to  subdue  several  of  their  cities; 
the  Sabines,  in  their  turn,  were  prostrated  after  a  long  and  ob- 
stinate resistance ;  lastly,  a  powerful  confederacy  of  twelve 
Ktrurian  cities  was  compelled  by  a  series  of  heavy  losses  and 
defeats  to  acknowledge  the  superiority  of  Rome.  The  successful 
termination  of  each  of  these  three  wars  procured  for  Tarquin  the 
honors  of  a  triumph. 

He  had  now  reigned  with  great  glory  for  thirty-six  years, 
when,  according  to  a  general  opinion,  he  was  murdered  by  two 
vile  assassins  at  the  instigation  of  his  former  wards,  the  sons  of 
Ancus  Martius.  This,  their  tardy  vengeance,  is  by  some  reckoned 
among  fables,  or  at  least  doubted.  But  if  the  crime  was  really 
committed,  it  proved  of  no  avail  to  its  authors,  and  the  thrgoo; 
after  the  death  of  Tarquin,  was  again  occupied  by  a  foreigner. 

SERVIUS  TULLIUS.— B.  c.  578—534. 

The  rumor  of  the  king's  assassination  no  sooner  spread  through 
the  city,  than  crowds  from  all  quarters  ran  towards  the  palace 
Tanaquil,  the  widow  of  Tarquin,  spoke  to  them,  and  said  that  he 
was  not  dead  nor  mortally  wounded,  and  would  recover  in  a  few 
days;  but  that,  in  the  meanwhile,  he  directed  them  to  obey  the 
orders  of  Servius  Tullius,  his  son-in-law,  who  would  exerciso 
provisionally  the  functions  of  royalty.  This  was  a  mere  stratagcn:, 

7 


74  ANCILNT  HISTORY.  Part  lU 

intended  to  conciliate  respect  and  obedience  to  Servius,  and  hy 
this  means  to  secure  his  election.  So  it  really  happened.  After 
the  lapse  of  a  few  days^  the  death  of  Tarquin  was  divulged,  and 
Servius,  though  not  of  Roman  but  of  Latin  parentage,  was  pro- 
claimed king  by  the  assembly  of  the  people. 

It  would  have  been,  if  not  impossible,  at  least  extremely  dif- 
ficult to  find  one  more  worthy  of  this  honor.  Talent  and  expe- 
rience, generosity  and  valor,  all  combined  in  Servius  Tullius  to 
render  him  one  of  the  best  and  greatest  of  sovereigns.  Forced 
to  engage  in  a  new  and  protracted  war  against  the  Etrurians,  he 
baffled  all  their  efforts,  repeatedly  defeated  their  troops,  and 
compelled  them  to  abide  by  the  treaty  of  peace  which  they  had 
accepted  under  Tarquinius  Prisons.  As  to  the  Latin  tribes,  whose 
jealousy  so  often  prompted  them  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
Romans,  he  obtained  complete  control  over  them,  by  inducing 
them  all,  with  equal  mildness  and  skill,  practically  to  acknow- 
ledge Rome  as  the  head  of  the  Latin  confederacy. 

Servius  Tullius  was  still  more  admirable  in  objects  of  purely 
civil  administration.  He  instituted  the  census  which  was  to  ba 
made  every  five  years;  proposed  the  most  equitable  distribution 
of  charges  and  taxes;  established  the  easiest  and  safest  way  of 
giving  votes  in  the  general  assemblies  of  the  people,  and  published 
or  framed  a  variety  of  enactments  held  in  the  highest  esteem  by 
the  Romans.  Under  him  also,  and  by  his  direction,  the  city 
was  enlarged  to  such  a  degree  as  to  enclose  within  its  precincts 
the  seven  hills  so  famous  in  the  history  of  Rome. 

After  having  devoted  his  long  reign  to  the  promotion  of  the 
public  goodj  Servius  resolved  to  give  a  still  more  striking  proof 
of  his  disinterested  patriotism,  by  resigning  the  royal  power  into 
the  hands  of  two  supreme  magistrates,  to  be  elected  annually. 
His  death  prevented  the  execution  of  his  generous  design.  He 
was  cruelly  murdered  in  the  midst  of  Rome  by  Lucius  Tarquin, 
his 'son-in-law;  and  his  own  daughter,  Tullia,  whose  wickedness 
was  still  more  atrocious  than  that  of  her  husband,  carried  her 
inhumanity  so  far  as  to  make  her  chariot  pass  over  the  bleeding 
corpse  of  her  unfortunate  parent.  Such  were  the  two  monsters 
who  deprived  the  Roman  people  o^  an  excellent  monarch,  to 
prepare  the  way  for  their  own  tyranny.  He  had  reigned  forty- 
four  years.  But  though  his  death  was  in  itself  a  great  misfor- 
tune, yet,  through  a  special  dispensation  of  God's  providence,  it 
did  not  occur  till  the  greatness  of  Rome  was  permanently  esta- 
blished. 

It  is  certainly  remarkable  that  all  the  kings  who  reigned 
in  Rome  until  Tarquin    the  Proud,   were    eminently  qualified 


GRECIAN  COLONIES.  7fr 

for  the  duties  of  their  high  station.  All  of  them  rendered  signal 
BiTvices  to  their  nation,  and  even  the  diflference  of  their  geniug 
p.nd  dispositions  wonderfully  contributed  to  strengthen  that  stato 
us  yet  in  its  infancy,  and  which  might  otherwise  have  been  very 
much  distressed  and  confined  within  narrow  limits  by  the  jealousy 
of  its  hostile  neighbors. 

The  fii-st  of  these  kings,  Komulus,  prompted  by  inclination  as 
«ell  as  necessity  to  wage  almost  incessant  wars,  succeeded  in 
forming  a  warlike  and  hardy  race  of  people.  His  immediate 
mccessor,  Numa  Pompilius,  naturally  inclined  to  peace,  applied 
himself  with  equal  success  to  the  task  of  softening,  humanizing 
ind  civilizing  the  rude  and  wild  manners  of  his  nation.  Tullus 
llostilius  revived  their  martial  spirit.  Ancus  Martins  and  Tar- 
quinius  Priscus,  with  dispositions  equally  adapted  to  war  and 
peace,  promoted  at  once  the  different  institutions  and  views  of 
their  predecessors.  Finally,  Servius  Tullius,  during  the  course 
of  a  long  reign,  framed  a  new  plan  of  government  which  ap- 
peared so  wise  and  advantageous  that  it  was  shortly  after  adopted 
by  the  Romans,  and  lasted  as  long  as  the  commonwealth  itself. 


GRECIAN  COLONIES  IN  ITALY,  SICILY  AND  GAULT 


'^r- 


The  same  epoch  which  beheld  the  rise  and  early  progress  of 
Home,  witnessed  also  the  foundation  of  many  other  celebrated 
cities  in  Italy,  Sicily  and  Gaul.  The  spirit  of  colonization  still 
continued  among  the  Grecian  states;  but  the  tide  of  emigration, 
that  had  before  directed  its  course  principally  towards  the  east, 
was  now  turned  almost  exclusively  towards  the  west.  So  great 
indeed  was  the  number  of  colonies  which  they  established  in  the 
southern  part  of  Italy,  that  it  was  called  from  them  Great  Greece, 
Grsecia  Magna. 

Among  these  colonies  and  the  cities  to  which  they  gave  rise, 
the  principal  were  the  following: 

1.  S^harisj  founded  by  the  Achaeans,  and  built  towards  the 
year  b.  c.  720.  This  city  enjoyed  for  some  time  a  high  degree 
of  prosperity;  it  extended  its  jurisdiction  over  four  neighboring 
states  and  twenty-five  towns,  and  was  able  to  raise  an  army  of 
tihree  hundred  thousand  men.  But  it  was  still  more  noted  for 
the  effeminacy  of  its  inhabitants,  which  became  proverbial. 
They  were  moreover  divided  into  opposite  parties,  and  frequently 
fell  into  violent  disputes.  At  last,  one  Telys,  the  leader  of  a  fac- 
tion, obtained  possession  of  the  chief  authority  and  expelled  five 
hundred  of  the  most  distinguished  citizens;  these  exiles  fled 
for  refuge  to  the  Crotonians,  their  neighbors,  by  whom  they  were 


78  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  I  a 

kindly  received,  and  as  the  Sybarites  were  highly  displeased,  a 
war  broke  out  between  the  two  nations.  A  decisive  battle  was 
fought,  in  which  the  Crotonians  with  a  far  inferior  number  of 
troops  completely  overthrew  the  Sybarites,  and  pursuing  their 
advantage,  captured  and  destroyed  their  city,  after  it  had  stood 
more  than  two  hundred  years. 

2.  Crotona  had  been  founded  also  by  the  Achseans,  in  the 
year  b.  C.  710.  It  must  have  increased  very  rapidly  in  power 
and  population,  since  within  the  second  century  of  its  existence 
it  could  send  to  the  field  a  hundred  thousand  or  a  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  troops.  After  many  revolutions  and  vicissi- 
tudes, Crotona  fell  under  the  Roman  power  about  the  time  of  the 
war  against  Pyrrhus.* 

3.  Tarentumj  situated  near  the  gulf  of  that  name,  was  built 
by  a  colony  of  Lacedaemonians  in  the  year  B.  c.  707.  It  became 
one  of  the  most  wealthy  and  powerful  maritime  towns  of  the 
continent;  but  after  three  centuries,  it  began  to  decline,  and  was 
finally  subdued  by  the  Romans. 

4.  Locrium  and  Rhegiwnij  although  less  considerable  than  the 

*  Tills  city  gave  birth  to  many  famous  athletes,  among  others  to 
Milo  surnamed  the  Crotonian.  Several  facts  are  recorded  of  him, 
showing  that  ho  was  possessed  of  extraordinary  strength.  He  would, 
without  breaking  it,  hold  a  pomegranate  so  tight  in  his  hands,  that  no 
force  could  possibly  wrest  it  from  him.  He  would  stand  so  firmly  on  a 
discus  which  had  been  oiled  to  render  it  more  slippei-y,  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  move  him  from  his  position.  When  he  fixed  his  elbow  on 
his  side  and  stretched  forth  his  right  hand  fully  expanded,  with  his 
fingers  close  together,  except  his  thumb  which  he  kept  erect,  the  ut- 
most strength  of  man  could  not  separate  his  little  finger  from  the 
others. 

These  instances  were,  it  is  true,  nothing  more  than  a  vain  show  of 
Milo's  m.uscular  strength  ;  but  he  had  much  more  important  occasions 
YO  display  it  for  the  benefit  of  his  country  and  fellow-citizens.  In  the 
great  battle  which  the  Crotonians  fought  against  the  Sybarites,  he  was 
in  the  first  ranks  of  the  former,  and  by  his  herculean  exploits  greatly 
contributed  to  the  victory  of  his  nation.  On  another  occasion,  as  he 
was  with  many  other  persons  attending  a  lecture  of  the  celebrated 
philosopher  Pythagoras,  the  pillar  that  supported  the  ceiling  of  the 
room  happened  by  some  accident  to  be  shaken.  Milo,  by  a  vigorous 
effort,  supported  the  tottering  column  for  some  moments,  and  after  all 
had  left  the  room,  himself  succeeded  in  making  his  escape. 

The  end  of  this  famous  athlete,  if  we  may  rely  on  the  narrative,  waa 
very  distressing.  Seeing,  one  day,  as  he  was  travelling  alone,  an  oak 
tree  partially  split  with  wedges,  he  attempted  to  split  it  in  two  by  hiS' 
bare  strength.  But  after  forcing  out  the  wedges,  his  hands  were  caught 
in  the  trunk  of  the  tree,  owing  to  the  violence  with  which  the  parts 
closed;  in  this  situation,  unable  to  extricate  himself,  he  was  devoured 
by  wolves. 


GRECIAN  COLONIES  77 

cities  already  mentioned,  still  were  important  colonies.  The 
former  was  founded  by  the  Locrians  in  the  year  B.  c.  683 ;  and 
the  latter,  by  the  Chalcidians  in  the  year  B.  c.  G68.  Their  poli- 
tical existence  underwent  nearly  the  same  vicissitudes  as  that  of 
Crotona  and  Tarentum. 

Several  of  these  Graeco-Italian  states  were  greatly  benefited 
in  their  manners,  laws  and  governments,  by  Pythagoras,  Cha- 
rondas  and  Zaleucus,  three  able  legislators,  who  flourished  during 
the  sixth  and  fifth  centuries  before  the  commencement  of  the 
Christian  era. 

5.  All  the  colonies  just  described  occupied  the  southern  and 
Fouth-eastern  portions  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  On  the  opposite 
or  western  coast  was  the  very  ancient  colony  of  CumcBj  esta- 
blished by  the  Cumaeans  of  Lesser  Asia,  which  also  gave  rise  to 
many  considerable  settlements,  among  others,  to  Neapolis  or 
Naples,  the  present  capital  of  the  Neapolitan  states. 

G.  But  no  city  of  Grecian  origin  could  at  that  time  rival  in 
fiime  and  power,  Syracuse  in  Sicily.  It  was  built  by  the  Cor- 
inthians in  the  year  b.  c,  according  to  some,  709,  according  to 
others,  730  or  735.  An  admirable  position,  extensive  commerce, 
excellent  harbors,  walls  and  fortifications,  besides  the  multitude 
and  wealth  of  its  inhabitants,  rendered  Syracuse  one  of  the  most 
flourishing  and  powerful  cities  of  the  ancient  world.  Its  name 
will  frequently  recur  in  the  following  pages. 

7.  Marseillesj  in  the  southern  part  of  Gaul,  was  not  at  that 
time  to  be  compared  for  its  importance  to  Syracuse,  yet  it  held 
a  conspicuous  rank  among  the  western  colonies  of  Grecian  origin^ 
and  was  always  highly  esteemed  by  the  Romans,  those  excellent 
judges  of  social  and  political  merit.  The  greatest  men  of  anti- 
quity, such  as  Tacitus  and  Cicero,  bear  ample  testimony  in  their 
writings,  to  the  wisdom  of  its  government  and  institutions. 

It  was,  indeed,  generally  considered  an  excellent  school,  not 
only  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  but  likewise  of  politeness,  tem- 
perance and  other  civil  virtues.*  It  was  founded  by  a  colony 
of  Phocaeans  (inhabitants  of  Phocaea  in  Asia  Minor),  according 
to  some,  six  hundred  years,  but  according  to  others,  only  five 
hundred  and  forty  years  before  the  Christian  era. 

*  See  Tacit.  Agric.  cap.  4 : — Cicer.  Oral,  pro  Flacco,  n.  65 ; — Justin,  b. 
SUU,  c.  4,  5 : — Valer.  Maxim,  b.  ii,  c.  6 ; — Strabo,  and  Livy  passira. 


7* 


Y8  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  HI 


GREECE  DURING  THE  THIRD  PERIOD. 

We  must  now  return  from  the  Greek  colonies  in  the  western 
part  of  Europe,  to  the  country  by  which  they  were  founded. 
Oreece  will  now,  for  a  considerable  time,  claim  our  undivided  at- 
tention. What  we  have  particularly  to  notice  about  that  famous 
country,  is  the  political  situation  and  form  of  government,  1.  Of 
Sparta  or  Lacedgemon,  and,  2.  Of  Athens;  both  of  which  began, 
about  this  time,  to  appear  the  most  conspicuous  and  influential 
of  all  the  Grecian  states. 

SPARTA  OR  LACED.^MON.— LEGISLATION  OF  LYCURGUS. 

Not  long  after  the  Trojan  war,  the  throne  of  Sparta  was  oc 
cupied  by  two  brothers  called  Eurysthenes  and  Procles,  of  the 
house  of  the  Ileraclidae,  and  both  flimilies  continued  in  possession 
of  the  royal  prerogative ;  indeed,  this  new  sort  of  royalty,  however 
strange  and  variously  restricted  in  the  exercise  of  its  power, 
lasted  several  centuries.  The  nation  was  composed  of  three 
classes  of  people,  the  Spartans  properly  so  called,  the  Lacedas 
monians,  and  the  Helotes  or  Ilotes.  The  Spartans  were  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  and  the  principal  class,  having  at  their 
disposal  ail  the  privileges  of  the  state  and  directing  the  affairs 
of  government.  The  Lacedaemonians  were  the  inhabitants  of 
the  surrounding  province,  or  district  of  Laconia,  bound  to  pay  a 
tribute  and  to  do  military  service.  The  Helotes  were  slaves 
When  the  Spartan  kings  undertook  to  impose  a  tribute  on  the 
inhabitants  of  Laconia,  those  of  Helos,  a  maritime  town,  openly 
resisted;  being  subdued  by  the  force  of  arms,  they  were,  in 
punishment  of  their  resistance,  reduced  to  slavery,  and  doomed, 
with  their  posterity,  not  only  to  every  species  of  hard  labor,  but 
also  to  the  most  rigorous  and  frequently  inhuman  treatment, 
from  their  fierce  and  merciless  masters.  Their  name  of  Helotes 
was  afterwards  extended  to  the  other  Spartan  slaves. 

The  political  condition  of  Lacedsemon  was  attended  with  fre- 
quent disturbances  and  much  confusion.  This  state  of  things 
inspired  Lycurgus,  a  prince  of  the  royal  family,  with  the  desire 
of  undertaking  a  thorough  reformation  of  the  state.  To  qualify 
himself  for  this  important  and  arduous  task,  he  at  first  travelled 
through  those  countries  of  the  east  most  renowned  for  the  wis- 
dom of  their  laws,  such  as  Crete,  Asia  and  Egypt.  On  \m 
return  to  Sparta,  having  obtained  the  general  assent  of  the  citi- 
Ecns,  he  vigorously  set  about  the  execution  of  his  views. 


SPARTA— LYCURGUS.  7|| 

The  hereditary  succession  of  the  two  sovereigns  was  retained  , 
and  tliey  were  vested  with  equal  authority;  but  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  evils  of  despotism  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  excessive 
liberty  on  the  other,  Lycurgus  instituted  a  Senate,  composed  of 
twenty-eight  members  chosen  for  life,  to  hold  the  balance  of 
power  between  the  kings  and  the  people.  At  a  later  period,  the 
authority  of  the  senate  itself  appeared  too  great,  and  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  counterbalance  it  by  the  institution  of  a 
court  of  five  magistrates,  chosen  annually  and  called  the  Ephorif 
whom  the  law  invested  with  a  coercive  jurisdiction  even  over  the 
persons  of  their  kings,  in  case  of  misdemeanor. 

Lycurgus  undertook  next  to  banish  from  the  state  both  exces- 
sive poverty  and  excessive  wealth,  with  all  the  disorders  which 
are  their  usual  attendants.  For  this  purpose  he  persuaded  the 
landholders  to  put  all  their  property  together,  and  allow  a  new 
division  to  be  made  among  all,  in  order  that  they  and  their 
follow-citizens  might  afterwards  live  on  a  footing  of  perfect 
equaltty. 

This  scheme,  extraordinary  as  it  may  appear,  and  impracti- 
cable in  any  other  than  a  small  state  and  district,  was  unani- 
ihously  adopted.  The  lands  of  the  surrounding  district  were 
divided  into  thirty  thousand  portions,  and  distributed  among  its 
inhabitants;  those  properly  belonging  to  the  capital  were  divided 
into  nine  thousand  portions,  and  distributed  among  an  equal 
number  of  citizens.*  It  is  said  that,  some  years  after,  as  Ly- 
curgus was  passing  in  the  time  of  harvest  through  the  Laconian 
plains,  and  observing,  as  he  went  along,  the  perfect  equality  of 
the  quantity  of  corn  just  reaped  by  the  different  proprietors,  he 
turned  towards  those  who  accompanied  him,  and  said  with  a 
smile  :  "Does  it  not  seem  as  if  Laconia  were  an  estate  possessed 
by  many  brothers,  who  have  just  partitioned  it  among  them- 
selves ?"t 

The  better  to  sap  the  very  foundation  of  avarice,  he  prohibited 
Ihe  circulation  of  gold  and  silver,  and  ordained  that  there  should 
be  no  other  current  money  than  iron  coin,  the  value  of  which  he 
lixed  so  low,  that  it  required  a  whole  room  to  contain  a  sum 
equivalent  to  one  hundred  dollars,  and  a  cart  drawn  by  two  oxen 
to  transport  the  same  from  one  place  to  another. 

*  By  inhahitants  and  citizens  must  be  unierstood  heads  of  families. 
Reckoning,  on  an  average,  five  persons  for  each  family,  the  number  of 
portions  of  land  supposes  the  population  of  Sparta  to  have  been  forty- 
five,  and  that  of  Laconia  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  The  number 
of  slaves  alone  is  thought  to  have  exceeded  the  aggregate  amount  of 
the  two  other  classes. 

f  Plutarch  in  Lycurg. 


80  ANCIENT  HiSTORY.     J.^ Pakt  III. 

The  Spartan  legislator  gave  a  deadly  blow  to  intemperance 
and  luxury  by  the  institution  of  public  repasts^  at  which  all  the 
citizens  were  to  partake  together  of  plain  and  common  food  spe- 
cified by  law.  Black  broth  was  their  favorite  dish,  and  men 
advanced  in  age  preferred  it  to  every  thing  else  on  the  table. 
DionysiuSj  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  being  present  at  one  of  those 
meals,  found  it  on  the  contrary  very  insipid :  '^I  do  not  wonder 
at  your  dislike,'^  said  the  cook,  "for  the  seasoning  is  wanting.'' 
''What  seasoning?''  asked  the  prince.  " Running,  perspiration, 
fatigue,  hunger  and  thirst,"  answered  the  cook;-  "these  are  the 
ingredients  with  which  we  season  all  our  food." 

No  one  was  allowed  to  take  other  or  better  nourishment,  be- 
fore coming  to  the  public  dining-room.  All  the  persons  present 
took  particular  notice  whether  any  one  failed  to  eat  and  drink 
like  the  other  guests,  and  never  failed  to  reproach  him  with  in- 
temperance or  excessive  delicacy,  to  which  they  ascribed  his 
dislike  for  the  common  diet.  The  kings  themselves  were  obliged 
to  attend  these  public  meals.  A  long  time  after  the  enactment 
of  this  regulation.  King  Agis,  on  his  return  from  a  glorioua 
campaign,  having  taken  the  liberty  to  eat  at  home  and  thus  to 
dispense  himself  with-  the  general  law,  was  reprimanded  and 
punished. 

The  young  men  and  the  very  children  were  allowed  to  be 
present  at  those  public  repasts,  as  being  a  real  school  of  tem- 
perance and  wisdom.  Here  they  heard  discourses  on  grave  and 
interesting  matters,  and  saw  nothing  but  what  tended  to  their 
instruction  and  improvement.  The  conversation  was  often  en- 
livened with  ingenious  and  sprightly  raillery,  but  never  disgraced 
by  coarse  or  insulting  expressions;  nay,  if  any  thing  seemed  to 
wound  the  feelings  of  a  guest,  the  matter  was  immediately 
dropped  and  the  raillery  ended. 

The  education  of  youth  was  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  Ly- 
curgus'  legislation  :  he  would  have  all  children  brought  up  under 
the  eyes  of  prudent  and  experienced  persons,  who,  being  present 
at  their  diversions  and  other  exercises,  might  have  occasion  tc 
observe  with  exactness  the  spirit  and  temper  of  each.  But  this 
regulation  was  accompanied  by  another  of  a  most  shocking  and 
inhuman  nature,  on  the  subject  of  tender  infants.  As  soon  as 
a  child  was  born,  it  was  examined  by  the  elders  of  each  tribe  : 
if  they  found  it  strong  and  well  proportioned,  they  gave  orders 
for  its  education ;  but  if  it  appeared  deformed  and  weakly,  the 
unfortunate  being  was  condemned  to  die,  and  thrown  into  a  deep 
cavern  near  Mount  Taygetus. 

At  the  age  of  seven  years,  tlie  Spartan  boys  were  joined  into 


SPARTA— LYCURO  us.  81 

mpanies,  where  they  had  their  exercises  in  'jommon,  and  were 
trained  up  together  under  strict  discipline.  Their  education, 
properly  speaking,  was  only  an  apprenticeship  to  obedience 
While  at  table,  they  were  asked  different  questions,  and  obliged 
t'l  give  prompt  and  appropriate  answers,  conveying  in  few  words 
the  reason  and  proof  of  their  opinion;  hence  arose  the  laconic, 
thac  is,  concise  and  pithy  style  for  which  the  Spartans  were  so 
remarkable. 

As  Lycurgus  chiefly  desired  to  form  a  robust  and  manly  peo- 
\>\c,  the  principal  object  in  the  education  of  youth  was  to  accus- 
tom them  to  a  hard  manner  of  living.  From  their  early  years, 
iliildren  were  obliged  to  be  frugal  and  temperate  in  their  diet, 
to  go  barefoot,  to  lie  on  beds  made  of  reeds  gathered  with  their 
own  hands,  to  wear  the  same  clothes  in  winter  and  summer,  etc. 
This  kind  of  training  continually  inured  them  to  heat  and  cold, 
labor  and  fatigue.  They  were  also  taught  not  to  give  way  to 
peevishness  nor  to  be  afraid  of  darkness,  and  not  to  complain  of 
bodily  hardships  and  sufferings. 

Their  patience  and  fortitude  were  most  severely  tested  in  a 
certain  festival,  celebrated  in  honor  of  Diana,  where,  before  the 
eyes  of  their  parents  and  in  presence  of  all  the  people,  they 
suffered  themselves  to  be  whipped  till  their  blood  flowed  on  the 
altar  of  this  cruel  goddess.  They  sometimes  expired  under  the 
lash  without  a  groan.  Plutarch  informs  us  that  he  himself  had 
seen  many  young  Spartans  die  under  tins  cruel  flagellation;  and 
he  relates  of  one,  that,  having  stolen  a  young  fox  and  concealed 
it  under  his  garment,  he  suffered  this  animal  to  tear  out  his 
bowels  with  his  teeth  and  claws,  choosing  rather  to  die  than  be 
detected. 

It  plainly  appears  from  what  has  been  said,  that,  although 
Lycurgus  did  not  aim  at  making  the  Spartans  a  conquering 
nation,  yet  his  regulations  mostly  tended  to  render  them  a  race 
of  hardy  men  and  excellent  soldiers.  Hence,  it  naturally  hap- 
pened that  the  science  of  war  seemed  to  be  their  only  study,  and 
war  itself  their  favorite  exercise.  Instead  of  a  hardship,  it  was 
considered  by  them  as  a  relaxation;  for  then,  and  at  no  other 
time,  the  severity  of  their  usual  course  of  life  was  in  some  mea- 
sure relaxed. 

Their  first  maxim  with  regard  to  warfare  was  to  conquer  or 
die,  and  never  to  retreat,  how  great  soever  the  number  of  the 
enemy.  They  who  fled  during  an  engagement  were  rendered 
Infamous  for  life,  and  might  be  insulted  by  any  person  with  im- 
punity. 

The  Spartan  women  themselves  partook  of  the  stern  courage 


f 

82  ANCIENT  HISTOKY.  Part  111. 

of  their  nation.  One  of  tlieni  was  known  to  have  told  her  son 
to  return  from  the  battle  with  or  upon  his  shield,  that  is,  rather 
to  be  borne  back  dead  upon  it,  than  to  throw  it  away  in  flight. 
Another  having  heard  that  her  son  had  been  killed  whilst  fight, 
ing  for  his  country,  very  coolly  answered,  ''I  brought  him  into 
the  world  for  no  other  end."  This  was  the  ordinary  disposition 
of  the  Spartans  After  the  famous  battle  of  Leuctra,  the  result 
of  which  proved  so  fatal  to  their  power,  the  parents  of  those  who 
were  slain  in  the  action  congratulated  one  another,  and  went  to 
the  temple  to  thank  the  gods  because  their  children  had  done 
their  duty;  whereas  the  relatives  of  those  who  survived  the 
defeat,  were  inconsolable.  Such  was,  then,  the  distinguishing 
feature  of  that  stern  nation,  a  readiness  to  sacrifice  not  only  every 
thing,  however  dear,  but  even  every  natural  feeling  on  the  altar 
of  patriotism. 

Another  singular  though  very  politic  rule  followed  by  the 
Lacedaemonians  in  war,  was  never  to  pursue  a  vanquished  enemy 
beyond  the  field  of  battle.  Far  this  reason,  their  adversaries, 
certain  of  finding  safety  in  flight,  were  induced  to  combat  mth 
less  obstinacy.* 

When  Lycurgus  had  completed  his  work  of  political  and  civil 
reformation,  he  declared  to  the  people  that  he  had  to  undertake 
a  journey,  and  made  them  promise  upon  oath  that  they  would 
be  faithful  to  the  new  regulations  until  his  return.  He  then 
withdrew  and  condemned  himself  to  perpetual  banishment  from 
Sparta,  which  in  fact  he  never  revisited.  Thus  his  fellow-citizens 
remained  pledged  by  their  own  promise,  never  to  depart  from 
the  laws  that  he  had  enacted  for  them  and  their  posterity. 

These  important  changes  in  the  government  and  institutions 
of  Sparta  were  eff'ected  more  than  a  hundred  years  before  the 
period  which  our  narrative  has  already  reached;  but  it  seemed 

*  We  have  entered  into  considerable  details  on  the  laws  of  Lycurgus, 
as  the  only  means  of  conveying  an  idea  of  this  extraordinary  legisla- 
tion, and  of  its  effect  on  the  character  of  the  Spartan  people.  Lycurgua 
was  certainly  a  man  of  great  genius,  and  his  laws  must  have  been,  iu 
many  respects,  wise  and  excellent,  since  a  faithful  adherence  to  them, 
during  four  or  five  hundred  years,  gave  to  the  Lacedaemonians  a  great 
influence  and  ascendency  among  the  Grecian  nations.  Yet  this  same 
legislation  was,  on  several  points,  faulty  and  unnatural  in  the  extreme  ; 
for  instance,  with  regard  to  the  wretched  condition  in  which  it  left  the 
slaves,  the  inhuman  treatment  of  children,  and  many  other  regulations 
contrary  either  to  parental  feeling  or  to  common  decency.  These  in- 
stances, not  to  mention  others,  tend  to  show  the  weakness  of  human 
reason  when  not  guided  by  the  light  of  revelation,  and  the  immense 
distance  between  the  best  code  of  human  laws,  and  the  soundness, 
mii«lness  and  purity  of  Christian  principles. 


MESSENIAN  WARS.  83 

0  us  proper  to  mention  them  in  connection  with  the  time  when 
heir  exterior  effects  began  to  appear.  Favorable  occasions  w^ro 
lecessary  to  show  how  hardy  a  race  the  Lacedaimonians  were 
mdcr  the  discipline  established  by  Lycurgus ;  these  occasions 
^iwsentcd  themselves  in  the  different  wars  they  undertook,  first 
i-ainst  the  Argives,  and  next  against  the  Messenians. 

CONTEST  BETWEEN  THE  SPARTANS  AND  THE  ARGIVES. 

Under  the  reign  of  king  Theopompus,  or,  according  to  others, 
finder  Zeuxidames,  his  successor,  (towards  the  year  b.  c.  723),  a 
dispute  arose  between  the  Argives  and  Spartans  concerning  the 
limits  of  their  respective  states.  When  the  two  armies  came  in 
sight  of  each  other,  through  a  desire  of  avoiding  a  general  battle 
and  considerable  bloodshed,  a  proposal  was  made  and  adopted, 
tliat  the  quarrel  should  be  decided  by  three  hundred  champions 
on  each  side.  The  combat  which  took  place  between  these  brave 
soldiers  was  so  fierce  and  conducted  with  such  animosity,, that 
three  only  of  the  whole  number  survived,  two  Argives,  and  one 
L:iced8eraonian;  nor  did  they  desist,  until  forced  to  do  so  by  the 
darkness  of  the  ensuing  night. 

The  two  Argives,  considering  themselves  victorious,  went  back 
in  great  haste  to  carry  the  glad  tidings  to  their  fellow-citizens. 
The  Lacedaemonian  soldier,  however,  remained  on  the  field,  and 
occupied  himself  in  carrying  to  the  Spartan  camp  the  arms  of  the 
Argives  who  had  fallen  in  the  bloody  conflict.  On  the  following 
day,  when  both  armies  reappeared,  a  new  subject  of  dispute 
arose,  to  which  side  victory  belonged.  The  Argives  claimed  it 
in  virtue  of  the  greater  number  of  surviving  combatants  on  their 
bide;  and  the  Lacedaemonians  claimed  it,  under  the  plea  that 
iheir  champion  had  remained  master  of  the  field. 

These  conflicting  pretensions  could  not  be  adjusted  but  by 
coming  to  a  general  engagement.  Victory  declared  for  the  Spar- 
tans, and  the  limits  contended  for  were  consequently  settled  to 
their  advantage. 


MESSENIAN  WARS. 


w 


There  were  several  bloody  wars  between*  the  Spartan  people 
and  the  Messenians  their  neighbors.  The  first  lasted  twenty 
years,  from  the  year  b.  c.  743  to  723.  It  produced  a  variety  of 
obstinate  engagements,  in  which  success  was  nearly  equal  ou 
both  sides;  still,  as  the  Messenians  could  not  so  easily  recruit  theii 
forces  as  their  enemy,  the  result  at  length  turned  agains't  them^ 


a  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IIL 

and    lliej    were    obliged    to   conclude   a   very    disadvantageous 
peace. 

Their  submission,  being  a  forced  one,  could  not  be  considered 
permanent.  These  unhappy  people,  goaded  to  desperation  by 
the  inhuman  treatment  and  oppression  of  their  conquerors,  again 
took  up  arms  to  free  themselves  from  so  galling  a  yoke.  ^J'hey 
were  now  the  more  firmly  resolved  to  make  every  exertion  in 
their  power,  as  they  had  only  to  imitate  the  heroic  example  and 
dispositions  of  their  present  leader  Aristomenes,  a  prince  of  their 
royal  family,  of  generous  and  noble  feelings,  exalted  patriotism, 
and  a  sagacious,  bold,  enterprising  and  intrepid  mind,  whom  no 
reverse  could  subdue,  no  danger  appal,  no  obstacle  deter  from 
vindicating  the  freedom  of  his  country. 

The  struggle  was  renewed  with  increased  animosity.  The 
Argives  and  Arcadians,  alarmed  at  the  growing  pretensions  and 
ascendency  of  Sparta,  joined  the  Messenians  against  this  ambi- 
tious city,  and  the  energy  with  which  they  made  their  first 
attacks  seemed  destined  to  be  crowned  with  success.  Three 
times  in  succession  the  Lacedaemonians  were  signally  defeated. 
They  had  lost  almost  all  courage,  when  their  drooping  spirits 
were  again  revived  by  the  animated  exhortations  of  the  poet 
Tyrt93us,  the  only  succor  they  had  been  able  to  obtain  from  the 
Athenians.  In  a  fourth  battle  they  were  completely  victorious. 
The  loss  of  the  Messenians  was  immense;  and  all  the  exertions 
of  Aristomenes,  at  the  head  of  a  few  warriors,  all  his  undaunted 
courage  and  frequent  partial  successes,  could  not  save  his  beloved 
country  from  entire  subjection.  He  then  resolved  to  visit  foreign 
courts,  probably  for  the  purpose  of  everywhere  raising  up  enemies 
against  the  oppressors  of  Messenia ;  but  this  great  man,  the 
Annibal  of  his  age,  died  before  he  could  accomplish  his  design. 
The  remnant  of  the  Messenians  were  either  reduced  to  the  con- 
dition of  slaves,  or  went  over  to  the  island  of  Sicily,  where  they 
occupied  the  city  of  Zancles,  afterwards  called  from  their  name 
Messina  or  Messana. 

The  second  Messenian  war  lasted  fourteen  years  from  the  year 
B.  c.  684  to  670.  Its  final  result  confirmed  the  preponderance 
of  Lacedaemon  in  all  sontiiern  Greece. 


ATHENS,  ETC.  86 


^4r" 


ATHENS:  ITS  REVOLUTIOxNS  AND  GOVERNxMENT.  • 
SOLON— nSISTRATUS. 

There  could  be  nothing  more  completely  at  variance  with  the 
mde,  stern,  uniform  character  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  than  the 
lively,  polished  and  naturally  humane,  though  inconstant  spirit 
of  the  Athenians.  Athens,  their  capital  and  the  great  rival  of 
Lacedaemon,  had  subsisted  for  a  long  time  as  an  hereditary, 
though  limited  monarchy.  After  the  reign  of  Codrus,  who  in  a 
war  devoted  himself  to  death  for  his  subjects,  the  Atheniana 
abolished  royalty,  and  instead  of  kings,  appointed  mere  magis- 
trates to  govern  them  under  the  name  of  archons.  The  au- 
thority of  these  rulers  was  first  intended  to  last  for  life,  but  was 
afterwards  made  to  last  ten  years,  and  finally  confined  to  one 
year  only. 

The  power  of  these  magistrates  proved  insufficient  to  control 
the  minds  of  a  restless  people.  The  disturbances  and  factions 
which  continually  agitated  the  state,  prompted  the  Athenians  to 
seek  liberty  and  happiness  in  a  new  legislation;  the  task  of 
framing  a  code  of  laws  was  committed  to  Draco,  a  person  of  ac- 
knowledged wisdom  and  integrity  (b.  C.  624).  He  indeed  per- 
formed that  task;  but  the  laws  which  he  enacted  were  so  severe,* 
4hat  they  either  could  n^t  be  put  in  execution,  or  soon  fell  into 
disuse,  and  the  disorders  of  the  state  continued  as  great  as  ever. 

To  remedy  this  train  of  evils,  the  AtbeniaDS  had  recourse  to 
Solon,  a  descendant  of  Codrus,  the  last  Athenian  king.  His 
well-known  tal'ents  and  insinuating  manners  had  already  won  for 
him  the  respect  and  afi'ection  of  the  whole  city.  He  was  ap- 
pointed archon  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  all  parties,  and  was 
desired  at  the  same  time  to  be  their  common  arbiter  and  legis- 
lator. 

Invested  with  full  authority,  Solon  annulled  first  all  the 
statutes  of  Draco,  except  the  law  which  inflicted  capital  punish- 
ment for  the  crime  of  murder.  It  may  not  be  amiss  to  remark 
that  this  crime  was  held  in  such  horror  by  the  Athenian  magis- 
trates, tint  they  would  not  pardon  any  thing  that  appeared  to 
have  the  remotest  tendency  to  its  perpetration.  On  one  occasion 
particularly,   their  famous  tribunal,  called  the  Areopagus,  pro- 

*  According  to  the  laws  of  Draco,  small  offences  as  well  as  great 
crimes  were  to  be  punished  with  death.  His  reason  for  this  strange 
legislation  was,  that  the  former  faults  appeared  to  him  worthy  of  death, 
*nd  he  had  no  heavier  penalty  to  propose  for  the  latter 

8 


86  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III 

nounced  sontence  of  death  on  a  young  boy  who  had  been  seen  f.o 
take  pleasure  in  cruelly  pricking  the  eyes  of  birds ;  this  cruel 
disposition  made  them  fear  lest  he  should  afterwards  become  a 
scourge  in  society.  However  no  enactment  was  made  against 
the  still  more  enormous  guilt  of  parricide,  because  Solon  con- 
sidered it  a  crime  hitherto  unknown  and  virtually  impossible,  of 
which  it  was  better  therefore  to  make  no  mention. 

The  legislator  of  Athens  did  not  think  it  advisable,  as  Ly-JI 
curgus  had  done  at  Lacedgemon,  to  divide  the  lands  of  Attica  ■ 
equally  among  the  citizens;  but  he  took  efl&cient  measures  of 
another  sort,  to  deliver  the  poorer  classes  from  the  state  of 
misery  and  bondage  to  which  their  debts  had  reduced  them.  In 
Sparta,  the  almost  exclusive  occupation  of  youth  consisted  in 
bodily  and  military  exercises,  and  naturally  led  to  a  life  of  war- 
fare; but  Solon  endeavored  to  inspire  the  Athenians  with  other 
sentiments.  Without  damping  the  martial  ardor  which  they  so 
often  evinced  on  the  battle-field,  his  principal  aim  was  to  give 
them  a  relish  for  commercial  enterprise,  works  of  industry,  and 
all  the  arts  of  peace.  His  exertions  were  perfectly  successful. 
No  city  was  ever  more  distinguished  than  Athens  for  master- 
pieces in  all  the  fine  arts ;  no  people  of  antiquity  more  sagacious, 
more  polished  and  more  refined  than  the  Athenians.  The  deli- 
cacy of  their  taste,  feeling  and  language  was  astonishing,  and 
could  be  traced  even  in  the  lowest  classes  of  society ;  as  an  in- 
stance, it  is  related  that  a  market-woman  discovered  the  cele- 
brated Theophrastes  to  be  a  stranger,  merely  on  account  of  a 
slight  accent  in  his  pronunciation. 

Solon  divided  all  the  citizens  of  Athens  into  four  classes,  threo 
of  the  rich,  and  one  of  the  poor.  He  left  the  rich  in  the  exclu- 
sive possession  of  all  state  offices,  employments  and  magistracies; 
but,  to  make  up  for  this  exclusion  of  the  poor  from  the  executive 
government,  he  gave  them  the  right  of  voting  in  public  assem- 
blies. This  privilege  might,  at  first,  be  deemed  of  little  conse- 
quence; yet,  on  account  of  the  great  number  of  persons  who 
composed  this  fourth  class,  it  happened  to  be  the  most  important 
of  all,  since  the  greatest  affairs  of  state,  those  connected  with 
war  and  peace,  the  choice  of  magistrates,  important  trials  and 
judgments,  etc.,  were  to  be  decided  in  the  assemblies  of  the 
people.  But  in  order  to  preserve  a  sort  of  equilibrium  and  to 
prepare  the  way  for  prudent  decisions,  a  council  of  four  hundred 
members  was  established,  with  senatorial  authority  and  a  proviso 
that  no  subject  could  be  discussed  in  the  general  assemblies  cf 
the  citizens,  which  had  not  previously  received  the  sanclion  of 
the  four  hundred. 


ATHENS,  ETC.  87 


^  Solon,  moreover,  greatly  improved  the  constitutioh  and  enlarged 
the  powers  of  the  Areopagus.  lie  made  it  a  supreme  court  of 
judicature,  with  a  right  of  censorship  on  public  morals,  and  the 
momentous  charge  of  enforcing  the  execution  of  laws,  of  which 
it  was  constituted  the  guardian.  As  in  compliance  with  the 
Athenian  legislation,  none  were  admitted  as  members  of  this  tri- 
bunal, except  men  of  superior  integrity,  wisdom  and  experience, 
it  soon  became  the  most  respectable  and  the  most  respected  body 
id  the  world.  Such  was  its  reputation  for  justice  and  sagacity, 
that  the  Romans  themselves  referred  to  its  decision  certain  casea 
which  seemed  too  intricate  and  difficult  for  them  to  solve.  The 
only  object  which  this  august  senate  had  in  view,  was  to  ascer- 
tain the  truth.  That  external  objects  might  not  distract  the 
attention  of  the  judges,  they  held  their  sessions  during  the  night, 
or  at  least  in  a  dark  place;  and  the  orators  were  not  allowed  tc 

;  make  use  of  any  exordium,  peroration,  or  digression. 

:  The  various  duties  or  transactions  of  domestic  and  social  life^ 
had  also  a  considerable  share  in  Solon's  code  of  laws.    He  enacted 

,  on  these  interesting  objects,  a  great  number  of  regulations,  most 

i  of  them  showing  great  ability  and  foresight,  and  if  not  the  best 
in  themselves,  and  in  their  intrinsic  worth,  at  least  the  best,  said 
he,  that  the  Athenians  were  capable  of  receiving.  Having  com- 
pleted his  laws,  he  caused  the  people  to  swear  fidelity  to  them 
for  a  hundred  years,  and  in  order  that  their  various  enactments 
might  acquire  additional  strength  from  usage,  withdrew  for  a 
time  from  his  country.  He  remained  absent  during  ten  years, 
ffhich  he  spent  in  travelling,  increasing  his  knowledge  and  ex- 
perience, and  making  some  stay  ia  the  most  renowned  kingdoms 
of  the  east,  I>ydia,  Egypt,  etc. 

On  his  return,  he  found  Athens  again  distracted  by  civil  feuds 
and  factions.  Soon  after,  he  had  the  grief  to  see  its  liberties 
subverted  by  the  usurpation  of  Pisistratus,  himself  an  Athenian, 
who,  under  the  veil  of  moderation  and  beneficence,  cherished  an 
unbounded  ambition.  This  artful  man,  possessed  of  great  riches, 
distributed  presents  among  Jhe  poor  citizens  with  lavish  munifi- 
cence. His  liberality,  his  eloquence,  and  the  afi'ability  of  his 
manners,  won  for  him  the  favor  of  the  common  people;  and  he 
bad  the  art  to  persuade  thera  that  the  popularity  which  he  en- 
joyed had  so  far  rendered  him  odious  to  the  nobles,  as  to  make 
a  body-guard  necessary  for  his  personal  safety. 

The  more  surely  to  obtain  what  he  desired,  Pisistratus  inflicted 
on  himself  several  wounds,  and  whilst  his  body  was  covered  with 
blood,  caused  himself  to  be  transported  in  a  chariot  to  the  market 
place,  where  ho  roused  the  beholders  to  indignation,  by  giving 


88  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  III. 

them  to  understand  that  he  had  been  thus  treated  by  his  enemift.a 
on  account  of  his  earnest  zeal  for  the  good  of  the  people.  A 
numerous  assembly  was  immediately  convened,  who  resolved,  in 
spite  of  all  the  remonstrances  of  Solon  to  the  contrary,  that  fifty 
guards  should  be  allowed  to  Pisistratus  for  the  security  of  hia 
person.  The  crafty  usurper  soon  increased  the  number  to  six 
hundred,  and  having  with  their  assistance  taken  possession  of  the 
citadel,  made  himself  absolute  master  of  Athens  (b.  c.  561). 

Solon  did  not  survive  this  new  revolution  more  than  two 
years.  Unable  to  prevent  the  usurpation,  he  endeavored,  at 
.least,  to  avert  its  evil  consequences,  and  in  this  respect  he  was 
far  more  successful.* 

Pisistratus  sincerely  and  perfectly  agreed  with  him  about  a 
moderate  use  of  the  sovereign  authority,  no  matter  in  whom  it 
might  happen  to  reside.  The  power  which  he  had  illegally  ac- 
quired, was  administered  with  equity  and  mildness.  Literature 
and  industry,  agriculture  and  commerce,  received  from  him  every 
encouragement.  The  city  was  greatly  embellished  by  his  carejj 
the  distress  of  the  needy  and  afflicted  was  relieved  by  his  prudent] 
liberality.  In  a  word,  like  Solon  himself,  though  by  different! 
means,  he  ceased  not  to  promote,  by  his  exertions,  the  splendor 
of  Athens  and  the  happiness  of  the  Athenian  people. 

The  important  changes  and  events  that  followed  in  Greece  the  ■ 
death  of  Pisistratus,  will  be  related  at  full  length  in  anotherl: 
place,  when  we  have  mentioned  those  which  happened  about  this ' 
time  in  other  parts  of  the  eastern  world. 

*  Such  is  the  account  given  by  Plutarch,  Rollin,  etc.,  of  the  latter 
years  of  Solon;  but  others  say  that  he  went  into  voluntary  exile,  where 
he  died  at  an  advanced  age.  His  great  political  wisdom,  far  more 
than  his  private  conduct,  gave  him  a  conspicuous  rank  among  the  seven 
eages  of  Greece.  The  six  others,  all  of  them  his  contemporaries,  were 
Thales  of  Miletus,  a  distinguished  philosopher  and  astronomer ;  Chile 
of  Lacedaemon  ;  Pittacus  of  Lesbos  ;  Clet)bulus  of  Caria,  or  of  the  island 
of  Rhodes ;  Bias  of  Priaena ;  and  Periander  of  Corinth,  or  Anacharsis 
the  Scythian,  whom  the  Greeks  themselves  admired  for  his  prudenoe^i 
experience  and  learning. 


0  747— G20.  KINGS  OF  NINIVE. 


SECOND  ASSYRIAN,  AFTERWARDS  BABYLONIAN 
EMPIRE : 

C0:MPRIS1NG  also  the  contemporary  history  of  the  MEDE8, 
ISRAELITES,   JEWS   AND   EGYPTIANS. 

The  dismemberment  of  the  first  Assyrian  empire,  subsequent 
to  the  capture  of  Ninive,  (see  page  49),  gave  rise  to  three 
great  states,  namely.  Media  under  Arbaces,  Babylon  under  Na- 
bonassar,  and  Ninive  itself,  which,  notwithstanding  the  terrible 
blow  it  had  received  from  the  two  other  powers,  continued  still, 
or  at  least  soon  became  again  the  most  formidable  of  the  three. 
Its  sovereigns,  as  their  names  are  known  from  Holy  Writ,*  were 
in  succession  Theglathphalasar,  Salmanasar,  Sennacherib,  Asar- 
haddon,  and  Nabuchodonosor  I,  or  Saosduchinus.  To  these 
may  be  added  Saracus,  called  also  Chinaladanus,  under  whose 
reign  Ninive  was  finally  destroyed. 


i 


KINGS  OF  NINIVE. 
THEGLATHPHALASAR.— B.  c.  747—728. 


This  prince,  otherwise  little  known  in  history,  is  mentioned  in 
Scripture  as  having  given  assistance  to  Achaz,  king  of  Juda, 
against  the  kings  of  Syria  and  Israel.  The  Assyrian  monarch 
promptly  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  extend  his 
dominions.  He  advanced  towards  the  west  with  a  numerous 
army,  took  Damascus  and  put  an  end  to  the  kingdom  of  which 
that  city  was  the  capital.  He  then  proceeded  against  the  Is- 
raelites and  subdued  a  considerable  portion  of  their  territory; 
but  sparing  neither  friend  nor  foe,  he  made  Achaz  pay  very  dear 
for  the  benefit  of  his  assistance.  This  strange  protector  demanded 
of  him  in  return  so  large  an  amount  of  money  that,  in  order  to 
laise  the  requisite  sum,  the  Jewish  king  stripped  both  the  temple 
of  God  and  the  royal  treasury  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  which 
they  contained. f 

Thus  the  profane  alliance  so  eagerly  sought  by  Achaz,  proved 
ietrimental  to  this  wicked  prince.     It  served  only  to  exhaust  bis 

*  See  4  Kings  xvi — xix;  2  Paralip.  xxviii — xxxii,  etc. 
f  4  Kings  xvi,  8;  1  Paralip.  xxviii,  20,  21. 
8» 


90      ^  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III, 

kingdom,  and  to  place  near  its  frontiers  the  powerful  monarcha 
of  Assyria,  whom  Almighty  Grod  afterwards  used  as  so  many  in 
Btruments  for  the  chastisement  of  his  people. 


SALMANASAR.— B.  c.  728—714. 


This  sovereign  was  destined  by  Divine  Providence  to  punish 
the  schismatic  Israelites  for  their  sins  and  idolatry.  He  at  first 
contented  himself  with  obliging  them  to  pay  tribute.  But,  when 
he  perceived  that  their  king  Osee  was  endeavoring  to  shake  off 
the  yoke,  and  had,  with  this  view,  taken  measures  to  contract  an 
alliance  with  the  king  of  Egypt,  Salmanasar  returned  at  the 
head  of  his  troops,  besieged  Samaria,  and  captured  it  at  the  end 
of  three  years.  Osee  was  bound  in  chains,  and  imprisoned.  Hia 
subjects  also  were  led  away  captives,  to  Assyria,  and  replaced  in 
their  own  country  by  colonies  sent  from  the  Assyrian  states  to 
inhabit  the  Samaritan  cities;  this  new  population  formed  what 
was  subsequently  called  the  Samaritan  people.  As  to  the  king- 
dom of  Israel  or  of  the  ten  tribes,  it  never  was  revived,  but,  in 
compliance  with  the  threats  of  God's  holy  prophets,  it  totally 
disappeared  from  the  enrth.  It  had  lasted  two  hundred  and 
fifty -four  years,  since  the  time  of  its  unhappy  separation  from 
the  kingdom  of  Juda  (b.  c.  975 — 721). 

Shortly  after  the  reduction  of  Samaria,  Salmanasar  died,  leav. 
ing  the  crown  of  Assyria  to  his  son 

SENNACHERIB.— B.  c.  714—710. 

EzECHiAS,  king  of  Juda,  was  not  deterred  by  the  sad  fate  of 
the  Israelites  from  refusing  to  pay  to  the  Assyrians  the  tribute 
which  they  had  imposed  by  force  on  his  father  Achaz;  Sen- 
nacherib therefore  immediately  declared  war,  and  entering  Judea 
with  a  formidable  host,  subdued  all  the  fortified  towns  on  his 
way.  Ezechias,  moved  by  the  sight  of  their  misfortune  and  the 
danger  of  his  capital,  sent  ambassadors  to  ask  peace  of  Sen- 
nacherib, on  any  terms  that  he  might  prescribe.  The  haughty 
conqueror  exacted  an  enormous  sum  of  money  that  was  instantly 
paid;  still  he  would  not  desist  from  hostilities.  Having  been 
informed  that  the  armies  of  Ethiopia  and  Egypt  were  marching 
to  the  assistance  of  the  Jews,  he  wrote  to  Ezechias  letters  full  of 
insults,  blasphemies,  and  threats  of  vengeance,  which  he  intended 
to  accomplish  after  returning  from  his  expedition  against  the 
Ethiopians  and  Egyptians. 

The  daj\ger  Beemed  to  be  on  the  increase.    The  allies  in  whom 


i 


B.  n.  747— C26.  KINGS  OF  NINIVE.  01 

tlio  Jews,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Isaias  and  the  opinion  of 
'111  ir  pious  king,  had  placed  their  confidence,  were  defeated,  and 

\  pt  was  hiid  waste  by  the  victorious  Sennacherib.     He  then 

urned  with  still  greater  fury  than  before  against  Judea  and 
rlriusalem.  But  here  divine  justice  awaited  him  to  punish  hia 
]  ride,  his  arrogance  and  his  impiety:  one  hundred  and  cighty- 
li vc  thousand  of  his  troops  fell  in  one  night  by  the  destroying 
liaud  of  an  angel.* 

At  the  sight  of  this  dreadful  havoc  of  his  soldiers,  the  proud 
monarch  was  terrified,  though  not  moved  to  repentance;  he  fled 
in  haste  to  Ninive,  where  he  vented  his  rage  against  the  Israelites, 
putting  many  of  them  to  death'and  stripping  others  of  their  pos- 
sessions. Ilis  tyrannical  conduct  rendered  him  odious  to  his  own 
family;  he  was  murdered  by  two  of  his  sons  in  the  temple  ai^ 
uear  the  idol  of  his  god  Nesroch. 

The  two  parricides  fled  to  Armenia,  and  left  the  throne  of 
Ninive  to  be  occupied  by  their  younger  brother 


ASARHADDON.— B.  c.  710—668. 


f 


Tins  prince  availed  himself  of  the  anarchy  then  prevailing  m 
Babylon,  to  conquer  that  great  city  and  reunite  it  to  the  Assyrian 
empire.  He  likewise  obtained  great  success  in  his  wars  against 
the  Jews,  wbojiad  again  provoked  the  justice  of  God  by  their 
signal  prevarications;  their  impious  king  Manasses,  the  unworthy 
son  and  successor  of  Ezechias,  was  defeated,  taken  prisoner  and 
led  in  chains  to  Babylon.  Here,  seeing  himself  reduced  to  the 
utmost  distress,  the  unhappy  monarch  began  to  reflect  on  the 
enormity  of  the  crimes  that  bad  brought  upon  him  so  terrible  a 
punishment.  He  humbly  acknowledged  his  guilt,  and  having  ap- 
peased the  divine  anger  by  his  sincere  and  lively  repentance; 
obtained  not  only  his  liberty,  but  even  his  restoration  to  the 
throne  of  Juda,  and  endeavored  to  atone  by  his  zeal  and  piety 
for  the  evils  which  he  had  previously  committed. 

Asarhaddon  continued  to  govern  his  vast  empire  with  great 
success  and  prosperity.  He  reigned  twenty-nine  years  over  the 
Assyrians  alone,  and  thirteen  over  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians 
together,  in  all  forty-two  years  (b.  c.  710 — 668). 

During  this  whole  period,  Egypt,  already  much  weakened  by 
the  arms  of  its  enemies  from  abroad,  experienced  many  disturb- 
ances at  home.  After  the  death  of  Sevechus  or  Sethon  and  of 
Tharaca  the  Ethiopian,  the  very  two  kings  who  had  been  defeated 

*  4  Kings  xviii,  xix ;  2  Paralip.  xxxii,  and  Isaias,  in  various  chap- 
ters, from  the  18th  to  the  37th  inclusively. 


92  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Past  IIL 

by  Sennacherib,  the  country  fell  into  a  state  of  anarchy  and 
great  confusion  for  the  space  of  two  years.  All  that  time  the 
Egyptians  were  unable  to  make  choice  of  a  sovereign.  At  length" 
twelve  of  the  principal  nobility  conspiring  together  seized  the 
kingdom,  and  dividing  it  among  themselves  into  twelve  parts, 
began  to  govern  it  by  a  joint  confederacy  (b.  g  685). 

Strange  as  this  form  of  government  was,  it  lasted  fifteen  years: 
as  a  monument  of  the  perfect  harmony  which  existed  amono- 
them,  the  twelve  kings  built  at  their  common  expense  the  famous 
labyrinth  consisting  of  twelve  palaces,  having  as  many  apartments 
beneath  as  above  the  ground.  It  has  been  already  described. 
(Page  24). 

Jealousy  or  fear  occasioned  the  fall  of  this  administration. 
Eleven  of  these  kings,  for  some  superstitious  notion,  began  to 
entertain  suspicions  of  their  twelfth  colleague,  whose  name  was 
Psammiticus,  and  drove  him  into  banishment.  Stripped  of  his 
share  of  the  supreme  power,  Psammiticus  anxiously  waited  for 
a  favorable  opportunity  of  retaliation;  it  soon  presented  itself. 
A  storm  having  driven  bands  of  Ionian  and  Carian  soldiers  to 
the  Egyptian  shore,  he  took  them  under  his  banner,  levied  other 
troops,  and  marched  at  their  head  against  his  former  colleagues, 
whom  he  completely  defeated,  thus  making  hjimself  sole  and  ab- 
solute master  of  all  Egypt. 

Psammiticus  had  no  sooner  established  and  secured  his  au- 
thority, than  he  undertook  a  new  war  against  the  Assyrians  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  the  eastern  frontier  of  his  kingdom. 
This  war  was  of  long  duration.  Not  till  after  a  siege  of  twenty- 
nine  years,  the  longest  mentioned  in  history,  could  he  succeed 
in  taking  Azotum,  one  of  the  most  important  places  in  Palestine. 


J^ 


AOSDUCHINUS,  OR  NABUCHODONOSOR  I.*— u.  c.  668—648. 


At  this  time  Asarhaddon  was  no  longer  seated  on  the  throne 
of  Assyria.  It  had  been  occupied  after  him  by  his  son  Saosdu- 
chinus,  or  Nabuchodonosor  I,  who  inherited  the  warlike  disposi-|- 
tions  of  his  predecessors.  This  prince  being  attacked  by  Aph-* 
raartes,  or  Arphaxad,  king  of  the  Medes,  gained  a  complete 
victory  over  his  incautious  aggressor.  He  even  took  Arphaxad 
prisoner  and  mercilessly  put  him  to  death.     Pursuing  his  advan- 

*  This  last  name  is  written  Nebuchadnezzar  by  many  recent  authors. 
It  seems  however  that  Nabuchodonosor  having  been  used  so  many  agea 
before,  ought  to  have  been  retained,  unless  it  be  proved  that  modern 
Hebraists  and  rabbins  know  better  the  true  spelling  of  Hebrew  names 
than  S.  Jerom  and  the  Septuagint  interpreters. 


o.  0.  747-C'JG.  KINGS  OF  NINIVE.  93 

t.tro,  he  carried  his  conquests  as  far  as  Ecbatana,  tlie  capital  of 
Media,  laid  siege  to  that  superb  city,  and  conquered  it,  notwith- 
standing  the  strength  and  number  of  its  fortifications. 

Tliis  great  success  raised  the  hopes  and  flattered  the  pride  of 
Siosduchinus:  he  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  conquest  of  all 
Avi'stein  Asia,  nor  did  the  first  eff"ects  of  his  attempt  disappoint 
his  ambitious  expectations;  Mesopotamia,  Cilicia,  Syria,  in  a 
word,  all  the  countries  from  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  to  the 
borders  of  Palestine  yielded  to  his  victorious  arms.  One  nation 
only,  the  Jews,  placing  their  confidence  in  Heaven,  prepared  to 
resist  him,  and  to  stem  that  impetuous  torrent  which  had  hitherto 
swept  every  thing  in  its  way. 

Their  efforts  proved  successful.  Holophernes  the  Assyrian 
general  had  undertaken  the  siege  of  Bethulia,  a  strong  city  built 
on  the  summit  of  a  mountain.  When  the  place  was  reduced  to 
the  utmost  distress,  Holophernes  himself  perished  by  the  hand 
of  a  woman,  the  courageous  Judith;  and  his  troops,  consisting 
of  more  than  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  soldiers,  were 
either  put  to  flight  and  dispersed,  or  fell  by  the  hands  of  the 
Jews.  So  great  an  overthrow  delivered  the  country  for  a  con- 
giderable  time  from  foreign  invasion. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  disaster  which  the  Assyrians  then  ex- 
perienced ;  their  defeat  before  Bethulia  was  of  itself  a  terrible 
blow  inflicted  on  their  power,  and  it  served  also  to  rouse  against 
khem  the  nations  whom  they  had  lately  conquered.  Cyaxares,  h 
courageous  prince  and  heir  of  the  royal  family  of  Media,  im- 
proved the  favorable  circumstance  to  wrest  the  whole  kingdom 
from  their  hands.  Ardently  desiring  to  revenge  the  death  of 
his  father  Aphraartes,  he  fearlessly  attacked  the  Assyrian  troops 
that  came  against  him,  overthrew  them  in  a  great  battle  and 
pursued  the  vanquished  to  the  very  walls  of  Ninive.  The 
destruction  of  that  city  seemed  inevitable;  but  the  time  had  not 
yet  come,  which  the  Almighty  had  marked  out  for  its  final 
chastisement. 

Precisely  at  this  period,  a  formidable  army  of  Scythians  de 
scending  from  the  north  under  the  conduct  of  their  king  Mardyes, 
began  to  invade  the  Median  provinces :  Cyaxares  hastened  to 
the  scene  of  this  most  pressing  danger,  marched  against  the  in- 
vaders and  gave  them  battle;  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts  he  was 
defeated.  The  conquerors  meeting  no  further  obstacle  overran 
without  opposition  both  Media  and  the  other  countries  of  Uppei 
Asia,  and  so  established  their  power  throughout  this  vast  terri- 
tory, as  to  maintain  it  during  the  space  of  twenty-eight  years. 
They  even  advanced  through  Syria  and  Palestine  to  the  confines 


94  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Par^*  IIL 

of  Egypt ;  but  here  Psammiticus  prevailed  upon  them  by  en« 
treaties  and  presents  to  proceed  no  farther^  and  thus  saved  hia 
country  from  their  unwelcome  visit. 

The  other  states  which  at  first  yielded  to  the  arms  of  the  Scy- 
thians, began  likewise  to  make  efforts  and  devise  measures  to  rid 
themselves  of  these  dangerous  guests.  Many  of  them  were  slain 
by  the  natives ;  the  others  withdrew  from  the  scene  of  their  con- 
quests,  and  Cj^axares  again  recovered  his  kingdom. 

SARACUS,  OR  CHINALADANUS.— B.  c.  648— G26. 

The  Median  prince  now  thought  more  seriously  than  ever  of 
pursuing  his  projects  of  revenge,  the  execution  of  which  had 
been  only  suspended  by  the  Scythian  invasion.  The  reigning 
king  of  Ninive  was  not,  it  is  true,  the  same  who  had  given  him 
so  many  subjects  of  complaint;  but  the  chief  object  of  Cyaxares 
was  to  chastise  the  grasping  ambition  of  the  Assyrians,  and  this 
was  for  him  a  most  favorable  opportunity  to  do  so,  as  his  present 
opponent,  Saracus  or  Chinaladanus,  was  not  a  warlike  monarch 
like  Saosduchinus,  but  a  weak,  effeminate  and  contemptible 
sovereign.  The  king  of  the  Medes,  besides,  did  not  neglect  to 
avail  himself  of  other  means  of  success.  He  entered  into  a  close 
alliance  with  Nabopolassar  the  governor  of  Babylon,  exactly  as 
his  predecessor  Arbaces  had  done  with  Belesis  or  Nabonassar 
against  Sardanapalus. 

Ninive  therefore  was  again  attacked  by  the  joint  forces  of  the 
Medes  and  Babylonians,  and  again  fell  under  their  combined 
efforts.  These  new  conquerors  did  not  treat  it  with  the  cle- 
mency which  it  experienced  at  the  hands  of  its  former  captors; 
on  the  contrary,  they  completely  destroyed  it,  put  its  king 
Saracus  to  death,  and  enriched  their  armies  with  its  innumerable 
spoils. 

After  this  important  conquest,  Cyaxares  easily  subdued  tha 
other  cities  and  provinces  of  the  kingdom  of  Assyria,  with  the 
exception  of  Babylon  and  Chaldea,  which  continued  in  the  pos- 
eession  of  Nabopolassar.  Hence  the  Assyrian  empire,  notwith 
standing  these  terrible  convulsions,  was  not  really  destroyed,  but 
transferred  from  Ninive  to  Babylon. 


,;.  0  626—562.      KINGS  OF  BABYLON.  96 

KINGS  OF  BABYLONc::T^ 

NABOPOLASSAR.— B.  c.  626—605. 

-  Hy  the  conquest  and  destruction  of  Ninive,  the  Babylon vana 
bciame  so  formidable  as  to  raise  alarm  or  excite  jealousy  in  the 
neighboring  nations.  Pharao  Nechao,  king  of  Egypt  and  suc- 
cessor of  Psammiticus,  attempted  to  oppose  a  barrier  to  their 
farther  progress;  for  this  purpose,  he  advanced  with  a  numerous 
army  towards  the  Euphrates.  As  he  was  marching  through 
Palestine,  King  Josias,  fearing  the  evil  consequences  that  might 
r.sult  for  his  country  from  the  presence  of  so  many  troops,  and 
u  i.^hing  to  check  them,  attacked  the  Egyptians  near  Mageddo, 
but  was  conquered,  and  unfortunately  received  a  wound,  of 
which  he  died  after  his  return  to  Jerusalem.  This  was  the  last 
worthy  successor  of  David  on  the  throne  of  Juda.  His  threo 
sons,  Joachaz,  Joachim  and  Sedecias,  who  reigned  after  him, 
instead  of  imitating  the  great  examples  of  virtue  and  piety  so 
conspicuous  in  their  father,  fell  together  with  their  subjects  into 
so  many  disorders  and  crimes,  that  the  justice  of  Crod  was  at 
length  provoked  to  punish  their  ingratitude  by  the  Babylonian 
captivity. 

As  to  Nechao,  encouraged  by  his  victory  over  Josias,  he  pur- 
sued his  march  towards  the  Euphrates,  defeated  the  Babylonians 
and  took  Charcamis,  a  considerable  city.  He  used  such  mea- 
sures to  secure  its  possession  as  his  circumstances  permitted, 
Rud  withdrew,  after  leaving  in  it  a  strong  garrison.  Passing 
again  through  Palestine,  and  indignant  that  the  Jews  had, 
without  his  consent,  chosen  for  their  sovereign  Joachaz,  the 
younger  son  of  the  late  king,  he  sent  that  prince  captive  into 
Egypt,  and  appointed  in  his  place  Joachim,  another  son  of  Jo- 
sias. After  so  many  great  achievements,  Nechao  triumphantly 
re-entered  his  kingdom. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Nabopolassar,  king  of  Babylon,  was  very 
much  grieved  not  only  by  the  loss  of  Charcamis,  but  also  by  the 
coincident  secession  of  Syria  and  Palestine.  Unable,  on  account 
of  his  infirmities  and  advanced  age,  to  retrieve  m  person  the 
glory  of  his  arms,  he  associated  to  himself  his  son  Nabuchodo- 
nosor  as  a  colleague  in  the  empire.  This  young  prince  fully 
answered  his  father's  expectations.  He  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  Babylonian  troops,  defeated  those  of  Nechao,  retook  Char- 
camis, and  everywhere,  from  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  to  the 
b(^rders  of  Egypt,  re-established  the  ascendency  of  his  country. 


96  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IIL 

Jerusalem  itself  fell  into  his  power.  A  large  number  of  Jewa, 
several  of  whom  belonged  to  the  royal  family,  were  sent  to 
Babylon  as  prisoners,  or  as  hostages  for  the  fidelity  of  the  rest 
of  their  nation  (b.  c.  606).  Thus  commenced  the  famous  Baby- 
lonian captivity,  so  often  predicted  and  pathetically  described  by 
the  prophets  Isaias,  Jeremias,  etc. 

Nabopolassar  died  about  this  time,  probably  before  his  son 
had  left  Judea ;  Nabuchodonosor  was  no  sooner  apprised  of  this 
event,  than  he  set  out  in  great  haste  for  Babylon,  leaving  behind 
him  the  main  body  of  the  army,  with  the  booty  and  captives. 
When  he  arrived  in  that  city,  he  assumed  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  succeeded  to  all  the  dominions  of  his  father,  com- 
prising Assj^ria,  Chaldea,  Syria,  and  some  other  countries,  to 
which  he  subsequently  added  many  new  conquests. 

NABUCHODONOSOR  II,  OR  THE  GREAT.— b.  c.  605—562. 

The  Jews  had  been  humbled,  but  not  entirely  subdued  by 
their  defeats  and  losses,  and  not  even  by  the  capture  of  Jerusa- 
lem; they  continued  to  provoke  the  justice  of  God  by  their 
crimes,  and  the  fury  of  Nabuchodonosor  by  their  frequent  rebel- 
lions. This  monarch,  exasperated  at  so  many  revolts,  arrived 
at  the  head  of  a  fresh  army,  for  no  other  apparent  object  than  to 
vindicate  his  claims  by  acts  of  the  utmost  rigor,  but  in  reality  as 
the  instrument  of  divine  vengeance  against  a  wicked  and  most- 
ungrateful  people. 

All  opposition  was  crushed  by  the  vigor  of  his  measures  and 
the  etforts  of  his  arms.  The  Jewish  capital,  which  the  Egyptians 
vainly  endeavored  to  assist,  was  taken  after  a  siege  of  two  years. 
Sedecias,  the  last  king  of  Juda,  beheld  his  children  slaughtered 
by  his  side;  he  himself,  having  his  eyes  torn  out,  was  with  the 
rest  of  the  inhabitants  led  into  captivity.  All  the  sacred  vessels 
and  royal  treasure  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Babylonians.  The 
city  was  entirely  demolished,  and  its  magnificent  temple  con- 
bigned  to  the  flames  (b.  c.  588). 

Nabuchodonosor,  upon  his  return  to  Babylon,  erected  a  golden 
Estatue  of  sixty  cubits  or  about  a  hundred  feet  in  height,  with  an 
order  to  all  his  subjects  to  adore  it,  under  penalty  of  death. 
Three  noble  young  men  among  the  Jews,  viz. :  Ananias,  Misael ; 
and  Azarias,  courageously  refused  to  obey  the  impious  command  i 
of  the  king.  They  were,  for  this  imaginary  crime,  thrown  into 
a  burning  furnace;  but  the  Almighty,  whose  service  they  had 
preferred  to  every  human  consideration,  prevented  them  from 
being  at  all  injured  by  the  fire.     The  monarch,  astounded  at  thin 


J  0.  G26— 502.  KINGS  OF  BABYLON.  9t 

)rodigy  which  lie  himself  witnessed,  forbade,  under  the  scverosf. 
X  ntiltics,  all  blasphemy  against  the  God  of  Israel,  and  raised 
111"  three  young  men  to  high  dignities  in  the  empire.  Not  less 
i>tonished  at  the  eminent  gift  of  prophecy  imparted  to  Daniel, 
mother  distinguished  Hebrew  captive,  he  promoted  him  to  a 
nill  higher  rank,  appointed  him  governor  of  the  whole  province 
r  ])abylon,  and  chose  him  for  one  of  his  chief  counsellors.* 

A  new  war  called  Nabuchodonosor  to  new  exploits  and  con- 
quests. He  took  the  celebrated  city  of  Tyre,  which  had  never 
been  subdued  by  any  foreign  power;  but  the  siege  cost  his  troops 
incredible  fatigues,  for  which  they  received  no  compensation  in 
the  riches  or  spoils  found  in  the  town,  the  Tyrians  having  previ- 
ously retired  with  their  treasures  to  a  neighboring  island.  Here 
tlioy  built,  at  a  very  short  distance  from  the  continent,  the  new 
city  of  Tyre,  that  was  destined  even  to  surpass  the  former  in 
cclubrity.  The  conqueror,  unwilling  or  unable  to  pursue  them 
ia  this  retreat,  led  his  soldiers  into  Egypt,  where  they  captured 
an  immense  booty,  and  made  so  many  ravages  that  this  unfortu- 
nate kingdom,  formerly  so  flourishing  but  now  distracted  by  civil 
t'oiids  and  weakened  by  foreign  wars,  could  not  recover  any  sort 
of  prosperity  till  after  the  lapse  of  forty  3'ears,  under  the  reign 
of  Amasis. 

When  Nabuchodonosor  had  brought  this  long  series  of  expedi 
lions  to  a  successfid  issue,  he  returned  to  Babylon  and  devoted 
his  chief  attention  to  the  embellishment  of  that  capital,  so  as  to 
vender  it  beyond  comparison  the  most  magnificent  city  in  the 
world.  He  now  seemed  to  have  reached  the  zenith  of  temporal 
glory  and  happiness.  But  God,  who  had  decreed  to  humble  his 
pride  and  practically  teach  him  the  vanity  of  all  human  gran- 
deur, foretold  by  the  mouth  of  Daniel  that  this  mighty  king 
would  be  reduced  for  seven  years  to  a  state  of  insanity,  driven 
from  the  company  of  men,  and  obliged  to  live  like  the  beasts  of 
the  field.  The  event  verified  the  prediction.  "At  the  end  of 
twelve  months,"  says  the  sacred  writer  (Daniel  iv,  26,  30);  "the 
word  was  fulfilled  upon  Nabuchodonosor :  and  he  was  driven 
away  from  among  men,  and  did  eat  grass  like  an  ox :  and  his 
body  was  wet  with  the  dew  of  heaven ;  till  his  hairs  grew  like 
the  feathers  of  eagles,  and  his  nails  like  birds'  claws. "f 

•  For  these  and  other  facts  belonging  to  the  reign  of  Nahuchodono- 
sor,  see  the  last  chapters  of  Kings  and  Paral. ;  Ezechiel  xxix ;  Dauiei 
i — \v,  etc. 

f  What  happened  to  King  Nabuchodonosor,  was,  according  to  the 
common  opinion  of  interpreters,  an  effect  of  that  strange  disease, 
called  Lycanthropy,  Cynanthropy,  or  the  like,  in  which  one,  imagining 

Q 


98  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  III. 

When  the  time  previously  appointed  for  the  duration  of  hia 
punishment  had  elapsed^  the  king  recovered  his  senses,  humbly 
acknowledged  the  sovereign  dominion  and  justice  of  God,  and 
being  re-established  on  his  throne,  published  a  solemn  edict  to 
the  praise  and  glory  of  Him  who  is  supreme  Master  of  kings  as 
well  as  subjects. 

Nabuchodonosor  died  one  year  after  his  happy  restoration  (u. 
C.  562).  He  had,  since  the  death  of  his  father  Nabopolassar, 
reigned  during  forty -three  years,  and  he  is  justly  considered  as 
having  been  one  of  the  greatest  monarchs  of  the  East. 


DECLINE  OF  THE  BABYU)NIAN  EMPIRE. 


1 


During  the  reign  of  Nabuchodonosor  we  behold  Babylon  m 
all  her  splendor;  from  his  death  we  may  date  the  commence- 
ment of  her  decline.  The  throne  was  occupied,  after  him,  by  a 
series  of  princes  who  rapidly  succeeded  each  other,  performing 
no  achievement  worthy  of  their  illustrious  predecessor.  Most 
of  them,  on  the  contrary,  undermined  their  own  power,  and 
brought  contempt  on  themselves  by  their  indolence  and  profligacy. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  learn  from  the  prophets*  that  the 
Babylonians,  after  having  been  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
God  to  chastise  the  ingratitude  and  infidelities  of  his  people, 
were  themselves  to  be  severely  punished  for  their  cruelty,  theb 
pride  and  their  domineering  spirit. 

The  storm  was  already  gathering  over  them  from  every  quar- 
ter. They  endeavoured,  but  in  vain,  to  avert  it,  by  entering 
into  a  close  alliance  with  the  mightiest  nations  of  the  v/cst  against 
those  of  the  north  and  east,  by  whom  they  were  threatened;  the 
very  measure  which  they  adopted  to  support  their  tottering  mon- 
archy, served  only  to  accelerate  its  downfall. -j* 

himself  to  have  become  a  wolf,  a  dog,  or  any  other  onl'Dal,  feels,  moves 
and  acts  in  conformity  with  this  morbid  aifection. — See  D.  Calmet, 
Dictionnaire  de  la  Bible,  article  Nabuchodonosor;  Duolot,  LaSainte  BibU 
vengee  des  attaques  de  Vincredulite,  Note  4.^me  sur  Daniel,  etc.  But  if  the 
disease  which  afflicted  the  Assyrian  monarch  was  of  itself  a  natural 
one,  the  time,  the  manner,  the  circumstances,  and  especially  the  clear 
prediction  of  it,  certainly  belonged  to  a  higher  order  of  Providence. 

*  Isa.  xiii,  xiv,  xlvii ;  Jerem.  xxv,  1,  li. 

I  See  1 1  of  the  Appendix. 


B  c.  502—548.       CRCESUS  AND  THE  LYDIANS.  OQ 


CROSSUS.— THE  LYDIANS. 

The  most  illustrious  and  powerful  of  their  allies  was  CrocsuH, 
king  of  Lydia,  a  province  of  that  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent 
called  Asia  Minor.  This  kingdom,  at  first  very  inconsiderable, 
gradually  increased  in  extent  and  power  by  the  prudence  or  bra- 
\  ory  of  its  sovereigns,  till  it  reached,  under  Croesus  (b.  c.  562 — 
5 18),  the  height  of  prosperity.  The  riches  of  this  monarch, 
obtained  by  conquest  and  produced  by  his  gold  mines,  were  so 
great  that  they  became  proverbial.  The  possessor  of  that  im- 
mense fortune  was  not  on  this  account  the  less  brave  and  enter- 
prising ;  his  life  was  little  else  than  a  continual  warfare,  and  he 
was  the  first  who  succeeded  in  subduing  the  Grecian  cities  of  Asia 
]Minor,  having  conquered  nearly  the  whole  extent  of  that  famous 
peninsula. 

What  is  siill  more  surprising,  is  that  a  prince  possessed  of 
Buch  warlike  dispositions  and  such  enormous  wealth,  found  his 
chief  delight  in  literature  and  science.  His  court  was  the  usual 
residence  or  resort  of  the  learned  men  of  his  age,  such  as  ^sop, 
the  fabulist,  Anacharsis  the  Scythian,  Solon,  the  celebrated 
Athenian  legislator,  etc. 

A  succession  of  domestic  afilictions  for  a  time  depressed  the 
spirit  of  Croesus.  He  was  roused  from  his  lethargy  by  the  in- 
creasing fame  of  Cyrus,  the  Persian  conqueror.  The  Lydian 
monarch  began  to  fear  for  his  own  dominions;  still,  as  he  was 
a  religious  prince  after  the  manner  of  the  Gentiles,  he  would 
not  declare  war,  nor  engage  in  any  enterprise,  without  having 
previously  consulted  his  gods.  He  therefore  sent  ambassadors, 
with  magnificent  presents,  to  consult  the  famous  oracle  of  Apollo 
at  Delphi,  whether  it  would  be  expedient  for  him  to  undertake  a 
war  against  the  Persians.  The  answer  was,  that  if  the  king  of 
Lydia  crossed  the  river  Halys  at  the  head  of  his  army,  he  should 
overthrow  a  great  empire.  Croesus,  interpreting  this  ambiguous 
answer  in  his  favor,  determined  without  further  hesitation  to 
come  to  open  hostilities;  and,  in  order  to  comply  with  another 
direction  of  the  oracle,  he  strengthened  his  party  not  only  by 
concluding  a  friendly  alliance  with  the  Babylonians  and  Egyp- 
tians, but  also  by  calling  to  his  assistance  the  Lacedaemonians, 
at  that  time  the  most  powerful  people  of  Greece. 

This  important  step  of  the  king  was  not  equally  approved  of 
by  all  his  subjects.  A  certain  Lydian,  highly  esteemed  for  his 
prudence,  addressed  him  thus  on  that  occasion  :  "  What  prompts 
you,  great  prince,  to  turn  your  arms  against  the  Persians,  a  war- 


100  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Pabt  in 

like  people;  who,  inliabiting  a  rugged  countrj,  are  inured  from 
their  childhood  to  fatigue  and  to  every  sort  of  hardship ;  who, 
accustomed  to  a  coarse  dress  and  the  plainest  food,  are  satisfied 
with  bread  and  water,  and  are  total  strangers  to  the  delicacies 
and  conveniences  of  life  3  who,  in  a  word,  have  nothing  to  lose 
if  you  conquer  them,  but  every  thing  to  gain  if  they  conquei 
you ;  and  whom  it  will  be  difficult  to  remove  from  our  frontiers, 
if  they  once  happen  to  know  from  experience  the  great  advan 
tages  of  our  climate  and  country  ?  Far  then  from  attacking  them, 
we  ought,  I  think,  to  thank  the  gods  that  they  have  prevented  tlie 
Persians  from  attiicking  us."   (Herod,  b.  i.  ch.  71). 

The  remark  was  certainly  judicious;  but  Croesus  had  taken 
his  resolution,  and  was  not  to  be  diverted  from  it  by  an}-  consid- 
eration or  advice. 


CYRUS.— THE  PERSIANS. 

The  Persians,  who  were  commencing  to  act  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  world,  had  subsisted  a  long  series  of  ages  without  being  a 
numerous  and  powerful  nation.  They  at  first  possessed  and  in- 
habited only  one  province  of  that  extensive  country  which  after- 
wards received  and  still  retains  the  name  of  Persia;  and  they 
could  number  no  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
men.  Being  successively  under  the  sway  of  the  Assyrians,  the 
Babylonians  and  the  Medes,  they  practised  in  obscurity  those 
manly  virtues  of  sobriety,  patience  and  fortitude,  which  prepare 
a  people  for  grand  and  successful  exertions.  It  only  required  a 
more  extensive  theatre  to  make  them  appear  to  the  greatest  ad- 
vantage. This  began  to  open  before  them  when  their  king  or 
chief,  Cambyses,  married  Mandana,  the  daughter  of  the  Median 
monarch  Ast3-ages,  and  by  her  had  a  son  called  C^'rus,  the  same  ' 
whom  Isaias  had  long  before  expressly  mentioned  as  destined  by 
Divine  Providence  to  be  the  conqueror  of  the  Babylonian  and 
the  founder  of  the  Persian  empire. 

This  prince,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  heroes  of  profane 
antiquity,  was  born  in  the  year  B.  c.  599.  From  his  infancy  he 
manifested  the  happiest  disposition.  He  was  full  of  meekness 
and  afiability  as  well  as  energy  and  courage,  never  permitting 
himself  to  be  shaken  in  his  resolution  by  any  hardship  nor 
\frightened  by  any  danger,  when  horiOr  and  duty  were  at  stake. 
He  was  educated  with  olher  boys  of  his  age,  according  to  the 
J^ersian  laws,  then  highly  esteemed  and  well  calculated  to  im- 
prove both   mental  and  bodily  faculties.  ^: 

V. 

!i 


r 

I    i.c.  6G0— 649.       FIRSP.CAMPAIONS  OF  CYRUS.  lOJ 

[I  Throughout  the  whole  course  of  study  and  exorcise  to  which 
f  young  Cyms  was  subjected,  he  easily  surpassed  his  companions 
by  his  talents,  dexterity,  obedience  and  wisdom.  What  did  hira 
still  greater  honor  was,  that  instead  of  provoking  jealousy  or 
discontent,  he,  on  the  contrary,  by  his  virtuous  conduct  and  oblig- 
ing manners,  gained  the  respect  and  aifection  of  every  one.  He 
did  the  same  at  the  court  of  his  grandfather  Astyages  (the  son 
Rnd  successor  of  Cyaxares  I),  where  he  resided  for  five  years ; 
and,  even  at  the  early  age  of  sixteen,  he  contributed  more  than 
any  one  by  his  activity  and  valor,  to  a  victory  which  the  Modes 
obtained  over  the  Babylonians.  On  his  return  to  Persia,  W- 
willingly  resumed  his  former  exercises,  till  his  education  was 
completed  by  his  father  Cambyses,  whose  intimate  acquaintance 
with  the  principles  of  war  and  of  government,  enabled  him  to 
„    cultivate  the  talents  of  Cyrus  with  complete  success. 

! 

FIRST  CAMPAIGNS  OF  CYRUS  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  THE  .PER- 
SIANS AND  MEDES.— B.  c.  560—549.        "->/ 

Astyages  after  a  reign  of  thirty-five  years,  was  succeeded  on 
the  throne  of  Media  by  Cyaxares  II,  his  son,  the  brother  of 
Mandana  and  uncle  of  Cyrus.  At  this  juncture  Neriglissor, 
king  of  Babylon,  formed  with  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia,  a  power- 
ful confederacy  against  the  Modes;  he  had  sent  ambassadors 
even  to  the  Indians  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  that  nation 
favorable  to  his  cause.  Cyaxares,  on  his  side,  was  not  slow  in 
making  due  preparations  for  the  approaching  conflict.  His  first 
care  was  to  ask  the  help  of  the  Persians,  and  to  beg  that  his 
nephew  should  be  the  leader  of  the  troops  who  might  be  sent  to 
his  assistance.  Both  requests  were  granted :  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  chosen  men  was  speedily  assembled,  and  Cambyses 
willingly  placed  it  under  the  command  of  Cyrus,  who  set  out  at 
their  liead  to  join  his  allies  in  Media. 

On  his  arrival,  it  was  found,  upon  accurate  information,  that 
the  combined  army  of  the  two  nations  was  not  half  that  of  the 
Babylonians  and  Lydians,  whose  number  amounted  to  sixty 
thousand  cavalry  and  two  hundred  thousand  infantry.  The  dis- 
covery of  so  great  a  disparity  filled  the  Median  king  with  con- 
siderable uneasiness ;  but  the  genius  of  Cyrus,  his  courage  and 
resolution,  soon  made  up  for  this  inequality  of  forces.  In  the 
first  place,  by  a  short  campaign  which  preceded  the  grand 
expedition,  he  secured  the  valuable  assistance  of  the  Armenians 
and  of  some  other  nations  in  the  neighborhood.  He  then  intro- 
duced useful  changes  in  the  military  tactics  of  the  time,  and 

9* 


102  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  TAai  III 

parHcularl}'  applied  himself  to  excite  great  emulation  and  cour' 
age  among  the  troops.  His  efforts  were  the  more  successful,  as 
he  set  an  example  of  perfect  compliance  with  his  duties,  and  did 
not  seek  to  distinguish  himself  by  the  luxury  of  his  table,  the 
magnificence  of  his  dress  or  the  splendor  of  his  retinue,  but  by 
his  kindness,  liberality  and  incessant  care  to  reward  good  actions. 

When  Cyrus  was  assured  of  the  devotedness  and  bravery  of 
Ids  troops,  he  proposed  to  lead  them  into  the  enemy's  country : 
all  readily  assented  to  the  proposal,  and  followed  him  with  full 
confidence  of  victory.  It  required  several  days  to  reach  the 
Assyrians.  At  last  he  met  them,  at  a  great  distance  from  the 
Median  frontier,  encamped  in  an  open  plain  and  protected  by  a 
large  ditch,  under  the  command  of  the  two  allied  kings,  Nerig- 
lissor  and  Croesus.  After  some  hesitation  they  came  out  of  their 
intrenchments  in  order  of  battle,  and  soon  commenced  an  attack 
by  the  discharge  of  their  arrows;  but  the  Persians,  animated  by 
the  presence  and  example  of  Cyrus,  immediately  rushed  on  their 
opponents  and  charged  them  with  irresistible  fury.  The  Assy- 
rians, unable  to  stand  so  terrible  a  shock,  fled  in  confusion,  in 
spite  of  the  efforts  of  their  leaders  to  encourage  and  rally  them. 
The  Median  cavalry  pursued  the  fugitives  with  such  vigor,  that 
a  great  number  of  them  perished ;  King  Neriglissor  himself  fell 
among  the  slain,  and  Croesus,  seeing  or  believing  that  all  was 
lost,  made  his  escape  by  a  precipitate  retreat.  The  defeat  of  the 
Assyrians  was  complete.  A  new  and  bold  attack  rendered  Cyrua 
master  of  their  camp,  and  his  troops  found  in  it  an  immense 
(quantity  of  spoils,  which  he  caused  to  be  so  judiciously  distributed 
that  all  remained  satisfied. 

But  the  most  important  result  of  this  great  victory  for  the 
conqueror  was  the  surrender  of  several  fortresses,  and  the  gain- 
ing over  to  his  party  of  some  among  the  most  influential  and 
powerful  of  the  Babylonian  lords.  Moreover  his  kind  treatment 
of  his  prisoners  of  war,  whom  he  set  at  liberty  on  the  simple 
condition  that  they  should  never  more  bear  arms  against  him 
spread  in  every  direction  the  fame  of  his  clemency.  Numbers 
of  people  readily  submitted  to  him,  and  became  useful  auxiliaries. 
The  Assyrians,  having  a  second  time  presumed  to  attack  him 
were  again  defeated  with  great  slaughter. 

This  new  advantage  enabled  Cyrus  to  penetrate  still  farthei 
into  the  enemy's  country ;  and  although  he  did  not  yet  think  it 
prudent  to  besiege  their  capital,  he  took  at  least  all  the  measures 
and  information  that  might  afterwards  be  serviceable  for  the 
success  of  this  great  undertaking.  To  provide  for  the  security 
of   his  new  allies  during  his  absence,  he  concluded  with  ihe 


B.  c.  648.  BATTLE  OF  TIIYBARRA.  108 

Uab^lonian  king,  now  Ikltassar  or  Niibonidcs,  a  kind  of  truce, 
hy  which  it  was  agreed  tliat  the  husbandmen  on  both  f-idea 
should  not  be  molested,  but  have  full  liberty  to  cultivate  their 
lands  and  reap  the  fruit  of  their  labors.  Having  in  this  man- 
ner obtained  a  solid  footing  in  a  vast  extent  of  country,  having 
also  examined  the  situation  of  Babylon,  acquired  a  considerable 
number  of  friends  and  greatly  increased  his  army,  he  returned 
to  Media. 

AVhen  he  approached  the  frontier,  he  sent  a  messenger  to  inform 
Cyaxares  of  his  arrival.  This  prince,  somewhat  jealous  of  the 
glory  of  his  nephew,  and  imagining  that  he  might  be  guilty  of 
ambitious  designs,  received  him  in  a  very  cold  manner,  so  far  as 
to  turn  away  his  face  from  him,  and  even  weep  through  vexation. 
Cyrus,  whose  prudence  and  modesty  were  equal  to  his  valor,  en- 
tered into  a  private  conversation  with  his  uncle.  He  spoke  to 
him  with  so  much  mildness,  submission  and  reason;  he  gave 
him  such  strong  proofs  of  respect,  fidelity  and  attachment  to  his 
person  and  interest,  that  he  soon  dispelled  all  his  suspicions,  and 
completely  recovered  his  favor. 

Cyaxares,  being  now  perfectly  satisfied,  nay  more  and  more 
charmed  with  the  great  qualities  of  Cyrus,  oftered  him  his  only 
daughter  in  marriage,  with  Media  for  her  future  dowry ;  for  he 
had  neither  son  nor  brother  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne.  Cyrus 
felt  highly  flattered  by  so  advantageous  a  proposal;  yet  he  would 
not  accept  it,  till  he  had  obtained  the  consent  of  his  father  and 
mother,  leaving  in  this  conduct  an  admirable  example  to  all 
future  ages,  of  the  respectful  deference  which  children,  whatever 
may  be  their  age,  their  qualifications  or  their  standing  in  the 
world,  should  pay  to  their  parents  on  the  like  occasions.  Cyrus 
did  not  marry  the  princess  till  his  return  to  the  court  of  Cyax- 
ares, after  a  visit  to  his  family  in  Persia.  This  marriage  was 
for  him  the  most  advantageous  he  could  desire,  since  it  rendered 
him,  by  his  wife,  the  heir  of  the  powerful  monarchy  of  tho 
Medes,  being  already,  by  his  father,  the  heir  of  the  Persian 
kingdom.       T  CTX       / 

DECISIVE  BATTLE  OF  THYMBRA  OR  THYBARRA  BETWEEN 
CYRUS  AND  CROESUS.— B.  c.  548. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  two  hostile  parties  were  making  stu- 
pendous preparations  to  carry  on  the  war  upon  a  still  greater 
scale  than  before.  During  this  period,  Crcesus  was  the  comman- 
der-in-chief of  all  the  enemy's  forces;  he  assembled  them  about 
the  river  Pactolus/ whence  he  advanced  towards  Thybarra  ot 


104  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III. 

Thymbra,  a  city  of  bis  kingdom  not  far  from  Sardis  tbo  capital. 
Here  be  was  met  by  tbe  Persians  under  Cyrus,  wbo  bad  bastened 
from  Media  witb  a  view  to  surprise  bis  foe  by  tbe  rapidity  of  bis 
inarcb,  and  disconcert  bim  by  tbe  boldness  of  bis  attempt. 

Botb  armies  were  formidable  by  tbeir  number,  discipline  and 
valor.  It  is  bowever  generally  admitted  tbat  tbe  army  of  tbe 
Lydians  and  tbeir  allies  was  more  tban  double  tbat  of  tbe  Persians 
ind  Modes,  as  tbe  former  amounted  to  four  bundred  and  twenty 
tbousand  men,  sixty  tbousand  of  wbom  were  cavalry  j  wbereas 
tbe  latter  consisted  of  no  more  tban  tbirtj^-six  tbousand  borse, 
witb  one  bundred  and  sixty  tbousand  foot,  in  all  one  bundred 
and  ninety-six  tbousand  combatants.* 

So  many  troops  drawn  up  in  battle-array,  witb  tbeir  glittering 
cuirasses,  bucklers,  belmets,  axes  or  swords,  presented  a  spectacle 
at  once  magnificent  and  terrible.  Tbe  forces  of  Croesus,  baving 
tbeir  infantry  in  tbe  centre  and  tbe  cavalry  on  tbe  two  wings, 
formed  a  line  of  nearly  five  miles.  Tbe  army  of  Cyrus,  arranged 
in  nearly  tbe  same  order  tbougb  witb  fewer  men  in  deptb,  occu- 
pied only  four  miles,  and  consequently  was,  at  eacli  extremity  of 
tbe  line,  about  balf  a  mile  sbort  of  tbe  enemy's  front.  But 
Cyrus,  perfectly  aware  of  tbe  circumstance,  bad  taken  sucb  pre- 
cautions and  so  well  disposed  bis  plan  of  attack,  tbat  be  con- 
fidently stated  in  presence  of  bis  officers  tbat  tbese  two  extremi- 
ties would  be  tbe  very  spots  in  wbicb  victory  would  begin  to 
declare  in  bis  favor.  Tbe  result  was  precisely  as  be  bad  pre- 
dicted. 

Tbe  plan  of  Croesus,  upon  wbicb  be  principally  rested  bia 
bope  of  success,  was  to  surround  tbe  army  of  Cyrus,  and  attack 
it  simultaneously  in  front  and  on  tbe  flanks.  For  tbis  purpose, 
he  ordered  tbe  two  wings  of  bis  own  army  to  advance  with 
greater  rapidity  tban  tbe  centre,  so  as  to  enclose  tbe  Persians  at 
eacb  extremity  of  tbeir  line.  Tbis  movement  did  not  in  tbe 
least  alarm  Cyrus,  wbo  bad  expected  it.  He  rode  tbrougb  all 
tbe  ranks,  giving  bis  orders  and  encouraging  bis  troops ;  and  be, 
wbo  on  all  otber  occasions  was  so  modest,  so  free  from  every 
appearance  of  ostentation,  no\^  appeared  full  of  confidence,  and 
spoke  as  if  certain  of  victory. 

At  tbe  first  signal,  tbe  Persians  faced  tbeir  foes  on  every  side. 
Cyrus  bimself,  wbeeling  round  at  tbe  bead  of  a  cboice  body  of 
horse  backed  by  a  band  of  infantry,  rushed  against  tbe  flank  of 

*  That  this  was  the  probable  amount  of  troops  on  each  side,  may  be 
deduced  from  a  comparison  of  various  passages  of  Xenophon.  See,  fof 
this  and  other  circumstances  and  particulars  of  the  battle,  the  CyrO' 
ptdia,  end  of  the  6th  and  beginning  of  the  7th  book.  -,, 


c.  548.  BATTLE  OF  TIIYBARRA.  106 

'the  enemy's  left  wing,  and  thus  turning  their  very  design  against 
Ithemselves,  threw  them  into  great  disorder.  Immediately  the 
chariots  armed  with  scythes,  being  driven  furiously  among  them, 
completed  their  defeat.  The  same  was  done  against  the  right 
flank  of  the  Lydians,  and  with  equal  success;  so  that  the  two 
wings  of  their  army  were,  in  a  short  time,  completely  routed. 

Their  centre  offered  a  much  greater  and  more  protracted  resist- 
ance. It  was  chiefly  composed  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  Egyptians,  fighting  in  twelve  square  battalions,  of  ten 
thousand  men  each.  Here  the  conflict  was  so  furious,  that  it 
cost  the  lives  of  many  among  the  bravest  warriors  of  each  army; 
nay,  the  Persian  infantry  were  compelled  to  give  way,  and  grad- 
ually to  retreat  towards-  their  engines.  However,  the  combat 
was  soon  renewed,  and  became  more  fierce  and  bloody  than 
ever.  Cyrus,  who  had  hastened  to  the  assistance  of  his  infantry, 
attacked  the  enemy  on  their  rear;  the  other  bodies  of  the 
Persian  horse  came  up  about  the  same  time,  and  the  Egyptians 
were  now  closely  pressed  on  every  side.  They  still  resisted,  and 
notwithstanding  the  dreadful  losses  which  they  had  sustained, 
defended  themselves  with  heroic  bravery.  Cyrus  hinjself  was  in 
great  danger;  his  horse  being  killed  under  him,  he  fell  in  the 
midst  of  his  enemies,  and  must  have  either  been  slain  or  taken 
prisoner,  had  he  not  been  quickly  rescued  by  the  devoted  intre- 
pidity of  his  troops. 

He  could  not  but  admire  the  persevering  valor  of  the  Egyp- 
tians. Desirous  that  such  brave  men  should  not  perish,  ho 
offered  them  honorable  conditions,  if  they  would  surrender. 
They  did  so;  but,  as  their  fidelity  was  equal  to  their  courage, 
they  previously  stipulated  that  they  should  not  be  obliged  to 
bear  arms  against  Croesus,  in  whose  behalf  their  services  had 
been  once  enlisted.  They  ever  after  remained  faithful  to  the 
Persian  monarch.  Cyrus,  on  his  part,  besides  the  valuable  ac- 
quisition which  he  then  made,  enjoyed  the  merit  of  having  added 
generosity  to  the  other  superior  qualities  that  he  evinced  both  be- 
fore and  during  the  battle. 

The  engagement  had  lasted  till  the  evening.  The  field  at 
length  was  entirely  won,  and  the  remaining  allies  of  the  Lydians 
retired  in  all  directions,  endeavoring  to  reach  their  own  country 
as  quickly  as  possible.  Croesus  with  his  troops  retired  to  Sardis, 
whither,  on  the  following  day,  he  was  pursued  by  the  conqueror. 
Cyrus  immediately  ordered  military  engines  to  be  raised  against 
the  walls,  and  scaling-ladders  to  be  prepared,  as  if  he  intended 
to  make  an  assault ;  but,  whilst  he  engaged  the  attention  of  the 
besieged  with  these  preparations,  the  next  night  he  introduced 


108  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IH 

his  soldiers  intt  the  citadel  tlirough  a  secret  pas&age  with  which 
he  had  been  made  acquainted  by  a  Persian  slave.  At  break  of 
day,  he  entered  the  city  without  resistance. 

Thus  did  prudence,  united  with  activity  and  courage,  render 
Cyrus  master  of  this  important  place,  without  effusion  of  blood ; 
even  Croesus  hesitated  no  longer  to  surrender  himself,  with  all 
his  treasures,  into  the  hands  of  so  great  a  conqueror.  Cyrus, 
moved  to  compassion  at  the  misfortune  of  a  king  who  had  in  a 
moment  fallen  from  so  great  an  elevation,  treated  him  with  be- 
coming generosity  and  kindness.  He  suffered  him  to  enjoy,  not 
only  the  title,  but  even,  according  to  many,  the  authority  of  a 
sovereign,  under  the  mere  restriction  of  not  having  the  power  to 
make  war;  thus  relieving  him,  as  Croesus  himself  acknowledged, 
from  the  most  burdensome  duty  of  royalty,  and  enabling  him  to 
live  much  more  happily,  exempt  from  painful  cares,  and  less  ex- 
posed to  the  vicissitudes  and  reverses  of  fortune. 

Herodotus  and  several  after  him  have  filled  the  history  of 
Croesus  with  a  variety  of  extraordinary  incidents,  either  almost 
destitute  of  credibility,  or  scarcely  reconcilable  with  the  usual 
moderation  of  Cyrus;  the  circumstance,  for  instance,  of  Croesus' 
only  son,  who  was  dumb,  but  who,  by  a  violent  effort  loosed  the 
strings  of  his  tongue,  and  forced  himself  to  speak  in  order  to  pre* 
vent  his  father  from  being  killed  by  a  soldier.  We  may  mention 
also  the  report,  that  the  vanquished  monarch  was  first  placed  on 
a  pile  of  wood  to  be  burned  alive,  and  was  already  on  the  point 
of  being  consumed  by  the  flames,  when  the  loud  repetition  of  the 
name  of  Solon,  with  whom  he  had  formerly  conversed  on  human 
happiness,  moved  his  conqueror  to  pity  and  rescued  him  from 
danger.*  Incidents  like  these  savor  too  much  of  fiction.  The 
narrative  of  Xenophon,  which  we  have  adopted,  is  much  morn 
natural,  more  consistent,  and  consequently  more  deserving  of  j 
credit.  -  \ 

Cyrus  henceforward  took  Croesus  with  him  in  all  his  expedi- 
tions, either  through  esteem  for  his  person  and  a  desire  to  profit 
by  his  counsels,  or  perhaps  through  motives  of  prudence  and 
policy,  and  in  order  to  guard  against  future  contingencies. 

We  have  already  mentioned,  that  Croesus  was  induced  to  en- 
gage in  a  war  against  the  Persians  by  an  ambiguous  answer  of " 
the  oracle  of  Delphi.  After  his  defeat,  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
reproach  the  oracle  for  having  deceived  him.  The  pretended 
god  justified  his  answers  by  saying  that,  when  ho  foretold  the 
destruction  of  a  great  monarchy,  he  meant  the  overthrow,  not 

*  Herod,  b.  i,  ch.  85—87. 


536.  FALL  OF  BABYLON.  107 

)f  the  Porsi'nn,  but  of  tlio  Lydian  empire !  It  was  by  prcdictioni 
■  '  '  kind,  that  the  evil  spirit,  the  real  author  of  these  deceit- 
clos,  imposed  on  his  deluded  votaries,  by  concealing  hia 
M  ,w..iig  under  such  ambiguous  expressions,  that,  whatever  the 
\t'iit,  the  prediction  might  be  verified. 


A  tins 
ora 
■anin 


!n:W  CONQUESTS  OF  CYRUS.— FALL  OF  BABY'LON.— FOUNDA- 
TION OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE.— b.  c.  547—536. 

I  TnE  victory  of  Cyrus  over  Croesus,  and  its  immediate  conse- 
Iqncnces,  had  given  to  the  former  of  these  monarchs  a  decided 
isuperiority  over  all  Iiis  enemies.  Lesser  Asia,  nay  rather  the 
,whole  continent  between  the  ^gean  sea  and  the  river  Euphrates, 
was  obliged  to  acknowledge  his  laws.  Conquest  followed  con- 
quest. Phenicia,  Syria,  Palestine  and  a  portion  of  Arabia  were 
subdued  J  Egypt  shared  the  same  fate,  or  was  at  least  rendered 
tributary.  The  Babylonian  empire  crumbled  on  all  sides ;  there 
remained  only  its  proud  capital,  which  still  defied  the  power  of 
Cyrus ;  but  this  conqueror  had  now  deprived  its  inhabitants  of 
almost  all  foreign  assistance.  Having  therefore  completed  hia 
measures,  he  re-entered  Assyria,  and  driving  before  him  the  hos- 
tile parties  that  presumed  to  oppose  his  march,  at  last  laid  siege 
to  Babylon. 

This  was  the  most  arduous  task  that  he  had  ever  undertaken. 
The  height  of  the  walls,  the  strength  of  the  fortifications,  and  a 
supply  of  provisions  sufficient  to  support  the  garrison  and  inhabi- 
tants for  twenty  years,  seemed  to  render  the  place  impregnable. 
So  many  obstacles  did  not  discourage  Cyrus,  nor  deter  him  from 
his  design.  Judging  it  however  impossible  to  carry  the  city  by 
storm,  he  ordered  a  line  of  circuravallation  to  be  drawn,  and  a 
deep  and  wide  ditch  to  be  dug  about  it,  apparently  with  the  hope 
of  reducing  the  Babylonians  by  famine;  and  to  avoid  excessive 
fatigue  among  his  soldiers,  he  divided  the  whole  army  into  twelve 
bodies,  and  assigned  to  each  its  month  to  guard  the  trenches. 
The  besieged,  who  thought  themselves  perfectly  secure  against 
every  danger  whether  of  assault  or  famine,  insulted  Cyrus  from 
the  top  of  their  walls,  and  laughed  at  his  various  exertions  as 
waste  of  time  and  unprofitable  labor. 

The  siege  continued  in  this  manner  for  two  years,  at  the  end 
of  which  it  was  or  seemed  to  be  no  more  advanced  than  on  the 
tirst  day.  But  just  at  this  time  Cyrus  was  informed  that  the 
Babylonians  were  preparing  for  a  great  feast,  a  nd  that  they  would 
celebrate  it  by  spending  the  whole  night  in  revelling  and  de- 
bauchery,    lie  seized  upon  this  favorable  opportunity  to  execute 


108  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  III. 

the  bold  scheme  he  had  formed.  Having  posted  two  bodies  of 
his  troops  in  the  two  places  in  which  the  Euphrates  entered  and 
left  the  city,  he  commanded  them  to  penetrate  into  Babylon  by 
marching  in  the  channel  of  the  river  as  soon  as  they  foand  it 
Ibrdable.  In  the  evening  he  caused  the  canals  to  be  opened  that 
led  to  the  vast  ditches  which  had  lately  been  dug,  to  make  the 
waters  ^ow  into  them,  or  as  Herodotus  says,  into  the  great  lake 
situated  at  some  distance  in  the  country;  by  this  means,  the 
channel  of  the  Euphrates  was  in  a  short  time  sufficiently  emptied 
to  afford  an  easy  passage.  The  tw^o  bodies  of  troops  just  men- 
tioned entered  it  about  midnight,  under  the  command  of  two 
Assyrian  lords  who  had  long  since  become  the  faithful  allies  of 
Cyrus.  They  advanced  towards  each  other  without  meeting  any 
obstacle. 

Through  surprising  negligence  or  rather  providential  forget- 
fulness  on  the  part  of  the  Babylonians,  they  had  left  open  the 
brazen  gates  of  the  wall  built  within  the  city  along  each  side  of 
the  river.  These  gates,  had  they  been  shut,  would  have  sufficed 
to  defeat  the  whole  enterprise  of  the  besiegers;  but  the  inhabi- 
tants were  blinded  by  their  pride,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
proximity  of  the  danger,  perceived  not  the  precipice  yawning 
beneath  their  feet.  The  Persians  therefore  ^.asily  penetrated  into 
the  very  heart  of  Babylon.  Having  in  consequence  of  their 
previous  agreement  met  near  the  palace,  they  surprised  the 
guards  and  cut  them  to  pieces;  then  rushing  through  the  doors, 
they  quickly  took  possession  of  the  whole  palace  and  put  King 
Baltassar  and  all  his  attendants  to  the  sword.  With  this  prince 
fell  the  Babylonian  or  second  Assyrian  empire,  after  it  had  lasted 
two  hundred  and  ten  years  from  Nabonassar,  and  eighty-eight 
years  after  it  had  been  transferred  from  Ninive  to  Babylon.  On 
the  following  day,  the  citadel  surrendered  without  resistance,  and 
CyruH  saw  himself  the  undisputed  master  of  the  strongest  and  , 
most  powerful  place  in  the  world  (b.  c.  538). 

This  momentous  event,  with  all  its  leading  circumstances,  had 
been  clearly  foretold  by  the  Hebrew  prophets.  Nearly  two  hun- 
dred years  before  it  happened,  Isaias  had  declared  it  in  these 
words :  "  The  burden  of  Babylon,  which  Isaias  the  son  of  Amos 
saw.     Upon  the  dark  mountain  lift  ye  up  a  banner,  exalt  the 

voice,  lift  up  the  hand,  and  let  the  rulers  go  into  the  gates 

Behold  I  will  stir  up  the  Medes  against  them  (the  inhabitants  of 
Babylon).  .  .  .  Thus  saith  the  Lord  to  my  anointed  Cyrus,  whose 
right  hand  I  have  taken  hold  of,  to  subdue  nations  before  his;^ 
face,  and  to  turn  the  backs  of  kings,  and  to  open  the  doors  before, 
him ;  and  the  gates  shall  not  be  shut.    I  will  go  before  tliee,  and  '* 


-    I 


gft.  0.  086  FALL  OF  BABYLON.  100 

f.vill  humble  the  groat  ones  of  the  earth :  I  will  break  in  pieces 
the  gates  of  brass,  and  will  burst  the  bars  of  iron.  And  I  will 
give  thee  hidden  treasures,  and  the  concealed  riches  of  secret 
places,  that  thou  mayest  know  that  I  am  the  Lord  who  call  thee 
by  thy  name,  the  God  of  Israel.''* 

The  prophet  Jeremias  had  also  expressly  foretold  the  ruin  of 
the  Babylonian  city  and  people. f  But  the  most  solemn  and 
impressive  warning  of  God's  justice  against  Babylon  was  given 
In  that  city  itself. 

In  the  very  night  which  beheld  its  downfall,  whilst  King 
Baltassar  was  feasting  with  his  nobles  and  profaning  the  sacred 
vessels  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  ^'  there  appeared  fingers,  as  it 
were  of  the  hand  of  a  man,  writing  over  against  the  candlestick 
>  upon  the  surface  of  the  wall  of  the  king's  .palace."  The  words 
written  by  this  miraculous  hand  were  :  Mane,  which  means 
numher ;  TliECEL,  wevjht;  Piiares,  division:  to  signify,  as 
Daniel  interpreted  them  by  the  light  of  heavenly  inspiration, 
that  the  Babylonian  monarchy  was  at  an  end,  having  now  com- 
puted the  number  of  her  days,  being  weighed  in  the  scale,  of 
divine  justice,  and  divided  among  or  given  over  to  the  Medes 
ind  Persians.  "The  same  night,  Baltassar  the  Chaldean  king 
was  slain ;  and  Darius,  the  Mede"  (the  same  as  Cyaxares  II), 
'*  succeeded  to  the  kingdom. "J 

As  to  the  subsequent  fate  of  Babylon,  it  had  been  thus  fore- 
told by  Isaias:  "That  Babylon,  famous  among  kingdoms,  the 
famous  pride  of  the  Chaldeans,  shall  be  even  as  the  Lord 
destroyed  Sodom  and  Gomorrha.  It  shall  no  more  be  inhabited 
for  ever,  and  it  shall  not  be  founded  unto  generation  and  genera- 
tion :  neither  shall  the  Arabian  pitch  his  tent  there,  nor  shall 
shepherds  rest  there.    But  wild  beasts  shall  rest  there,  and  their 

houses  shall  be  filled  with  serpents And  1  will  make  it  a 

possession  for  the  ericius  and  pools  of  waters,  and  I  will  sweep  it 
and  wear  it  out  with  a  besom,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.  The  Lord  of 
hosts  hath  sworn,  saying:  Surely  as  I  have  thought,  so  shall  it 
be;  and  as  I  have  purposed,  so  shall  it  fall  out."§ 

This  astonishing  prediction  was  literally,  though  gradually 
fulfilled.  Babylon,  much  neglected  by  its  new  sovereigns,  who 
preferred  other  cities  for  their  residence,  became,  after  the  lapse 
of  some  ages,  entirely  deserted.  Its  walls,  houses  and  public 
buildings  falling  to  decay,  whilst  no  one  took  care  to  repair 
them,  were  by  degrees  reduced  to  a  heap  of  ruins,  and  finally 

*  Isa.  xiii,  1,  2,  17  ;  and  xlv,  1 — 3.  f  Jerera.  xxv,  1,  IL 

J  i?ec  the  whole  narrative  in  Daniel,  v 
f  Isa  xiii,  19—21  ;  and  xiv,  23—25. 
10 


110  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IIL 

changed  into  a  wild  solitude,  the  receptacle  of  noxious  beasts, 
owls  and  reptiles.  So  it  has  continued  to  the  present  day.  Rub- 
bish and  nitre  cover  the  spot  formerly  occupied  by  its  amazing 
towers  and  palaces;  the  ground,  everywhere  intersected  with 
marshes,  barren  and  dreary,  presents  nothing  to  the  eye  of  the 
traveller  but  scenes  of  death  and  desolation.  The  just  chastise- 
ment of  God  visited  this  impious  and  proud  city,  and  it  disap- 
peared from  the  earth. 

Cyrus  had  achieved,  by  the  reduction  of  Babylon,  the  grand 
object  of  all  his  enterprises,  and  brought  a  formidable  conflict  of 
twenty-one  years  to  a  most  prosperous  issue.  As  his  modesty 
was  equal  to  his  abilities,  he  left  the  principal  share  of  power  to 
his  uncle  Cyaxares,  king  of  Media.  They  divided  the  vast 
empire  just  conquered  by  their  united  armies  into  one  hundred 
and  twenty  provinces,  and  intrusted  the  government  of  them  to 
those  who  had  most  distinguished  themselves  by  their  services  fl 
during  the  war.  Appropriate  rewards  and  honors  were  likewise  m 
bestowed  on  the;  whole  army.  After  these  important  regula- 
tions, Cyrus  made  a  general  review  of  his  forces:  they  were 
found  to  consist  of  two  thousand  chariots  armed  with  scythes, 
one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  horse,  and  six  hundred  thou- 
sand infantry.  When  he  had  supplied  the  cities  or  castles  with 
garrisons,  and  the  various  parts  of  the  empire  with  a  sufficient, 
number  of  soldiers  for  their  defence,  he  marched  with  the  re- 
mainder into  Syria,  where  he  regulated  the  affairs  of  that  pro- 
vince, and  afterwards  subdued  many  other  nations,  pursuing  his 
victorious  career  even  as  far  as  Ethiopia.  But  the  particulars 
of  these  expeditions  are  unknown. 

CyTixares  II  died  two  years  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Baby- 
Ionian  monarchy,  and  Cambyses,  king  of  Persia,  also  died  about 
the  same  time.  Cyrus,  having  returned  to  Babylon,  took  the 
reins  of  government  into  his  own  hands.  Being  the  successor 
of  both  these  princes  and  the  conqueror  of  so  many  countries, 
his  accession  to  the  throne  (b.  c.  536)  was  the  real  epoch  of  the 
foundation  of  a  new  empire,  more  extensive  than  any  that  had 
hitherto  existed 


RELiaiON,  GOVERNMENT,  ETC.        /  HI 


lU-LlGION,    GOVERNMENT,    LAWS    AND    MANNERS    OF    THE 
ANCIENT  PERSIANS.— CAUSES  OF  THEIR  RAPID  PROGRESS, 
AND  OF  THEIR  SUBSEQUENT  DECLINE. 
4 

1.  Religion. — The  religion  of  the  ancient  Persians  was.  idolatry, 
not,  it  is  true,  under  so  gross  a  form  as  that  of  most  other  na- 
tions  of  antiquity,  but  still  real  heathenism.  The  usual  objects 
(if  their  worship  were  the  sun,  and,  as  a  natural  consequence,  fire 

They  had  no  temples,  and  rather  seemed  to  hold  them  in 
detestation,  as  they  consigned  to  the  flames  all  the  temples 
which  they  found  in  Greece,  during  their  expedition  in  that 
t'.untry  under  Xerxes.  Cicero  relates  (lib.  2,  De Leg.')  that  this 
work  of  destruction  was  attributed  to  the  advice  of  the  Magi,  or 
Persian  philosophers,  whose  s^ct  had  been  founded  or  re-or- 
ganized by  Zoroaster,  a  famous  legislator  of  Persia.  This  country 
also,  more  than  any  other,  admitted  the  false  doctrine  of  two  creators 
and  principles,  the  one  good,  the  other  evil,  a  doctrine  which 
became,  at  a  later  period,  the  capital  dogma  of  the  Manichean 
heresy. 

2.  Government. — The  government  among  the  Persians,  as 
among  the  other  oriental  nations,  was  an  absolute  and  hereditary 
monarchy.  Yet,  the  authority  of  the  Persian  kings,  from  the 
time  of  Darius  Hystaspes,  was  kept  within  certain  bounds  by  a 
state-council  of  seven  members,  who  were  still  more  commendable 
for  their  wisdom  and  abilities  than  for  their  high  birth  and  social 
elevation.  The  provinces  were  placed  under  the  immediate  con- 
trol, not  of  viceroys,  who  at  a  great  distance  from  the  court  might 
have  too  easily  abused  their  power,  but  of  governors  of  an  infe- 
rior rank  called  Satraps.  Their  number  was  from  one  hundred 
and  twenty  to  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  according  to  cir- 
cumstances which  may  have  occurred  in  the  division  of  the  empire; 
it  was  afterwards  reduced  to  twenty.  These  satraps  were  obliged 
to  give  an  account  of  their  administration  and  conduct  to  three 
general  superintendents,  who  themselves  had  to  make  their  report 
to  the  sovereign.  The  prophet  Daniel,  being  no  less  esteemed 
by  Cyaxares  and  Cyrus  than  he  had  been  by  Nabuchodonosor, 
was  appointed  by  them  to  be  one  of  the  three  superintendents, 
and  even,  it  appears,  the  first  of  the  three,  and  the  highest  of  all 
in  the  royal  confidence. 

3.  Laws. — The  Persians  had  excellent  laws  to  secure  an  exac-i 
distribution  of  justice.  It  was  frequently  administered  by  the 
king  himself.  Ordinary  cases  were  tried  before  judges,  whom 
the  law  appointed  to  that  important  office  only  when  they  had 


112  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  III 

attained  great  maturity  of  judgment,  and  at  least  fifty  years  of 
age.  One  of  their  essential  rules  was,  never  to  condemn  any 
one  until  he  should  have  a  fair  opportunity  and  sufficient  tima 
to  answer,  if  he  could,  all  the  charges  brought  against  him ;  and 
then,  if  the  accused  person  was  founft  innocent,  the  penalties 
which  he  himself  would  have  suffered,  if  he  had  been  convicted^ 
were  inflicted  on  his  accuser.  The  government,  as  may  be 
gathered  from  certain  facts,  watched  with  great  care  over  the 
mtegrity  and  disinterestedness  of  the  judges.  One  of  them 
having  permitted  himself  to  be  bribed,  was  condemned  to  death 
by  the  king,  and  his  skin  was  fastened  to  the  chair  in  which  hia 
son  and  successor  in  office  had  to  sit,  to  remind  him  continuall;y 
of  his  duty. 

4.  Manners  and  Customs. — One  of  the  most  striking  featurea 
in  the  customs  of  the  ancient  Persians  was  the  manner  in  which 
they  conducted  the  education  of  their  children.  They  did  not, 
says  Xenophon  (Cyrop.  b.  i,  c.  2),  as  many  other  people  do,  wait 
till  their  sons  had  reached  an  advanced  age,  to  deter  them  from 
vice  and  teach  them  the  practice  of  virtue :  young  boys  were 
placed,  from  the  beginning,  under  the  care  of  experienced,  vir- 
tuous, and  vigilant  masters,  equally  capable  of  instructing  them 
by  word  and  example.  They  were  subjected  to  a  rule  which 
settled  every  thing  that  they  had  to  do,  the  duration  of  theii 
exercises,  the  time  of  their  meals,  the  quality  of  their  food  and 
drink,  etc.  To  accustom  them  early  to  sobriety  and  temperance, 
their  food  was  bread  and  cresses,  their  beverage  water ;  this  plain 
diet,  excluding  spices  and  dainties,  strengthened  their  bodies,  and 
contributed  to  give  them  a  vigorous  constitution,  well  calculated 
to  bear  afterwards  the  severest  labor  and  fatigue.  As  to  their 
moral  education,  they  were  particularly  trained  to  the  duties  of 
justice,  frugality,  and  thankfulness  for  benefits  received ;  and, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  they  learned  to  detest  intemperance,  in- 
gratitude, and  lying,  as  degrading  vices.  Such  were  the  Per- 
sians, until  the  full  establishment  of  their  empire. 

5.  Progress. — What  has  already  been  said  may  partly  explain 
their  rapid  progress,  victories  and  conquests  under  Cyrus.  Being 
a  sober,  healthy,  courageous  and  warlike  people,  they  easily 
defeated  and  subdued  nations  which  had  been  long  since  ener- 
vated by  the  possession  of  great  riches  and  an  indolent  life,  or 
by  effeminac}^  and  dissolute  manners.  Another  great  cause  of 
their  success  was  the  transcendent  genius  of  Cyrus,  who  proved 
himself  far  superior  in  ability  to  all  his  adversaries,  and  who 
carried  the  science  of  war  and  government  to  a  higher  degree  of 
perfection  than  any  previous  conqueror  or  monarch. — Far  above 


RELIGION,  GOVERNMENT,  ETC.  118 

these  particular  causes,  wc  ought  to  recognise  in  the  rapid  rise 
of  this  new  monarchy,  the  action  of  God's  providence,  choosing, 
preparing  and  enabling  the  Persians  to  destroy  the  proud  empire 
of  iabylon,  and  to  be  the  protectors  of  his  chosen  people. 

6  Decline. — But  when  the  Persians,  in  their  turn,  permitted 
themselves  to  be  weakened  and  corrupted  by  their  prosperity; 
wlien  their  former  virtuous  dispositions  and  moral  qualities  were 
partly  superseded  by  the  opposite  vices,  and  especially  when 
tnoy  began  to  indulge  in  all  the  excesses  of  sensuality,  efieminacy 
and  luxury,  they  soon  brought  their  monarchy  to  its  decline.* 

It  is,  indeed,  vrell'  known  that  this  was  not  the  case  with  the 
Persians  only.  The  most  enlightened  statesmen,  philosophers 
and  historians  have  unanimously  taught  as  an  incontestable  truth, 
that  luxury  carried  to  a  certain  degree  never  fails  to  cause  the  ruin 
of  the  most  flourishing  states;  and  constant  experience  has  ever 
proved  the  accuracy  of  this  maxim.  But  never  did  it  so  strikingly 
appear  as  among  the  Persians.  They  were  no  longer  the  same 
warlike  nation  that  they  had  been  before  and  under  Cyrus;  they 
raised  innumerable  troops,  but  had  few  soldiers.  On  account  of 
these  numerous  armies,  and  a  certain  natural  bravery  which  they 
possessed,  they  might  still  appear  formidable  to  the  degenerate 
nations  of  the  East;  but,  when  they  came  in  contact  with  the 
martial  tribes  of  Europe,  they  experienced  nothing  but  defeats 
and  disappointments,  till  at  length  they  were  entirely  overthrown 
by  the  bold  attacks  of  the  Macedonian  conqueror. 

*  See  on  tliis  subject,  the  judicious  remarks  of  Xenophon,  in  the  last 
book  and  last  chapter  of  his  Cyropedia;  and  those  of  Bossuet,  in  his 
admirable  Diicouris  en  Universal  History,  part  iii,  ch.  6. 


10» 


PART  IV. 

FROM  THE  FOUNI^ATIOX  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE  (b.  C.  53G),  TO  IT§  OVER- 
THEOW,  AND  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  (b.  C.  324). 


REIGN   OF   CYRUS.— B.  c.  536— 529.— DEATH  AND  CHARACTER 
OF  THAT  PRINCE. 

TuE  first  care  of  Cyrus  after  he  began  to  reign  alone  over  the 
?ast  monarchy  which  he  had  founded,  was  to  set  the  captive  Jews 
at  liberty  and  restore  them  to  the  land  of  their  fathers.  He 
published  a  solemn  edict  permitting  them  all  to  return  thither, 
carry  back  their  sacred  vessels  and  rebuild  the  temple  of  Jeru- 
salem (b.  c.  536).* 

'  They  set  out  from  Babylon  to  the  number  of  about  forty-two 
thousand  under  the  conduct  of  Zorobabel,  a  prince  of  the  royal 
fiimily  of  Juda.  Owing  to  the  jealousy  of  their  neighbors,  the 
Samaritans,  they  experienced  great  difficulty  in  carrying  out  the 
benevolent  intentions  of  Cyrus  and  his  successors;  at  length,  re- 
peated decrees  in  their  favor  from  the  court  of  Persia,  enabled 
them  to  reassume  their  former  civil  position  and  rebuild  not  only 
ihe  temple,  but  also  the  walls  and  fortifications  of  Jerusalem. 
From  that  time,  they  long  continued  happy  in  the  faithful  ob- 
servance of  their  law  under  the  constant  protection  of  the  Persian 
monarchs. 

As  to  Cyrus,  the  chief  instrument  and  executor  of  God's  de- 
signs in  behalf  of  the  chosen  people,  he  now  peacefully  enjoyed 
the  fruit  of  his  labors  and  victories.  "To  those  who  were  sub- 
ject to  him,''  says  Xenophon,  "he  showed  all  kindness  and 
regard  as  to  his  children;  and  they  returned  to  Cyrus  duty, 
affection  and  respect  as  to  a  father.""!"  A  man  of  truly  superior 
genius,  he  displayed  in  the  government  of  the  vast  dominions 
under  his  sway,  the  same  consummate  prudence  and  successful 

*  See  the  end  of  the  second  book  of  Paralipomencn  and  the  begm« 
ning  of  the  first  book  of  Esdraa. 
f  Ct/rop.  b.  viii,  ch.  8. 
Ill 


I 


B.  c.  53C-529.  REIGN  OF  CYRUS  115 

ability  that  he  had  so  long  evinced  at  the  head  of  armies.  Ilis 
empire  extended  from  the  river  Indus  to  thaf^Ege-dn  shore,  and 
from  the  Euxine  and  Caspian  seas  to  the  Arabian  sea  and  tho 
houndaries  of  Ethiopia.  lie  usually  resided,  during  autumn 
and  winter,  in  Babylon,  on  account  of  the  greater  warmth  of  the 
cliuiate;  he  spent  the  spring  in  Susa,  and  the  summer  season,  or 
the  greater  portion  of  it,  in  Ecbatana,  under  a  more  northern 
and  cool  temperature. 

To  a  very  advanced  age  Cyrus  enjoyed  excellent  health,  the 
tVuit  of  his  sober  and  temperate  life.  The  manner  of  his  death 
is  not  certainly  known.  If  we  may  believe  Herodotus  and 
Justin,*  he  fell  into  an  ambuscade,  and  was  slain  with  two  hun- 
dred thousand  men  of  his  troops,  in  a  battle  against  the  Scy- 
thians. According  to  the  more  credible  account  of  Xenop^on -j" 
fyrus,  having  undertaken  a  new  journey  to  Persia,  died  there 
very  calmly  in  his  bed,  surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends  | 

*  Herodotus,  b.  i,  ch.  214. — Justin,  b.  i,  ch.  8. 

I  Cyrop.  b.  viii,  ch.  7. 

X  "This  is,"  says  Dr.  Prideaux,  "by  much  the  more  probable  nc- 
camt  of  the  two ;  for  it  is  by  no  means  likely  that  so  wise  a  mian  aa 
t'vrus,  and  so  advanced  in  years  as  he  then  was,  should  engage  in  so 
rash  an  undertaking  as  that  Scythian  expedition  is  described  by  those 
who  tell  us  of  it.  Neither  can  it  be  conceived  how,  after  such  a  blow, 
his  new-erected  empire  could  have  been  upheld,  especially  in  the  handa 
Ot  such  a  successor  as  Cambyses  was,  or  how  it  could  be  possible  that 
he  should,  so  soon  after  it,  be  in  a  condition  to  wage  such  a  war  as  he 
did  with  the  Egyptians,  and  make  such  an  absolute  conquest  of  that 
country  as  he  did.  That  such  a  wild-headed  man  could  settle  himself 
so  easily  in  his  father's  new-erected  empire,  and  hold  it  in  such  quiet  at 
home,  and  so  soon  after  his  coming  to  it,  enlarge  it  with  such  conquests 
abroad,  could  certainly  be  owing  to  nothing  else,  but  that  it  was  founded 
in  the  highest  wisdom,  and  left  to  him  in  the  highest  tranquillity. 
Besides,  all  authors  agree,  that  Cyrus  was  buried  at  Pasargada,  in 
Persia ;  in  which  country,  Xenophon  saith  he  died,  and  his  monumenr 
there  continued  to  the  time  of  Alexander:  (Strabo,  lib.  15,  p.  730; 
Plutarchus  in  vita  Alexandri,  Q.  Curtius,  Arrianus,  aliique).  But  if  he 
had  been  slain  in  Scythia,  and  his  body  there  mangled  by  way  of  in- 
dignity to  it,  in  such  a  manner  as  Herodotus  and  Justin  do  relate,  how 
can  we  suppose  it  could  ever  have  been  brought  thence  out  of  those 
enraged  barbarians,  to  be  buried  at  Pasargada  ?" — Prideaux's  Coji- 
necliojix,  or  History  of  the  Jews  and  neighboring  nations,  vol.  i,  b.  iii,  ad 
ann.  b.  c.  530. 

In  another  place  (ad  ann.  b.  c.  559),  the  same  author  shows  with 
equal  perspicuity,  that  Xenophon's  account  at  large  of  the  life  and 
actions  of  Cyrus  is  highly  preferable  to  that  given  by  Herodotus  and 
his  copiers ;  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  those  who  consider  the  Cyro- 
pedia  of  the  former,  not  as  an  authentic  history,  but  as  an  historical 
romance  and  a  description,  not  of  what  that  prince  really  was,  but  of 


116  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paht  IV. 

lie  lived  about  seventy  yeans^  thirty  of  which  had  elapsed  since 
the  beginning  of  4>is  public  and  military  career;  nine  from  the 
fcaking  of  Babylon,  and  seven  from  the  time  when  he  commenced 
to  reign  alone,  after  the  death  of  his  uncle  Cyaxares  II. 

Cyrus  had  the  misfortune  not  to  know  and  worship  the  true 
God,  by  whom  he  was  favored  with  so  much  prosperity.     Be- 

what  a  just  and  virtuous  prince  ought  to  be.  The  words  of  the  English 
historian  of  the  Jews,  are  as  follows  : 

''  It  must  be  acknowledged,  that  Xenophon,  being  a  great  commander 
as  well  as  a  great  philosopher,  did  graft  many  of  his  maxims  of  wax 
and  policy  into  that  history,  and  to  make  it  a  vehicle  for  this,  perchance 
was  his  whole  design  in  writing  that  book.  But  it  doth  not  follow  from 
hence,  but  that  still  the  whole  foundation  and  groundplot  of  the  work 
may  be  all  true  history.  That  he  intended  it  for  such,  is  plain,"  (from 
the  work  itself,  especially  from  the  beginning,  where  he  testifies  his 
labor  and  diligence  of  research) ;  "  and  that  it  was  so,  its  agreeable- 
ness  with  the  holy  writ  doth  abundantly  verify.  And  the  true  reason 
why  he  chose  the  life  of  Cyrus  before  all  others  for  the  purpose  above- 
mentioned,  seemeth  to  be  no  other,  but  that  he  found  the  true  history 
of  that  excellent  and  gallant  prince  to  be,  above  all  others,  the  fittest 
for  those  maxims  of  right  policy  and  true  princely  virtue  to  correspond 
with,  which  he  grafted  upon  it.  And  therefore,  bating  the  military 
and  political  reflections,  the  descants,  discourses,  and  speeches  inter- 
spersed in  that  work,  which  must  be  acknowledged  to  have  been  all  of 
Xenophon's  addition,  the  remaining  bare  matters  of  fact  I  take  to  have 
been  related  by  that  author,  as  the  true  history  of  Cyrus.  And  thus 
far  I  think  him  to  have  been  of  much  better  credit  in  this  matter  than 
Herodotus.  For  Herodotus,  having  travelled  through  Egypt,  Syria, 
and  several  other  countries,  in  order  to  the  writing  of  his  history,  did 
as  travellers  use  to  do,  that  is,  put  down  all  relations  upon  trust  as  he 
met  with  them,  and  no  doubt  he  was  imposed  on  in  many  of  them ;" 
the  more  so,  as  he  appears,  in  many  parts  of  his  narrative,  to  have 
been  over-credulous  and  fond  of  marvellous  stories.  "But  Xenophon 
was  a  man  of  another  character  (Diog.  Laertius  in  vita  Xenopliontis), 
who  wrote  all  things  with  great  judgment  and  due  consideration;  and 
having  lived  in  the  court  of  Cyrus  the  Younger,  a  descendant  of  the 
Cyrus  whom  we  now  speak  of,  had  opportunities  of  being  better  in- 
formed of  what  he  wrote  of  this  great  prince,  than  Herodotus  was ;  and 
confining  himself  to  this  argument  only,  no  doubt  he  examined  all  mat- 
ters relating  to  it  more  thoroughly,  and  gave  a  more  accurate  and 
exact  account  of  them,  than  could  be  expected  from  the  other,  who 
wrote  of  all  things  at  large  as  they  came  in  his  way." 

Thus  far  Prideaux,  whose  views  not  being  biassed  in  this  by  any  sec- 
tarian spirit  or  national  prejudice,  seem  decisive  in  favor  of  Xenophon. 
For  these  reasons,  a  multitude  of  judicious  writers  and  critics  do  not 
hesitate  to  follow  the  Cyropedia,  rather  than  any  other  account  of 
Cyrus'  life  and  actions,  that  differs  from  it.  Such,  among  others,  are 
the  learned  authors  of  English  Univ.  Hist.  vol.  vii,  pp.  290 — 292,  and 
313; — Bossuet,  Discourse  on  Univ.  Hist,  part  i,  ad  ann.  b.  c.  536;— 
Rollin's  Ancient  Mist.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  278 — 282; — GtJrard,  Lemons  sur  Vllia- 
toire,  vol.  v,  pp.  402,  403 ;  etc. 


0.636— '529.  RKIGN  OF  CYRUS.  117 

uiiles  what  profane  history  repeatedly  tells  us  of  his  sacrifices  to 
the  god;^,  we  read  in  the  Scripture,  "  Thus  saith  the  Lord  to  my 

anointed  Cyrus I  am  the  Lord,  and  there  is  none  else ; 

there  is  no  God  besides  me ;  I  girded  thee,  and  thou  hast  not 

own  me."^"  He  is  also  reproached  for  not  having  taken  that 
ire  of  the  education  of  his  sons,  which  had  been  taken  of  hia 
own.  But,  in  other  respects,  how  many  qualifications  and  moral 
virtues  adorned  the  character  of  Cyrus  !  He  united  all  the  re- 
<|uisites  of  a  true  hero,  a  great  conqueror  and  an  excellent  mo- 
narch, such  as  courage,  wnsdom,  clemency,  magnanimity,  and  a  libe- 
rality that  made  him  value  riches  only  so  far  as  they  enabled 
him  to  do  good  ;  a  wonderful  ability  in  conducting  men  by  insi- 
nuation and  mildness;  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  military 
science  of  his  time,  which  he  even  greatly  improved  among 
the  Persians ;  an  inventive  genius,  astonishing  activity  and  con- 
summate prudence  in  prosecuting  the  greatest  and  most  arduous 
designs. 

It  is  easy  for  some  persons  to  appear  great  on  public  occasions, 
for  instance,  on  the  field  of  battle,  whilst  their  private  life  may 
be  mean  and  contemptible.  Not  so  Cyrus.  Chaste,  modest  and 
temperate,  he  always  appeared  the  same,  that  is,  always  great, 
even  in  the  most  ordinary  actions  of  life.  Notwithstanding  the 
superiority  of  his  talents,  he  was  never  ashamed  to  ask  advice, 
and  to  prefer,  whenever  circumstances  required  it,  the  judgment 
of  others  to  his  own.  Easiness  of  access,  kindness  of  manners, 
affability  and  moderation,  ever  shone  conspicuous  in  him,  and 
without  weakening  the  respect,  gained  him  the  affection  of  every 
one  ',  Cicero  makes  the  remark  that  this  prince,  during  the  whole 
time  of  his  government,  was  never  heard  to  speak  one  harsh  or 
angry  word.f  This  is  certainly  one  of  the  highest  encomiums 
that  can  be  bestowed  on  a  monarch  raised  to  the  summit  of  power 
and  greatness ;  and  yet  there  was  something  in  him  still  more 
praiseworthy,  viz. :  his  intimate  and  practical  persuasion  that  all 
his  labors  and  efforts  ought  to  tend  to  the  happiness  of  his  peo- 
ple. Hence,  the  same  illustrious  author  does  not  hesitate  to  say 
that  the  reign  of  Cyrus  is  justly  proposed  by  Xenophon  as  a 
model  of  an  excellent  government. J 

It  was  by  the  happy  union  of  so  many  moral  qualifications  and 
^much  ability,  that  this  great  prince  founded  in  a  short  time  a 

*  Isa.  xlv,  i,  5. 

■j  Cujus  summo  in  imperio  nemo  unquam  verbum  ullum  asperius  an- 
divit.     Libr.  i.  Epist.  2.  ad  Quint,  fratr. 

X  Cyrus  a  Xenophonte  scriptus  est  ad  justi  effigiem  imperii — Jiem, 
Ej>iit.  ad  Quint,  fratr. 


119  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  TV. 

verj  extensive  empire ;  governed  it  with  great  facility  during  the 
remainder  of  his  lifej  enjoyed  the  esteem  and  love,  not  only  of 
his  native  subjects,  but  also  of  the  nations  whom  he  had  sub- 
dued, and,  after  his  death,  was  universally  regretted  as  the  com- 
mon father  of  all. 


FIRST  SUCCESSORS  OF  CYRUS— CAMBYSES  AND  SMERDIS. 
B.  c.  529—521. 

The  most  accomplished  monarch  of  profane  antiquity  left  his 
place  to  be  filled  by  a  wretched  prince,  a  very  madman ;  for  such 
was  Cambyses,  the  son  and  successor  of  Cyrus.  He  did  not  seem 
to  be  naturally  deficient  in  talent,  much  less  in  courage ;  but, 
being  irascible  in  the  extreme,  violent,  revengeful  and  prone  to 
cruelty,  he  commonly  followed  no  other  giiide  than  the  impulse, 
of  the  moment  and  the  dictate  of  passion. 

In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign,  Cambyses  declared  war  against 
Egypt,  which  country  had  probably  shaken  off  the  Persian  yoke. 
He  first  attacked  Pelusium,  the  key  of  that  kingdom  on  the 
eastern  frontier,  and  to  acselerate  the  conquest  of  this  place  had 
recourse  to  a  singular  and  cunning  stratagem.  By  his  command, 
the  Persians,  in  going  to  the  assault,  placed  just  before  them  a 
large  number  of  cats,  dogs,  sheep  and  other  animals  held  sacred 
by  the  Egyptians:  as  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  for  fear  of 
killing  some  of  these  animals,  would  not  hurl  their  darts  nor 
make  use  of  their  weapons  against  the  assailants,  the  city  wag 
carried  without  opposition. — A  numerous  army  of  Egyptians, 
who  came  forward  to  arrest  the  progress  of  Cambyses,  was  de- 
feated with  nearly  the  same  facility ;  Memphis,  their  capital,  was 
taken  by  storm,  and  in  a  short  time  the  whole  country  submitted 
to  the  Persian  monarch. 

King  Psammenitus  himself  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
conqueror.  He  at  first  experienced  a  kind  and  even  honorable 
treatment ;  but,  as  he  repaid  this  kindness  and  generosity  only 
by  exciting  fresh  disturbances,  he  was  made  to  suffer  the  punish- 
ment of  death.  The  Egyptians  may  be  said  to  have  lost  from 
that  time  their  national  existence.  Frequently,  it  is  true,  they 
endeavored  to  recover  it ;  but  they  could  never  obtain  entire  and 
lasting  success,  and  all  their  efforts  to  this  purpose  served  only, 
sooner  and  later,  to  rivet  their  chains  more  closely. 

Cambyses,  greatly  animated  by  the  advantages  which  he  bad 
obtainedj  resolved  to  pursue  his  career  of  conquest.  Ethiopia 
and  that  part  of  Africa  inhabited  by  the  Ammouians,  were  now 
the  principal  objects  of  his  ambition;  he  sent  a  detachment  ot 


9.  0.  52<J— 521.     FIRST  SUCCESSORS  OF  CYRUS.  119 

ifty  thousand  men  against  the  latter,  and  he  himself  led  the 
iKiiii  body  of  his  troops  against  the  former.  No  expedition 
LM)uld  liave  been  more  rashly  undertaken,  or  more  fatally  con- 
cluded. The  detachment,  after  having  passed  the  city  of  Oasis, 
,v:is,  it  is  believed,  buried  in  the  desert  under  heaps  of  moving 
and ;  and  famine  destroyed  so  great  a  number  of  soldiers  in  the 
rest  of  the  army,  that  Cambyses  was  obliged  to  go  back  in  shame 
and  disgrace. 

On  his  way,  he  again  entered  Memphis,  and  found  that  city  in 
the  midst  of  rejoicings.  Imagining  that  the  ill  success  of  his 
enterprise  was  the  cause  of  this  great  joy,  he  fell  into  a  rage, 
and  caused  the  magistrates  to  be  put  to  death.  Being  then  told 
by  the  priests,  that  the  source  of  the  public  exultation  was  the 
discovery  of  their  god  Apis,  he  expressed  a  desire  to  see  him ; 
when,  instead  of  a  god,  he  saw  a  calf,  he  again  gave  way  to  his 
fury,  and  killed  the  animal  with  a  dagger. 

Still  greater  were  the  excesses  perpetrated  by  Cambyses  against 
the  members  of  his  own  family.  Having  with  him  in  the  army 
his  brother  Smerdis,  he  began  to  entertain  a  silly  and  base  jea- 
lousy ou  his  account.  For  this  reason,  he  first  sent  him  away  to 
Persia,  and  then  after  a  dream  which  renewed  his  apprehension, 
despatched  an  executioner  to  behead  that  unfortunate  prince. 
He  killed  his  sister  Meroe  in  a  still  more  shocking  manner, 
namely,  by  a  violent  blow  with  his  foot.  These  and  other  crimes 
rendered  him  so  odious,  that  another  Smerdis,  strikingly  resem- 
bling the  prince  of  that  name,  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed 
king  as  the  true  son  and  successor  of  Cyrus. 

Cambyses  was  apprized  of  this  event,  whilst  on  his  way  from 
Egypt.  He  immediately  prepared  to  march  at  the  head  of  his 
troops  against  the  usurper ;  but,  as  he  was  mounting  his  horse 
for  this  expedition,  his  sword  slipped  out  of  the  scabbard,  and  so 
.■seriously  wounded  him,  that  he  died  in  a  few  days,  after  he  had 
reigned  seven  years  and  eight  months  (b.  c.  522). 

The  premature  death  of  Cambyses,  and  the  previous  murder 
of  his  brother  which  had  been  generally  kept  secret,  secured  for 
a  time  the  possession  of  the  throne  to  the  counterfeit  Smerdis: 
he  endeavored,  by  many  benefits  and  favors,  to  gain  the  affec- 
tion of  the  people,  taking  at  the  same  time  every  precaution  to 
conceal  his  imposture,  which  was,  however,  strongly  suspected 
by  the  chief  lords  of  the  court.  Through  a  confidential  person 
who  lived  in  the  palace,  they  fully  ascertained  the  fraud,  from 
the  fact  that  the  very  man  who  now  reigned  over  the  Persiana 
hud  formerly  had  his  ears  cut  off"  by  order  of  Cyrus. 

Upon  the  verification  of  this  important  fact  in  the  person  of 


I 


120  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

Smerdis,  the  lords  unanimously  resolved  to  deliver  their  country 
and  themselves  from  the  sway  of  that  usurper.  Before  their 
design  could  in  any  way  come  to  notice,  they  obtained  admission 
into  the  palace,  and  having,  either  by  persuasion  or  open  force, 
reached  the  royal  apartments,  they  killed  Smerdis ;  then  sever- 
ing the  head  from  the  body,  they  immediately  showed  it  to  the' 
people,  in  order  to  make  the  whole  imposture  universally  known. 
On  the  following  day,  Darius  Hystaspes,  one  of  the  seven  lords 
who  had  carried  out  this  bold  attempt,  was  saluted  king  by  the 
other  six ;  and  he,  on  his  part,  showed  his  gratitude  by  confer- 
ring on  them  ample  privileges,  and  raising  them  to  the  highest 
dignities. 

This  revolution  happened  in  the  year  b.  c.  521.  It  was  the 
beginning  of  a  long  and  celebrated  reign,  of  which  we  will  have 
much  to  sa}'-,  after  having  taken  a  view  of  the  contemporary 
transactions  at  Rome  and  Athens. 


TARQUIN  THE  PROUD,  THE  LAST  OF  THE  ROMAN  KINGS.— 

B.  c.  534—509.  ,^\- 

TiiE  crafty  ambition  of  an  impostor  had,  within  a  short  time, 
occasioned  in  Persia  a  double  change  of  dynasty;  at  Rome,  the 
pride  and  cruelty  of  a  tyrant  led  the  way  to  a  change  of  tho 
monarchical  into  the  republican  form  of  government.  Lucius 
Tarquin,  justly  surnamed  the  proiid,  after  having  usurped  the 
sovereign  power  by  the  murder  of  his  father-in-law  Servius,  re- 
tained possession  of  the  throne  by  the  same  odious  means  to 
which  he  owed  his  elevation.  His  whole  reign  presented  a  series 
of  cruelties  and  acts  of  injustice.  Hence,  neither  his  victories 
and  conquests  over  the  enemies  of  Rome,  nor  the  splendid  edifices 
which  he  undertook  or  finished  in  the  city,  could  wipe  away  the 
stain  of  his  usurpation,  and  obliterate  the  remembrance  of  his 
crimes.  His  power  was  upheld  by  numerous  bands  of  soldiers 
and  satellites;  but  his  subjects  were  his  enemies,  and  readily 
availed  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  to  overthrow  his  op- 
pressive domination. 

During  the  siege  of  Ardea,  a  rich  city  of  the  Rutuli,  Scxtus 
Parquinius,  the  king's  son,  offered  violence  to  Lucretia,  the  vir- 
tuous wife  of  his  cousin  Collatinus.  This  lady,  in  the  deepest 
aifliction,  called  in  her  husband,  her  father,  and  their  intimate 
friends  Valerius  and  Brutus,  and,  having  entreated  them  to 
punish  her  oppressor,  stabbed  herself  with  a  dagger  and  fell  dead 
in  their  presence.  Brutus,  raising  the  bloody  weapon,  swore  on 
the  spot  that  he  would  pursue  the  tyrant  and  his  family  with 


i.  0. 609—406.  ROME  A  llErUBLlC  121 

5Te  and  sword,  until  royalty  should  be  abolished  in  Rome.  Hia 
hrec  friends  took  the  same  oath.  Their  indignation  was  soon 
communicated  to  the  other  citizens;  the  people  and  the  army 
joined  in  their  views,  and  a  decree  was  passed,  with  unanimoua 
consent,  to  banish  from  among  them  not  only  the  Tarquins,  but 
'vcn  the  title  and  the  name  of  king.  This  decree  was  immedi- 
itcly  enforced,  and  its  execution  put  an  end  to  the  regal  power 
!i  Rome,  after  it  had  lasted,  under  seven  successive  kings,  for 
he  space  of  two  hundred  and  forty -four  years  (b.  c.  753 — 509). 

HOME  A  REPUBLIC— CONSULS— WAR  AGAINST  PORSENNAT— ^ 
BATTLE    OF    REGILLUS    WHICH    INSURED   THE   EXISTENCE 
OF  THE  COMMONWExiLTH.— B.  c.  509—496. 

The  Roman  people  now  directed  their  attention  to  the  adop- 
tion of  a  new  form  of  government.    After  several  debates,  it  was 
unanimously  agreed  that  two  supreme  magistrates,  under  the 
name  of  Consuls,  should  be  annually  chosen  from  the  patrician 
order  by  the  suffrages  of  the  citizens,  for  the  administration  of 
the  commonwealth.     These  magistrates  were  to  be  invested  with 
full  power  to  convene  public  meetings,  to  preside  over  the  senate, 
:  to  levy  troops,  and  select  their  officers,  to  administer  the  revenues 
of  the  state,  and  impart  justice  to  private  persons,  etc.     Hence 
their  authority  might,  in  some  respect,  be  deemed  equal  to  that 
.  of  kings;  but,  besides  its  being  divided  between  two,  it  was  not  to 
i  extend,  in  virtue  of  each  election,  beyond  the  term  of  one  year, 
•  and  the  modest  appellation  of  consuls  constantly  reminded  them 
I. that  they  were,   not    the    sovereigns,   but   the  counsellors  and 
'  guardians  of  the  republic. 

'      The  first  Romans  whom  the  choice  of  the  people  raised  to  this 
I  dignity,  were  Brutus  and  Collatinus.     The  latter  did  not  possess 
.  it  long.     Although  the  most  deeply  injured  in  the  tragical  affair 
I  of  Lucretia,  he  became  somewhat  odious  to  the  citizens,  merely 
by  evincing  less  energy  than  his  colleague  against  the  exiled 
family  of  the  Tarquins,  and  for  this  reason  he  was  earnestly  ex- 
horted, and  at  last  prevailed  upon  to  resign  his  office,  which  was 
'  immediately  conferred  on  Valerius. 

In  the  mean  time,  Tarquin,  the  dispossessed  monarch  of  Rome, 
was  devising  every  measure  to  recover  his  throne.  He  had  re- 
tired among  the  Etrurians,  from  whom  he  was  descended  on  the 
maternal  side;  they  agreed,  at  his  earnest  request,  to  send  an 
embassy  to  Rome,  for  the  purpose  of  recovering  his  movable 
property.  But  the  ambassadors  were  also  directed  to  make  every 
exertion  to  prepare  the  way  for  his  return .     They  fulfilled  both 

11 


122  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV. 

commissions  with  great  zeal  and  every  appearance  of  success :  the 
senate  granted  their  first  request;  and,  as  to  their  second  and 
much  more  important  object,  many  young  men  of  the  first 
nobility  in  Kome  did  not  hesitate  to  adopt  their  views  concern- 
ing the  re-establishment  of  royalty  in  the  person  of  Tarquiu. 

The  momentous  plan  was  already  arranged,  and  measures 
adopted  for  its  accomplishment,  when  the  whole  conspiracy  was 
detected  by  a  slave  called  Vindicius,  who  had  overheard  the  con- 
versation of  the  accomplices.  They  were  immediately  arrested, 
and  their  letters  to  the  tyrant  having  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
the  consuls,  removed  every  doubt  as  to  the  reality  of  the  plot. 
It  was  a  distressing  sight  for  Brutus  to  find  his  two  sons  among 
the  conspirators;  the  more  so,  as  his  ofiice  of  first  consul  obliged 
him  to  act  as  their  judge.  That  stern  Roman,  not  shrinking 
from  the  duty,  without  hesitation  sacrificed  parental  afi'ection  to 
the  liberty  of  his  country;  and  the  two  unhappy  young  men, 
with  their  accomplices,  suiFered  capital  punishment. 

So  terrible  an  execution  raised  to  the  highest  pitch  the  ani- 
mosity of  the  two  parties.  When  Tarquin  shortly  after  attacked 
Rome  at  the  head  of  an  army,  the  battle  was  obstinately  dis- 
puted, and  the  loss  nearly  equal  on  both  sides.  The  Romans,  it  > 
is  true,  remained  masters  of  the  field,  but  they  had  to  deplore 
the  loss  of  Brutus,  who  fell  during  the  conflict  by  the  hand  of 
Aruns,  one  of  the  sons  of  Tarquin,  after  having  inflicted  a  mortal 
wound  on  Aruns  himself.  He  was  honored  by  the  people  with 
magnificent  obsequies;  and  the  Roman  ladies,  with  unanimous 
consent,  wore  mourning  for  him  during  a  whole  year,  in  order  to 
show  their  gratitude  for  the  zealous  avenger  of  chastity. 

Not  long  after,  the  Romans  suffered  another  great  loss  by  thfl 
death  of  Valerius,  the  friend  and  colleague  of  Brutus.  This 
great  man,  notwithstanding  the  numerous  proofs  he  had  given 
of  patriotism  and  devotedness  to  the  commonwealth,  was  once  i, 
suspected  of  aspiring  to  royalty,  chiefly  because  he  inhabited  a 
house  of  difficult  access  and  built  upon  a  hill,  as  if  he  had  in- 
tended to  make  it  a  citadel.  He  was  no  sooner  apprized  of  this 
unjust  suspicion,  than  he  caused  the  house  to  be  entirely  demo- 
lished. He  moreover  passed  many  laws  highly  favorable  to 
public  liberty;  among  others,  one  which  permitted  every  citizen 
condemned  to  any  severe  punishment,  to  appeal  from  the  sen- 
tence of  the  magistrate  to  the  judgment  of  the  people.  For  this 
reason,  Valerius  was  surnamed  Fuhlicola,  and  is  still  known  in 
history  under  that  popular  title.  But  what  did  him  still  greater 
honor,  was  his  perfect  disinterestedness:  although  he  passed 
through  the  highest  offices  of  the  state,  and  had  for  a  long  time 


I 


.  509—406  ROME  A  REPUBLIC.  123 

(ho  management  of  the  public  revenues,  he  never  sought  to 
enrich  himself,  n()r  even  to  increase  his  little  fortune.  He  died 
80  poor  that  he  did  not  leave  enough  to  meet  the  funeral  ex- 
penses. They  were,  of  course,  amply  defrayed  by  the  govern- 
nunt,  and  the  same  honors  were  paid  to*him  that  had  been  paid 
t(i  the  memory  of  Brutus. 

The  authors  and  chief  defenders  of  Roman  liberty  were  gradu- 
nlly  disappearing;  but  the  spirit  which  animated  them  still 
lived,  and  others,  endowed  with  the  same  indomitable  energy  of 
soul,  arose  in  their  stead,  to  support  and  strengthen  the  fabric 
sn  successfully  begun.  A  fresh  attack  directed  against  them  by 
their  former  sovereign,  required  once  more  the  display  of  their 
courage.  The  army  of  the  assailants  was  headed  at  this  time  by 
Porsenna,  king  of  the  Etrurians,  a  prince  justly  renowned  for  his 
conduct  and  valor,  and  an  ally  of  the  Tarquins.  In  a  first  battle 
fought  near  the  Tiber,  the  Roman  generals  were  wounded,  and 
their  troops  put  to  flight  after  a  sharp  and  bloody  conflict.  The 
conquerors  would  have  entered  the  city  together  with  the  fugi- 
tives, had  it  not  been  for  the  wonderful  intrepidity  of  a  Roman 
called  Horatius  Codes.  This  brave  warrior  placed  himself  at 
the  entrance  of  the  bridge  over  which  the  pursuers  had  to  pass, 
and  defended  it  in  spite  of  all  their  efi'orts,  till  the  bridge  was 
entirely  broken  down  behind  him  by  his  fellow-soldiers.  He 
then  leaped  with  his  arms  into  the  Tiber,  and  swam  safely  to 
his  friends,  "having,"  says  Livy,  "achieved  an  exploit  which 
posterity  will  find  it  more  easy  to  admire  than  to  believe."* 

A  second  engagement  proved  more  favorable  to  the  Romans, 
and  cost  Porsenna  no  less  than  five  thousand  of  his  soldiers;  this 
made  him  take  the  determination  to  change  the  siege  into  a 
blockade,  and  endeavor  to  reduce  the  city  by  famine.  Starvation 
began  to  rage  fearfully  among  the  inhabitants,  whose  number 
being  about  three  hundred  thousand  soon  exhausted  their  provi- 
Bions  In  this  distress,  the  Romans  were  again  rescued  from 
further  danger  by  the  daring  and  desperate  act  of  one  of  their 
citizens,  a  conspicuous  youth  named  Mucins,  and  afterwards  sur- 
named  Scsevolai  that  young  man  entered  the  Etrurian  cnmp 
unperceived,  and  penetrating  into  the  very  tent  of  Porsenna, 
killed  the  secretary  whom  he  mistook  for  the  king.  Porsenna 
generously  spared  his  life;  but,  alarmed  at  the  danger  to  which 
he  had  been  exposed,  and  struck  at  the  obstinate  courage  of  the 
Romans,  he  entered  into  a  treaty  with  them.    On  the  single  con- 

*  Armatus  in  Tiberim  desiluit,  multisque  superincidentibus  telis 
Incolumis  ad  suos  tranavit,  rem  ausus  plus  famae  Uabituram  ad  pes- 
teros,  quam  fidei. — Livy,  b.  ii,  ch.  10, 


124  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV. 

cjition  that  a  certain  extent  of  territory  formerly  belonging  to 
the  Etrurians  should  be  restored,  he  put  an  end  to  the  siege,  and 
left  the  royal  exiles  to  their  own  resources.* 

The  aged  Tarquin  did  not  yet  think  his  case  entirely  hopeless. 
Notwithstanding  the  failure  of  so  many  exertions,  he  still  pre- 
served sufficient  influence  over  the  Latin  tribes,  to  make  them 
unite  with  him  in  a  league  against  the  Komans.  The  armies 
took  the  field  and  met  near  Lake  Regillus,  whence  the  decisive 
action  which  followed  took  its  name.  Never  was  a  battle  fought 
with  greater  animosity.  The  chief  leaders  of  both  parties  ani- 
mated their  troops  still  more  by  example  than  by  words,  and 
were  found  in  the  hottest  part  of  the  conflict;  hence,  nearly  all 
of  them  were  killed  or  wounded  —  among  others,  a  brother  and 
two  sons  of  the  illustrious  Publicola  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the 
other,  a  son-in-law  and  the  two  remaining  sons  of  Tarquin,  lost 
their  lives  whilst  performing  prodigies  of  valor.  At  last,  the 
Romans  by  desperate  efforts  caused  victory  to  declare  in  their 
favor.  About  twenty-seven  thousand  men  had  been  engaged  on 
their  side,  and  forty-three  thousand  on  that  of  the  Latins,  nearly 
seventy  thousand  in  all;  of  the  latter,  only  ten  thousand  escaped. 
Their  terrified  countrymen  immediately  sent  ambassadors  to  sue 
for  peace.  It  was  granted  on  moderate  terms,  and  the  Ilomansi 
established  more  firmly  than  ever  their  noble  political  maxim,  to 
conquer  the  proud  and  spare  the  vanquished. f 

This  important  victory  most  effectually  secured  the  common 
wealth  of  Rome.  Tarquin,  being  now  left  both  without  a  family 
and  without  resources,  retired  to  Cumae  in  Campania,  where  he 
died  shortly  after  in  grief  and  misery,  at  the  advanced  age  of 
ninety  years. 

Of  the  natural  abilities  of  this  prince  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
If  we  consider  attentively  his  successful  exertions  for  tho 
splendor  of  Rome,  his  courage  in  war,  his  constancy  in  misfor- 
tune, his  powerful,  incessant  and  almost  successful  efforts  for  the 
recovery  of  this  throne,  and  above  all,  the  skill  with  which  he 
knew  how  to  interest  so  many  cities  and  nations  in  his  behalf, 
we  cannot  withhold  from  Tarquin  some  tribute  of  admiration. 
Still,  his  name  has  come  down  to  posterity  justly  loaded  with 
disgrace ;  and  even  during  his  lifetime,  his  pride,  ambition  and 
cruelty  rendered  him  an  object  of  public  hatred.     So  true  it  is, 

*  Such  is  the  ordinary  account,  founded  on  Livy's  narrative,  (b.  ii^ 
ch.  13),  of  the  termination  of  the  war  against  Porsenna.  Some  main- 
tain that  Rome  was  surrendered,  and  that  the  Romans  were,  for  a 
time,  tributary  to  the  Etrurians. 

f  Parcerc  sabjectis,  et  debellare  superbos.— Virgil,  JEneid,  b.  vi,  1.  853 


i 


B   c.  628— r.OJ  REVOLUTIONS  IN  ATHENS.  .  125 

tliat  the  most  exalted  talents  without  virtue  cannot  make  a  mau 
truly  great,  nor  save  him  from  the  detestation  of  his  contempo- 
raries and  the  well-merited  contempt  of  future  ages. 

REVOLUTIONS  IN  ATHENS.— b.  c.  528—501. 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  the  same  epoch,  and  perhaps  the 
very  same  year  that  beheld  the  abolition  of  the  regal  power  in 
Rome,  witnessed  a  similar  change  in  Athens.  This  last  city, 
after  undergoing  many  revolutions,  had  finally  submitted  to  the 
Fway  of  Pisistratus ;  he  governed  it  with  great  moderation  and 
wisdom,  till  the  year  of  his  death  (b.  c.  528).  His  authority 
was  transmitted,  without  opposition,  to  hu  sons  Hippias  and 
Hipparcus,  who  seemed  likewise  to  have  inherited  from  their 
fathei*  a  singular  esteem  for  learning  and  learned  men.  Their 
court  was  the  residence  of  the  best  scholars  of  that  age,  among 
others  of  the  famous  poets  Anacreon  and  Simonides.  The  arts  and 
sciences  were  cultivated  with  increased  ardor;  care  was  taken 
of  the  moral  instruction  of  the  people ;  civilization  was  rapidly 
progressing.  Still,  under  these  promising  appearances,  there 
lurked  a  spirit  of  new  political  revolutions.  Some  acts  of  arbi- 
trary power  on  the  part  of  Hipparcus,  soon  led  to  the  most  serious 
consequences  :  two  young  Athenians,  finding  themselves  insulted, 
resolved  to  take  ample  revenge  by  the  death  of  the  two  brothers. 

The  first  victim  of  their  resentment  was  Hipparcus,  the  author 
of  the  insult ;  they  boldly  attacked  and  slew  him  during  the 
celebration  of  a  certain  festivity.  They  themselves,  it  is  true, 
were  put  to  death  for  this  daring  attempt,  but  this  did  not  save 
the  family  of  Pisistratus  from  entire  ruin ;  for  Hippias,  having 
also  become  a  tyrant  and  rendered  himself  extremely  odious  to 
the  people,  was  compelled  to  leave  the  city  in  or  about  the  year 
B.  c.  509.  His  expulsion  from  Athens  was  followed  by  the  re- 
vival of  the  popular  government. 

Hippias  fled  for  refuge  to  the  Persian  satrap  Artaphernes, 
governor  of  Sardis,  and  endeavored  by  every  means  in  his  power 
to  involve  that  officer  in  a  war  against  Athens.  He  represented 
to  him  the  many  advantages  of  such  an  expedition,  and  the  great 
services  which  he  himself,  if  repossessed  of  the  sovereign  autho- 
rity, might  render  to  the  Persians :  Artaphernes,  moved  by  these 
considerations,  summoned  the  Athenians  to  reinstate  Hippias 
among  them ;  but  the  summons  met  with  no  other  answer  than 
a  peremptory  refusal.  This  was  the  first  cause  of  the  famous 
war  which  very  shortly  after  broke  out  between  th(!  Persians  and 
the  Greeks. 

11* 


126  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  IV. 


PERSIAN   EMPIKE. 

REIGN  OF  DARIUS  HYSTASPES  TILL  THE  BEGINNING  OF  HIS 
WAR  AGAINST  THE  GREEKS— b.  c.  521—500. 

We  have  already  related  how  Darius  arrived  at  the  sovereign 
power  among  the  Persians.  One  of  his  first  cares,  after  hig 
accession  to  the  throne,  was  to  regulate  the  government  of  thn 
provinces,  of  which  he  made  a  suitable  division,  under  their 
governors  or  satraps ;  and  then  he  applied  himself  to  the  regula- 
tion  of  the  royal  finances.  Before  him,  Cyrus  and  Cambyses 
had  contented  themselves  with  receiving  such  gifts  or  contribu- 
tions as  the  conquered  nations  ofFQred,  and  exacting  a  certain 
number  of  troops,  as  the  state  of  affairs  required.  But  Darius 
began  to  think  that  he  would  not  be  able  to  maintain  peace  in  so 
many  countries,  without  standing  armies  to  whom  a  certain  pay 
should  be  allowed,  and  the  punctual  payment  of  which  would 
require  the  imposition  of  taxes  on  the  people.  He  therefore 
determined  to  adopt  this  measure,  but  in  adopting  it,  he  evinced, 
at  the  same  time,  great  wisdom  and  moderation.  Sending  for 
the  chief  inhabitants  and  most  experienced  persons  of  the  various 
provinces,  he  asked  them  whether  certain  sums,  which  he  speci- 
fied, would  be  too  great  a  tax  for  their  respective  districts.  All 
answered  that  the  sums  were  very  moderate,  and  could  not  be 
burdensome  to  the  people.  The  king,  however,  struck  off  one 
half  of  the  amount,  preferring  rather  to  remain  below  the  mark, 
than  to  incur  in  the  slightest  degree  the  imputation  of  oppressing 
his  subjects. 

Still,  as  taxes  are  always  odious,  the  Persians,  who  had  given 
the  surname  oi  father  to  Cyrus  and  of  master  to  Cambyses,  gave 
to  Darius  that  of  merchant  or  broker. 

This  prince,  however,  had  displayed  great  foresight  with  re- 
gard to  the  future  exigencies  of  his  empire.  No  later  than  the 
fouith  or  fifth  year  of  his  reign,  Babylon  was  the  scene  of  open 
revolt,  the  repression  of  which  occasioned  an  expensive  levy  of 
troops. 

That  city,  formerly  the  capital  of  the  east,  soon  grew  impa- 
tient of  the  Persian  yoke,  especially  after  the  removal  of  the  seat 
of  government  to  Susa,  a  circumstance  well  calculated  to  dimi- 
nish its  own  wealth  and  splendor.  The  Babylonians  took  advan- 
tage of  the  late  revolutions  in  Persia  to  prepare  in  secret  for  war, 
and  now  boldly  setting  up  the  standard  of  rebellion,  they  shut 
themselves   up  within   their   impregnable  walls.      Darius  waj 


I 


B.  0.  621—500.         PERSIAN  EMPIRE-  DARIUS.  127 

obliged  to  besiege  them  with  all  his  forces.  He  used  every 
moans  of  attack  which  the  art  of  war  could  suggest,  to  make 
liinisclf  master  of  the  place;  nor  did  he  fail  to  put  in  practice 
the  method  formerly  employed  under  Cyrus,  that  is,  the  turning 
nf  the  river  from  its  natural  course.  All  his  efforts  and  exer- 
tions were  baffled  by  the  experience  and  vigilance  of  the  Baby- 
lonians :  so  that,  having  already  spent  twenty  months  in  a  tedious 
and  fruitless  siege,  he  began  to  despair  of  success,  when  a  novcJ 
Btratagem  opened  to  the  Persians  the  gates  of  Babylon. 

One  of  the  chief  commanders  of  the  army,  Zopirus,  follow- 
ing no  other  impulse  than  the  ardor  of  his  zeal,  cut  off  his  ears 
and  nose,  and  wounded  his  whole  body  in  a  frightful  manner. 
Thus  disfigured  and  covered  with  blood,  he  fled  to  the  Babylo- 
nians, whom  he  easily  persuaded  that  Darius  had  reduced  him 
to  this  shocking  condition,  for  having  exhorted  this  monarch  to 
desist  from  so  unprofitable  a  siege.  He  at  the  same  time  offered 
to  assist  them  in  taking  revenge  on  Darius.  The  Babylonians^ 
overjoyed  at  the  acquisition  of  so  able  an  officer,  readily  accepted 
his  offer;  they  gave  him  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to  make 
vigorous  sallies,  and  so  well  did  he  conduct  them,  that  three 
times  in  succession  he  defeated  the  Persians.  At  the  sight  of 
this  constant  success,  the  confidence  of  the  Babylonians  knew  no 
longer  any  bounds.  In  the  fulness  of  their  security,  they  in- 
trusted Zopirus  with  the  command  of  all  their  forces  and  the 
defence  of  the  w^alls  of  their  city.  This  was  precisely  what  he 
desired.  When  Darius,  according  to  previous  agreement,  au- 
proached  with  his  troops  as  if  to  make  an  assault,  Zopirus  opened 
the  gates  to  him,  and  put  him  again  in  possession  of  a  city  which 
it  was  impossible  to  reduce  by  any  other  means. 

The  conduct  of  the  king  towards  the  vanquished,  though 
rigorous,  was  tempered  with  clemency.  He  condemned  three 
thousand  of  them  to  death,  as  having  been  the  most  deeply  in- 

I  volved  in  the  late  rebellion ;  the  rest  he  pardoned.  He  likewise 
ordered  the  powerful  walls  of  Babylon  to  be  partly  demolished, 
and  its  hundred  gates  of  brass  to  be  pulled  down,  that  it  might 

j    never  again  be  in  a  condition  to  rebel. 

^^B  As  to  Zopirus  who,  at  his  own  expense,  had  rendered  him  so 

l^^nal  a  service,  Darius  bestowed  on  him  all  the  rewards  and 
honors  that  a  sovereign  can  possibly  confer  on  a  subject.  He 
granted  him  for  the  remainder  of  his  life  the  whole  revenue  of 
this  opulent  city,  and  was  often  heard  to  say  that,  if  he  had 
twenty  Baby  Ions,  he  would  readily  give  them  up  to  repay  the 
cruel  treatment  which  so  devoted  a  friend  had  inflicted  on  him- 
self;  it  is  even  added  by  some  that  mingled  feelings  of  compa* 


i 


128  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

sion  and  gratitude  made  him  shed  tears,  whenever  he  happened 
to  fix  his  eyes  upon  Zopirus.  Sentiments  like  these  do  greater 
honor  to  a  sovereign  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire. 

After  the  reduction  of  Bab3don,  Darius  made  great  prepara- 
tions to  attack  the  Scythians  of  Europe.  This  nation  inhabited 
the  vast  regions  lying  between  the  Ister  or  Danube,  and  the  Don 
or  Tanais.  It  is  commonly  described  by  ancient  historians  and 
poets,  as  having  been  remarkable  for  the  simplicity  and  inno- 
cence of  its  manners ;  what  other  authors  assert  to  the  contrary, 
ought  very  probably  to  be  understood  of  tribes  of  Scythians  dif- 
ferent from  those  of  whom  we  are  now  speaking. 

The  ostensible  reason  of  this  prince  for  attacking  them,  was 
to  be  revenged  on  them  for  the  invasion  of  Asia  made  by  their 
ancestors  more  than  a  hundred  years  before ;  but  his  real  motive 
was  ambition,  and  his  chief  object  to  extend  his  conquests.  He 
set  out  from  Susa  with  an  army  of  seven  hundred  thousand  men, 
and  crossed  at  their  head  the  Thracian  Bosphorus,  by  a  bridge 
of  boats.  Subduing  the  countries  through  which  he  advanced 
till  he  reached  the  Danube,  he  crossed  that  river  in  the  same 
manner,  and  entered  the  Scythian  territory. 

To  defeat  so  formidable  a  foe,  the  Scythians  prudently  agreed 
to  retire  as  he  advanced,  and  at  the  same  time  to  fill  up  all  thei: 
wells  and  consume  all  the  forage  and  provisions  of  the  places 
through  which  their  enemies  were  to  pass.  It  is  easy  to  imagine 
how  much  the  Persian  army  had  to  suffer,  both  from  famine  and 
the  other  difficulties  of  such  a  campaign.  In  vain  did  the  king, 
through  his  messengers,  urge  the  submission  of  the  Scythians, 
or  challenge  them  to  a  battle;  they  despised  equally  his  sum- 
mons and  exhortations,  and  continued  to  retire  at  his  approach. 

When  they  knew  or  suspected  their  incautious  aggressor  to 
bo  reduced  to  the  utmost  distress,  they  sent  him  a  herald  with 
the  following  extraordinary  present :  a  bird,  a  mouse,  a  frog  ana 
five  arroiDS.  Darius  at  first  considered  the  gift  a  token  of  sub- 
mission. But  Gobryas,  one  of  the  principal  lords  who  accom- 
panied him,  gave  a  very  different  and  far  more  plausible  inter- 
pretation of  its  meaning:  "Know,"  said  he  to  the  Persians, 
"  that  unless  you  can  fly  in  the  air  like  birds,  or  hide  yourselvea 
in  the  earth  like  mice,  or  swim  in  the  water  like  frogs,  you  shall 
not  escape  the  arrows  of  the  Scythians. '^ 

The  whole  Persian  army,  marching  over  a  vast  and  barren 
sountry,  was  in  so  deplorable  a  condition  that  it  had  constantly 
before  it  the  prospect  of  almost  inevitable  ruin,  Darius  himself 
at  last  became  sensible  of  the  imminent  peril  which  threatened 
his  troops  in  case  he  should  still  go  forward,  and  clearly  saw 


1 


B.  0. 621—500  PERSIAN  EMPIIIE-DARIUS.  129 

thai  there  was  not  a  moment  to  be  lost  in  eiFecting  his  return, 
lie  therefore  gave  them  immediate  orders  to  retrace  their  steps 
towards  the  Danube  with  all  possible  speed.  This  they  could 
not  do  without  encountering  new  dangers  and  losing  many  of 
their  number;  yet  they  succeeded  in  reaching  that  river  and 
ic'-crossing  it,  before  they  were  overtaken  in  their  flight  by  the 
Scythians.  The  king  then,  leaving  a  part  of  his  army  in  Thrace 
to  complete  the  subjugation  of  this  country,  went  with  the  re- 
mainder to  Sardis,  where  he  gave  them  time  to  take  all  the  repose 
they  needed,  after  the  hardships  which  they  had  endured  in  that 
ill-concerted  and  unfortunate  expedition. 

Darius  was  much  more  successful  in  his  attempt  upon  India. 
Here  indeed  he  acted  with  much  greater  prudence,  and  before 
venturing  an  attack,  caused  the  country  on  both  sides  of  the 
river  Indus  to  be  carefully  explored.  When  this  was  done,  he 
led  an  army  into  India,  and  in  a  short  time  this  rich  and  exten- 
sive territory  was  added  to  his  dominions. 

]5ut  the  most  earnest  desire  of  the  Persian  monarch,  a  desire 
which  accompanied  him  to  the  grave,  was  to  extend  his  conquests 
in  Europe.  His  chief  aim  was  to  invade  Greece,  and  especially 
to  humble  the  Athenian  people.  We  have  already  seen  (page 
'^-5),  that  Hippias,  when  expelled  from  Athens,  took  refuge  near 
Artaphernes  the  governor  of  Sardis  for  Darius,  and  incessantly 
urged  him  to  a  war  against  his  countrymen  and  former  subjects. 
The  Athenians  on  their  side  were  incensed  against  Artaphernes, 
fur  taking  under  his  protection  a  man  whom  they  had  banished 
from  their  city ;  hence,  shortly  after,  when  the  lonians  or  Greeks 
of  Lesser  Asia  revolted  against  the  Persian  government,  the 
Athenians  readily  espoused  their  cause,  and  furnished  the  insur- 
gents with  such  aid  in  vessels  and  men,  as  enabled  them  to  attack 
Sardis  and  reduce  it  to  ashes  (b.  c.  500). 

This  event  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war  which  Darius 
undertook  against  Greece.  He  had  it  so  much  at  heart,  even 
after  the  entire  suppression  of  the  Ionian  revolt,  that  he  ordered 
an  officer  to  remind  him  daily  of  the  Athenians.  Thus,  the 
burning  of  Sardis  may  be  justly  considered  as  the  commencement 
of  that  astonishing  struggle,  so  famous  in  history,  between  a  small 
country  that  now  would  deserve  no  more  than  the  name  of  a  pro- 
vince or  district,  and  a  vast,  powerful  and  formidable  empire;  a 
struggle  in  which  the  reader  will  repeatedly  see  a  small  number 
of  men,  jealous  of  their  liberties,  put  to  flight  innumerable  armies 
of  invaders,  destroy  their  mighty  fleets,  pursue  them  into  their 
very  territory,  and  compel  the  (jreat  king  (the  usual  appellation 
of  the  Persian  monarch)  to  accept  degrading  conditions  of  peace. 


130  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV 

As  this  memorable  war  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Persians 
was  of  long  duration,  we  shall  divide  its  history  into  three  sec- 
tions;  to  answer  the  number  of  the  kings  of  Persia,  by  whom  oi 
under  whom  it  was  successively  conducted. 

§  I.  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  GREEKS  AND  PERSIANS,  COMMENCED 
UNDER  DARIUS.— B.  c.  500—485. 

The  first  expedition  of  the  Persians  against  Greece  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Mardonius,  Darius'  son-in-law.  This 
general,  having  crossed  the  province  of  Thrace,  marched  through 
Macedon,  which  he  easily  subdued ;  but  his  fleet  was  assailed  near 
Mount  Athos  by  so  furious  a  tempest,  that  three  hundred  of  his 
ships  were  destroyed  and  nearly  twenty  thousand  of  his  men 
perished.  About  the  same  time,  the  land  army  also  met  with  a 
very  severe  loss.  As  the  Persians  were  encamped  in  a  place  not 
sufficiently  guarded,  a  party  of  Thracians  attacked  them  during 
the  night,  slew  many  of  them,  and  wounded  Mardonius  himself. 
This  catastrophe  obliged  him  to  return  to  Asia,  with  the  terrible 
disappointment  of  having  failed  in  his  enterprise  against  Greece 
both  by  land  and  sea. 

Darius,  perceiving  that  he  had  placed  too  much  reliance  on 
the  abilities  of  his  son-in-law,  recalled  him  from  the  command 
of  the  army,  and  substituted  in  his  place  two  more  experienced 
and  able  generals,  called  Datis  and  Artaphernes ;  he  caused  them 
to  be  preceded  by  messengers,  having  charge  to  ask  of  all  the 
Grecian  states,  land  and  water,  as  a  mark  of  their  submission. 
Many  of  the  small  cities  of  Greece,  dreading  the  Persian  power, 
literally  complied  with  the  summons.  Not  so  Sparta  and  Athens, 
where,  on  the  contrary,  the  law  of  nations  was  violated  in  the  per- 
sons of  those  ambassadors;  some  of  them  were  thrown  into  a 
well,  the  others  into  a  deep  ditch,  where,  they  were  told  with 
irony,  they  might  take  the  land  and  water  which  they  desired. 

This  new  insult  roused  to  the  highest  pitch  the  resentment  of 
the  Persians.  Setting  sail  from  the  shores  of  Asia  with  six  hun- 
dred vessels,  they  first  attacked  and  conquered  many  islands  of 
the  jEgean  sea;  then  directing  their  course  towards  Attica,  they 
landed  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  men  near  Marathon,  a 
small  town  about  twelve  or  fifteen  miles  from  Athens.  To  this 
numerous  force  the  Athenians  could  oppose  only  ten  thousand 
soldiers,  with  an  additional  body  of  one  thousand  men,  whom 
the  Plataeans,  their  neighbors,  through  gratitude  for  past  ser- 
vices, readily  sent  to  their  assistance.  The  Spartans  too  had 
prepared  to  send  them  a  body  of  troops;  but  not  daring,  through 


I 


600—485.      GREEKS,  TERSIANS.— DARIUS.  181 


moon 


mc  superstitious  notion,  to  begin  their  march  before   the  full 

)on,  tlicy  could  not  arrive  in  time  for  the  battle. — :. 

The  Athenians,  thus  left  almost  entirely  to  theif  own  re- 
sources, did  not  lose  courage;  on  the  contrary,  patriotism  and 
tho  love  of  liberty  seemed  to  make  them  superior  to  the  ordinary 
•lings  of  nature.     Their  little  army  was  under  the  command 

ten  generals,  who  exercised  the  chief  authority  by  turn,  each 
(Mieaday.  There  were  among  them  Miltiades,  Aristides  and 
Tlicmistocles,  three  men  of  extraordinary  merit  and  a  most  ex- 
■At I'd  mind:  when  the  turn  of  Aristides  was  come  to  take  the 
c'uuraand,  he  resigned  it  to  Miltiades,  as  the  more  skilful  gene- 
i;;l;  his  colleagues  did  the  same,  and  this  generous  conduct 
helped  Miltiades  to  form  his  plan,  for  the  approaching  conflict, 
with  equal  energy  and  judgment. 

Like  an  able  commander,  he  endeavored  to  make  up,  by  the 
alvantage  of  his  position,  for  his  deficiency  in  number  and 
strength.  To  secure  this  object,  he  drew  up  his  troops  at  the 
foot  of  a  mountain,  in  order  that  the  enemy  might  not  be  ab/c 
either  to  surround  them,  or  to  attack  them  in  the  rear.  He  ha  i 
also  large  trees  cut  down  and  thrown  on  both  sides  of  the  armj , 
lor  the  twofold  purpose  of  rendering  the  Persian  cavalry  useless 
and  of  covering  his  flanks;  the  Athenians  waited  in  this  order  foj 
the  signal  of  battle.  As  soon  as  it  was  given,  they  rushed  oj 
tlie  enemy  with  all  the  fury  which  national  honor,  courage  and 
the  dread  of  oppression  can  inspire.  The  Persians  at  first  thought 
it  an  act  of  folly  and  madness  on  the  part  of  their  opponents,  to 
begin  the  combat  in  this  extraordinary  manner;  the  more  so,  as 
they  perceived  neither  archers  nor  cavalry.  But  they  were 
quickly  undeceived :  their  two  wings  were  simultaneously  at- 
tacked by  the  Athenians  and  Platasans  with  such  vigor  as  to  be 
soon  broken  and  put  to  flight.  This  first  success  was  expected 
by  Miltiades,  who,  in  order  to  procure  it,  had  purposely  chosen 
to  weaken  his  centre,  that  he  might  strengthen  his  wings,  and 
enable  them  to  make  from  the  beginning  an  irresistible  attack^  r*^ 

But  the  Persians,  on  their  side,  seemed  to  have  taken  notice 
of  the  comparative  weakness  of  the  Athenian  centre.  They 
directed  their  greatest  efi"orts  against  that  point,  and,  by  their 
bravery  as  well  as  superiority  of  numbers,  began  to  obtain  con 
siderable  advantage.  Aristides  and  Themistocles,  who  led  this 
portion  of  the  army,  displayed  the  most  intrepid  courage  in  with- 
standing the  shock,  but  were  obliged  to  give  way,  and  beheld 
their  battalions  in  danger  of  being  entirely  dispersed.  Just  at 
that  moment,  in  accordacse  with  the  skilful  plan  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, their  two  wings  came  up,  having  already  com- 


132  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

pletelj  rou  ,ed  those  of  the  enemy.  The  fortune  of  the  day  was 
soon  decided ;  the  Persians,  finding  themselves  not  only  opposed 
in  front,  l>ut  also  attacked  on  both  flanks,  lost  courage,  and  were 
entirely  driven  from  the  field.  To  ensure  their  escape,  they  fled, 
not  towards  their  camp,  but  towards  their  vessels;  the  victorious 
Athenians  closely  pursued  them,  and,  besides  capturing  seven 
ships,  set  many  others  on  flre  (b.  c.  490). 

Such  was  the  battle  of  Marathon,  one  of  the  most  memorable 
ever  fought,  whether  we  consider  the  disproportion  of  the  forces 
or  the  importance  of  the  result.  The  Persians  lost  in  it  upwards 
of  six  thousand  men,  besides  those  who  perished  in  their  burning 
vessels,  or  who  were  drowned  in  the  sea,  whilst  endeavoring  to 
effect  their  escape.*  The  Athenians  lost  no  more  than  one  hun- 
dred and  ninety-two  men,  with  two  of  their  generals. 

All  had  fought  like  heroes.  Among  other  instances  of  their 
undaunted  courage,  the  intrepidity  of  Cynegirus,  a  brother  of  the 
poet  j^schylus,  shone  conspicuous.  Having  pursued  the  fugi- 
tives as  far  as  their  vessels,  he  seized  one  of  the  ships  first  with 
his  right  hand,  which  was  severed  by  the  stroke  of  an  axe ;  then 
with  the  left,  which  shared  the  same  fate.  He  then  held  the 
vessel  with  his  very  teeth,  until  he  expired. 

Immediately  after  the  battle,  another  Athenian  soldier,  still 
reeking  with  the  blood  of  the  enemy,  ran  to  Athens  with  all 
possible  speed,  to  gladden  his  fellow-citizens  by  the  happy  tidings 
of  victory.  When  he  reached  the  house  of  the  magistrates,  he 
uttered  the  words,  "Rejoice,  the  victory  is  ours,''  and  fell  dead 
at  their  feet. 

On  the  following  day,  the  succor  of  troops  promised  by  the 
Lacedasmonians  arrived.  They  had  set  out  immediately  after  the 
full  moon,  and  marched  with  such  expedition,  that,  in  the  short 
space  of  three  days,  they  had  travelled  about  one  hundred  and 
thirty  miles.  They  were  too  late  for  the  combat;  still,  they 
proceeded  to  Marathon,  where  they  saw  the  fields  covered  with 
the  spoils  and  dead  bodies  of  the  Persians.  After  having  con- 
gratulated the  Athenians  on  the  happy  success  of  the  battle,  they 
returned  to  their  own  country. 

The  battle  of  Marathon  was  of  immense  advantage  to  Greece, 

*  The  historian  Justin  (b.  ii,  cli.  9)  makes  the  number  of  the  Persians 
vfho  fought  at  Marathon  amount  to  six  hundred  thousand,  and  their 
loss  upon  the  field  of  battle,  or  in  consequence  of  the  following  ship- 
wreck, to  two  hundred  thousand.  These  numbers  are  so  very  diiFerent 
from  those  given  by  Herodotus,  b.  vi,  ch.  117,  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  in 
MiUiad.  ch.  5,  that  Justin's  narrative  deserves  t(^  be  considered  as  a 
great  exaggeration  and  inaccuracy. 


.  c  500—485         GREEKS,  PERSIANS.-  DARIUS.  135 

t  dispelled  the  terror  hitherto  inspired  by  the  I'crsian  name, 
11(1  clearly  proved  that  military  success  does  not  depend  so  much 
.:i  numbers,  as  on  the  bravery  of  the  troops  and  the  prudence  of 
heir  general.  It  taught  the  Greeks  their  real  strength,  and,  by 
aiding  their  courage  to  the  highest  degree,  was  one  of  the  chief 
•aiises,  and,  as  it  were,  the  prelude  of  all  the  signal  victorica 
hat  followed. 

To  honor  the  memory  of  those  who  perished  in  the  oattlc, 
111  roc  monuments  were  erected  on  the  very  spot  on  which  it  was 
(iniiiht;  one  for  the  Athenians,  another  for  the  Platacans,  and  a 
tliird  for  the  slaves  that  had  been  enrolled  among  the  soldiers  oa 
that  occasion.  As  to  Miltiades,  the  chief  author  of  the  glory 
won  on  the  plains  of  Marathon,  he  was  allowed  the  privilege  of 
occupying  the  first  place  in  a  splendid  picture  of  the  battle  drawn 
by  order  of  the  state,  and  of  being  represented  at  the  head  of 
the  ten  generals  of  the  army,  exhorting  his  soldiers  and  setting 
them  an  example  of  courage. 

This  was  the  only  recompense  which  this  great  man  received. 
Shortly  after,  having  partially  failed  in  an  expedition  against  the 
i,-<':;mds  of  the  iEgean  sea,  he  was,  on  his  return,  impeached  for 
his  want  of  success,  as  if  he  had  been  bribed,  and  for  the  useless 
expense  he  had  brought  upon  the  state.  He  escaped  capital 
punishment,  but  was  condemned  to  a  fine  of  fifty  talents  (fifty  or 
sixty  thousand  dollars),  and,  being  unable  to  pay  so  considerable 
%  sum,  was  thrown  into  prison,  where  he  died  of  a  wound  that 
he  had  received  in  the  island  of  Paros.  Cimon,  his  son,  then 
very  young,  displayed  his  filial  piety  on  this  occasion  in  a  remark- 
able manner.  He  obtained  leave  to  procure  an  honorable  burial 
for  the  remains  of  Miltiades,  and  reinstated  his  memory,  by  pay- 
ing the  fine  of  fifty  talents,  which  he  collected  among  his  rela- 
tions and  friends. 

Aristides  also,  whose  services  were  scarcely  inferior  to  those 
of  Miltiades,  experienced  in  his  turn  the  fickleness  of  his  country- 
men. Although  his  wisdom  and  integrity  were  so  conspicuous 
that  he  acquired  from  them  the  surname  of  Jus. ,  yet  the  intrigues 
of  Themistocles,  his  rival  in  the  administration,  caused  him  to 
be  condemned  by  the  Athenians  to  a  temporay  exile.  This  kind 
of  punishment  was  called  ostracism,  from  the  word  ostrakon, 
shell,  and  is  thus  described  by  Plutarch,  in  his  life  of  Aristides : 
Every  citizen  took  a  shell  or  a  potsherd,  on  which  he  wrote  the 
name  of  the  person  whom  he  desired  to  have  banished,  and  car- 
ried it  to  a  part  of  the  market-place  which  was  enclosed  with 
wooden  rails.  The  magistrates  then  counted  the  shells.  If  tho 
number  did  not  amount  to  six  thousand,  the  ostracism  had  no 

12 


184  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  H. 

effect;  if  it  readied  six  thousand,  the  obnoxious  peison  was  de. 
clared  an  exile  for  five  or  ten  j^ears,  but  with  permission  to  enjoy 
his  estate. 

When  Aristides  was  about  to  be  banished,  an  illiterate  burgher, 
who  did  not  know  him  personally,  happened  to  meet  him,  and 
showing  his  shell,  requested  him  to  write  the  name  of  Aristides 
upon  it.  ^^Has  that  man  done  you  any  injury  ?''  asked  Aristides. 
^'No,''  replied  the  other,  "nor  do  I  know  him;  but  I  am  vexed, 
I  am  wearied  to  hear  him  everywhere  called  the  Just.'^  Aris- 
tides made  no  answer,  but  took  the  shell,  and  having  written 
his  own  name  upon  it,  returned  it  to  the  man,"  and  set  out  foi 
his  exile. 

It  was  thus,  as  many  other  instances  will  show,  that  this 
capricious  and  inconstant  people  usually  rewarded  their  most 
illustrious  citizens.  However,  so  undeserved  a  treatment  did 
not  damp  the  patriotism  of  Aristides ;  in  leaving  the  city,  he 
besought  Heaven  to  avert  from  the  Athenians  any  misfortune 
and  accident  that  might  make  them  regret  his  absence.  Three 
years  later,  at  the  time  of  the  second  Persian  invasion,  the 
decree  of  his  banishment  was  reversed  by  the  Athenians,  and  a 
public  ordinance  recalled  him  to  the  service  of  his  country. 

In  the  interim,  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Marathon  had  reached 
the  Persian  court.  It  exceedingly  surprised  and  annoyed  King 
Darius,  but  did  not  by  any  means  dissuade  him  from  carrying  on 
the  war  against  Greece,  and  rather  animated  him  the  more  to 
pursue  it  with  unrelenting  vigor,  in  order  to  be  revenged  at  once 
for  the  burning  of  Sardis  and  the  defeat  at  Marathon.  Nor  was 
he  diverted  from  his  project  by  the  insurrection  of  the  Egyptians, 
which  occurred  about  that  time;  this  fresh  obstacle  merely  in- 
duced him  to  undertake  two  expeditions  instead  of  one.  Always 
full  of  confidence,  as  well  as  courage,  and  not  less  determined  to 
subdue  his  former  enemies  than  to  chastise  his  refractory  sub- 
jects, he  resolved,  though  at  an  advanced  age,  to  put  himself 
again  at  the  head  of  his  forces,  and  to  employ  a  considerable  por- 
tion  of  his  army  in  the  subjugation  of  Greece,  whilst  the  other 
was  to  march  against  Egypt. 

But  Darius  had  not  sufficiently  noticed  the  approach  of  another 
and  more  formidable  enemy.  Preparations  on  the  most  exten- 
sive Gcale  were  already  made  for  his  two  intended  expeditions, 
when  death  prevented  him  from  carrying  them  into  execution. 
He  died  after  a  memorable  reign  of  thirty-six  years  (b.  c.  485). 

The  life  of  Darius  proves  that  he  was  not  entirely  exempt 
from  ambition,  vanity  and  despotism.  These  blemishes,  how- 
ever, seemed  to  proceed  from  the  absolute  power  which  he  so 


I 


>:.  486-^473         GREEKS,  TERSIANS.— XERXES.  185 

l.ng  enjoyed,  rather  than  from  his  natural  disposition;  both  as 
a  man  and  as  a  sovereign,  he  was  possessed  of  many  excellent 
rjiialities.  In  him  were  blended  gentleness,  equity,  clemency, 
uud  kindness  for  his  people;  he  loved  justice,  and  respected  the 
laws;  he  esteemed  merit,  and  took  good  care  to  reward  it;  he 
was  extremely  grateful  for  the  favors  which  he  received,  and 
lu'ver  failed  to  make  a  suitable  return.  He  easily  forgave 
injuries,  even  those  which  he  felt  most  keenly.  He  was  not 
jealous  of  his  rank  or  authority,  so  as  to  exact  a  forced  homage; 
on  the  contrary,  he  was  easy  of  access,  and  notwithstanding  his 
(nvn  great  experience  and  ability  in  public  affairs,  he  would 
lb  arken  to  the  advice  of  others,  and  often  profit  by  their 
Loiinsels. 

AYith  regard  to  military  valor,  Darius  possessed  it  in  an 
eminent  degree.  He  was  not  afraid  to  brave  the  dangers  of  the 
battle-field ;  nor  did  he  lose  his  presence  of  mind  in  the  hottest 
part  of  the  engagement,  and  he  used  to  say  of  himself  that  his 
courage  increased  in  proportion  to  the  danger  with  which  he  was 
threatened.  In  a  word,  few  princes  have  been  more  skilled  in 
the  science  of  war  and  government.  Nor  was  the  glory  of  being 
a  conqueror  wanting  to  his  character.  He  failed,  it  is  true,  in  his 
expedition  against  Scythia  and  in  his  attempt  upon  Greece;  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  he  succeeded  in  bringing  back  the  revolted 
lonians  and  Babylonians  to  obedience,  and  not  only  strengthened 
the  empire  of  Cyrus,  which  had  been  much  weakened  by  Cambyses 
and  the  Magian  impostors,  but  likewise  added  to  it  many  great 
and  rich  provinces,  such  as  India,  Macedon,  Thrace,  and  the 
isles  near  the  coasts  of  Ionia. 

The  greatest  glory  of  Darius  was,  that  Almighty  God  chose 
him,  like  another  Cyrus,  to  be  the  instrument  of  his  mercy 
towards  his  people,  the  declared  protector  of  the  Israelites,  and 
the  restorer  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.  The  reader  may  see 
this  part  of  his  history  in  the  first  book  of  Esdras,  and  in  the 
writings  of  the  prophets  Aggeus  and  Zacharias.* 


t 


WAR  BETWEEN  THE  GREEKS  AND  PERSIANS,  CONTINUED 
UNDER  XERXES.— B.  c.  485—473. 


HE  reign  of  Xerxes,  according  to  the  opinion  of  many  learned 
chronologers  and  historians,  lasted  only  twelve  years;  but  i< 
abounded  in  events  of  the  highest  importance. f 

*  1  EH(lr.  V  and  vi ;  Agg.  ii ;  Zacli.  i. 

f  Soe,  for  a  full  account  of  those  events,  the  three  last  books  of 
Ilerodotus;  Plutarch,  in  fiis  lives  of  Themistodes  and  Aristidei;  Justin, 


186  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Pari  IV 

A  dispute  arose  between  Xerxes  and  his  brother  Artabazanes, 
respecting  the  right  of  succession  to  the  throne.  The  latter 
pleaded  seniority  of  age;  the  former  based  his  claim  on  his 
descent  from  Cyrus  the  Great  by  his  mother  Atossa,  the  second 
wife  of  Darius,  and  on  the  circumstance  of  his  birth  having  taken 
place  whilst  Darius  was  on  the  throne,  whereas  Artabazanes  had  ' 
been  born  whilst  his  father  was  a  private  citizen.  The  twG 
brothers  agreed  to  make  their  uncle  Artabanes  arbitrator  in  the 
matter,  and,  without  further  appeal,  to  abide  by  his  decision.  In 
the  meanwhile,  they  gave  each  other  every  proof  of  a  truly  fra- 
ternal affection,  and  maintained  a  cheerful  intercourse  founded 
on  mutual  esteem,  confidence  and  friendship.  When  Artabanes 
gave  his  decision  in  favor  of  Xerxes,  Artabazanes  was  the  first 
to  acknowledge  his  brother  for  his  sovereign,  and  to  place  him 
on  the  throne,  showing  by  this  conduct  a  real  merit  and  great- 
ness of  soul  far  preferable  to  all  human  dignities.  Nor  was  this 
a  transient  feeling  of  magnanimity;  he  always  remained  sincerely 
attached  to  Xerxes,  and  died  whilst  fighting  in  his  service  in  the 
battle  of  Salamis. 

Unfortunately,  Xerxes  himself  was  far  from  preserving  in  all 
things,  after  his  accession,  the  moderation  he  had  evinced  before 
his  elevation.  Having,  without  much  difficulty,  again  subjected 
the  Egyptians  to  the  Persian  sway,  he  thought  that  the  Grreeks 
would  be  as  easily  crushed  by  the  overwhelming  superiority  of 
his  forces.  He  spent  four  years  in  preparing  vessels,  troops  and 
ammunition  for  this  enterprise.  Not  to  omit  any  thing  which 
might  contribute  to  secure  the  success  of  his  expedition,  he  en- 
tered into  a  confederacy  with  the  Carthaginians,  then  the  most 
powerful  nation  of  the  west,  and  made  an  agreement  with  them, 
that,  whilst  the  Persian  armies  would  invade  Greece  properly  so 
called,  the  Carthaginians  should  attack  the  Grecian  colonies  in 
Sicily  and  Italy,  in  order  to  prevent  them  from  lerding  any  as- 
sistance to  the  mother-country. 

When  Xerxes  had  completed  his  preparations,  he  set  out  from 
Susa  to  join  his  army  in  Asia  Minor,  while  the  fleet  advanced 
along  the  Ionian  coast  towards  the  Hellespont.  He  had  caused, 
at  a  vast  expense,  a  passage  to  be  cut  for  his  vessels  through 
Mount  Athos,  a  prominent  mountain  of  Macedonia,  and  for  his 
land  troops,  a  bridge  of  boats  to  be  built  over  the  narrow  seal 
which  separate  Asia  from  Kurope.  Shortly  before  his  arrival  a 
sudden  and  violent  storm   destroyed    the   bridge.     The  news  of 

I),  ii,  ch.  X. — XV  :  Corn.  Nepos,  in  Themist.  Arist.  et  Pansaniam, 
among  th(3  moderns,  Bartlielemi,  Voi/age  chiieu7ie  Anacharsis  enGrece, 
Tol  i ;  Rollin,  vol.  iii ;  Gerard,  vol.  vi ;  etc. 


f 

^  B.  c.  485— 473.        GREEKS,  PERSIANS.— XERXES.  187 

.  this  accident  threw  the  king  into  such  a  passion,  that,  in  his 

,  foolish  pride,  he  ordered  three  hundred   lashes  of  a  whip  to  be 

I  inflicted  on  the  sea,  and  chains  to  be  thrown  into  it,  to  chastise 

I  the  indocility  of  this  boisterous  elemcnt.'^^-^^ — ^ 

I      By  his  commands,  two  other  bridges  were  built,  more  solid 

than  the  first,  the  one  for  the  troops,  the  other  for  the  baggage 

and  beasts  of  burden.     Notwithstanding  this  wise  precaution  of 

,  a  double  bridge,  it  required  seven  days  and  seven  nights  for  the 

army  to  pass  from,  the  Asiatic  to  the  European  shores.     So  great 

indeed  was  the  multitude  of  the  soldiers  who  composed  it,  that, 

■'  upon  an  exact  review  of  them  made  by  Xerxes,  they  were  found 
to  be  about  two  millions,  independently  of  three  hundred  thou- 
sand men  destined  to  fight  at  sea.  The  fleet  consisted  of  twelve 
hundred  ships  manned  for  war,  besides  two  or  three  thousand 
smaller  vessels  intended  for  the  transport  of  provisions  and  other 
uses.  More  than  fifty  nations,  subject  or  tributary  to  the  Per- 
sians, had  contributed  to  this  formidable  fleet  and  army.* 

At  the  approach  of  this  multitude,  all  the  tribes  inhabiting 
the  countries  through  which  they  passed,  were  terrified,  and 
made  their  submission ;  in  Greece  itself,  no  cities  except  Sparta 
and  Athens,  with  a  few  others  of  secondary  rank,  made  even  a 
show  of  resistance.     What  rendered  the  determination   of  the 

I  latter  still  more  heroic,  was  that  all  their  land  troops  ready  for 
battle,  amounted  scarcely  to  eleven  or  twelve,  and  perhaps  only 
to  seven  thousand  men,  in  the  beginning  of  the  war.  They  wero 
directed,  under  the  conduct  of  Leonidas,  one  of  the  two  Spartan 
kings,  to  make  their  first  stand  at  the  narrow  passes  called  Ther- 

^    mopylae,  which  give  an  entrance  from  Thessaly  into  Greece. 

I       "When  Xerxes  arrived   near  the  ThermopylaB,  he  was  exceed- 

'  ingly  surprised  to  find  a  handful  of  men  prepared  to  dispute  hia 
passage.  Still  greater  was  his  astonishment,  when  having  sent 
against  them  two  bodies  of  his  best  troops,  he  saw  both  detach- 

i  ments  shamefully  repulsed  by  the  Greeks.  His  efforts  to  bribe 
Leonidas  by  splendid  promises,  or  to  terrify  him  by  an  imperious 
summons,  were  all  in  vain :  the  Lacedaemonian  rejected  every 

*  The  prophet  Daniel  had  foretold  this  extraordinary  combination 
I  of  circumstances,  long  before  the  event.  Writing  on  that  subject  to- 
wards the  beginning  of  Cyrus's  reign,  he  said,  or  rather  the  angel 
through  -whom  he  received  the  divine  revelation,  said  to  him :  "  Behold, 
there  shall  stand  yet  three  kings  in  Persia,"  viz.  :  [Camhyses,  Smerdii 
Magvs  and  Darius):  "and  the  fourth,"  (viz.:  Xerxes)  "shall  be  en- 
riched exceedingly  above  them  all ;  and  when  he  shall  be  grown  mighty 
by  his  riches,  he  shall  stir  up  all  against  the  kingdom  of  Greece." 
(Dan.  xi,  2).  How  striking  and  wonderful  must  this  ■j)rophecy  appear^ 
when  we  see  it  so  accurately  verified  by  tho  event ! 

12» 


188  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paht  IV. 

offer  with  scorn  ;  and  to  the  summons  to  deliver  up  his  arms,  he 
replied,  with  truly  laconic  spirit,  "  Come  and  take  them." 

This  undaunted  courage  greatly  perplexed  Xerxes.  Unable  to 
advance,  he  was  at  a  loss  what  step  to  take,  when  an  inhabitant 
of  the  country  discovered  to  hina  a  secret  path  leading  to  the  top 
of  a  mountain  which  commanded  the  Grecian  'camp ;  the  king 
immediately  despatched  a  detachment  to  take  possession  of  thia 
advantageous  post.  Leonidas  then  perceived  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  make  a  longer  stand  against  the  enemy.  Dismissing  his 
allies,  he  kept  with 'him  three  hundred  Spartans,  with  about  tha 
same  number  of  Thespians,  all  of  them  as  determined  as  him- 
self, and  they  resolved  to  die  together  for  the  honor  and  benefit 
of  their  country. 

Between  this  heroic  band  and  their  countless  opponents,  the 
conflict  was  awful  and  bloody.  The  Lacedaemonians  made  an 
immense  havoc  among  the  Persians,  before  they  were  themselves 
destroyed.  At  last,  overpowered  by  numbers,  they  all  fell,  ex- 
cept one  man  who  escaped  to  Sparta,  where  he  was  looked  upon 
as  a  traitor  to  his  country,  till  he  made  amends  for  his  flight  by 
fighting  with  the  greatest  courage  and  losing  his  life  in  the  battle 
of  Plataea.  Shortly  after,  a  magnificent  monument  was  erected 
in  honor  of  the  three  hundred  Spartans,  near  the  spot  where  they 
fought  and  died,  with  an  inscription  expressive  of  their  patriotism 
and  indomitable  valor.  It  was  (iomprised  in  the  following  sen- 
tence :  "  Go,  traveller,  and  tell  Sparta  that  we  died  here  in  obe- 
dience to  her  sacred  laws.'' 

After  this  dearly  bought  victory,  Xerxes,  always  at  the  head 
of  his  land  forces,  proceeded  towards  Attica,  plundering  and 
burning  the  towns  in  his  way.  On  his  arrival  at  Athens,  he 
found  it  deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
who  had  remained  in  the  citadel,  where  they  fought  till  death. 
This  high-spirited  people,  seeing  it  impossible  to  avert  the  storm 
that  threatened  their  city,  and  preferring  liberty  to  their  dwell- 
ings, had  left  them  and  embarked  on  board  their  fleet,  which, 
through  the  care  of  Themistocles,  was  at  that  time  in  excellent 
condition.  When  it  was  joined  by  the  vessels  of  their  allies,  it 
amounted  to  about  three  hundred  ships ;  a  number,  it  is  trae, 
far  inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy,  but  still  sufficient  to  haras.^ 
them  by  desultory  attacks,  and  to  inflict  severe  losses  on  them 
before  a  decisive  engagement  could  take  place. 

They  continued  this  desultory  warfare  for  a  time  with  great 
success,  especially  in  the  straits  of  Euboea,  near  Cape  Artemi- 
wum.  But  no  sooner  was  it  known  that  Xerxes,"  having  at  last 
(breed  the  defiles,  was  advancing  into  the  heart  of  the  country', 


q.  J.  485-473        GREEKS,  PERSIANS— XERXES.  189 

«hnn  all  the  naval  forces  of  Greece  determined  upon  a  retrograde 
\emcnt.     They  reached   Salamis,  a  small  island   r>pposite  to 
shore  of  Attica  on  the  Athenian  side,  and  were  soon  followed 
the  whole  Persian  fleet. 

I  lere  they  deliberated  what  course  it  would  be  expedient  to 
sue.     Most  of  the  leaders,  supported  by  the  commander-in- 
f  Eurybiades,  a  Lacedsemonian,  were  of  opinion  that  they 
lid  retire  still  fiirther  south  towalrds  Peloponnesus.      Others 
the  contrary,  among  whom  were  Themistocles  and  Aristides, 
well  reconciled  together,  strongly  maintained  that  the  nar- 
e*4Fait  of  Salamis  was  the  most  ad\-antageous  position  that 
Greeks  could  desire  for  a  general  battle,  since  it  would  of 
"if  suffice  to  embarrass  and  render  useless  the  great  multitude 
\\G  Persian  vessels.     As  on  one  occasion  Themistocles  urged  his 
lion  with  great  vehemence  in  presence  of  the  other  generals, 
ybiades  lifted  his  cane  over  him  in  a  threatening  manner. 
-rrike,  if  you  will,"  s;iid  Themistocles,  "but  hear  me."    This 
loration,  and  the  solidity  of  his  reasons,  caused  his  advice  to 
vail  in  the  council ;  and  this  new  determination,  aided  by  a 
tagem  of  the  Athenian  hero,  actually  saved  Greece.* 
rhe  two  ^eets  then   made  immediate  preparations  for  battle. 
Greeks  were  animated  by  the  remembrance  of  all  that  is 
-t  dear  in   life ;  Xerxes,  to  encourage  his  troops  by  his  pre- 
lc,  caused  a  throne  to  be  erected  for  him  on  an  eminence  near 
the  sea-shore.     The  Persians  advanced  with  great  impetuosity 
and  courage ;  but  their  ardor  was  soon  checked  by  the  superior 
discipline,  ability  and  resolution  of  the  Greeks,  and  even  by  the 
very  number  and  bulk  of  their  own  vessels,  which  could  scarcely 
move  in  that  narrow  passage.     Thus  embarrassed,  and  finding 
every  circumstance,  the  place,  the  wind,  etc.,  contrary  to  them, 
whilst  every  thing  favored  the  enemy,  they  fought  in  disorder, 
then  wavered,  and  finally  fled.     The  Greeks  destroyed  two  hun- 
dred of  their  ships,  and   took  many  others ;  moreover,  storms 
and  contrary  winds,  both  before  and  after  the  battle  of  Salamis, 
combined  to  disperse  this  once  formidable  armament.     Its  shat- 
'd  remains  i-etired  towards  the  Asiatic  coast,  and  never  after- 


*  The  conduct  jf  Themistocles  shows  that  he  possessed,  in  an  emi- 
nent degree,  the  two  most  essential  requisites  of  a  great  general,  pre- 
sence of  mind  in  time  of  danger,  and  sagacity  to  contrire  the  best  mea- 
Bures  for  future  contingencies.  This  is  what  Cornelius  Nepos,  in 
Thetnii!.  c.  1,  elegantly  expresses  by  the  following  words:  "  Xeque 
minus  in  rebus  gerendis  promptus,  quam  excogitandis,  erat,  quod  et  de 
iHticnIibus,  ut  ait  Thucydides,  t  erissimijudicabtUj  H  tU/uturit  caHiiiuimi 
eaidkiebot 


140  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV 

wards  did  a  Persian  fleet  dare  attempt  tlie  invasion  of  Greece 
(B.  c.  480). 

Xerxes  himself,  astounded  and  terrified  by  his  defeat,  set  an 
example  of  despondency.  Leaving  Mardonius  with  a  considera- 
ble portion  of  his  troops  to  carry  on  the  war  against  the  Greeks, 
he  took  the  rest  with  him  and  marched,  notwithstanding  many 
obstacles,  towards  the  Hellespont.  To  his  great  disappointment, 
he  found  the  bridges  broken  and  carried  off  by  the  violence  of 
the  waves.  There  was  no  possibility  of  repairing  them  ;  so  that 
he  whose  forces  lately  covered  land  and  sea,  was  obliged  to  re- 
cross  the  strait  in  a  small  boat,  nor  did  he  think  himself  per- 
fectly secure  till  he  had  reached  his  own  territory. 

Notwithstanding  this  signal  defeat  of  the  Persians  at  Salarais, 
some  of  their  vessels  made  a  brave  resistance.  Among  their 
leaders,  Artemisia  queen  of  Halicarnassus,  who  commanded  five 
ships,  distinguished  herself  by  her  undaunted  courage  and  acti- 
vity ;  this  made  Xerxes  exclaim  that  men  had  fought  that  day 
like  women,  and  women  like  men.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
battle,  seeing  herself  in  great  danger  of  being  taken,  she  lowered 
her  flag  and  attacked  a  Persian  vessel  with  great  fury.  This 
curious  stratagem  had  the  desired  effect :  the  conquerors  believ- 
ing that  her  ship  was  one  of  their  own  vessels,  desisted  from  the 
pursuit. 

The  battle  of  Salamis  conferred  immortal  honor  on  all  the 
Greeks,  and  especially  on  Themistocles,  the  Athenian  leader; 
for,  though  he  was  only  second  in  command,  still  it  was  he  who 
directed  the  movements  of  the  fleet,  who  prepared  the  way  for  a 
decisive  action,  and  who  ensured  the  victory  by  his  consummate 
prudence.  His  admirable  conduct  and  the  important  services 
which  he  had  rendered  to  Greece,  were  now  acknowledged  by 
every  one.  The  Lacedaemonians  themselves  paid  homage  to  his 
uncommon  merit,  by  giving  him,  in  their  own  city,  marks  of 
esteem  and  respect  never  shown  to  any  person  before.  What 
was  still  more,  all  Greece,  as  it  were,  did  the  same  on  a  most 
solemn  occasion.  At  the  first  Olympic  games  that  were  cele- 
brated after  the  battle  of  Salamis  before  an  immense  concourse 
of  people,  when  Themistocles  appeared,  there  was  a  burst  of  ap- 
plause from  the  whole  assembly,  and  during  all  the  day,  the 
spectators  kept  their  eyes  fixed  upon  him  as  the  worthiest  object 
of  their  admiration.  In  the  judgment  of  Themistocles  himself, 
this  mark  of  public  esteem  was  an  ample  reward  for  all  his  labors 
in  the  service  of  Greece.  A 

The  bravery  of  Themistocles  and  Eurybiades  at  Salamis  waa 
imitated,  the  y^ar  after,  by  Aristides  and  the   Lacedasmouian 


I 


c.  485-473.    GREEKS,  PERSIANS.— XERXES.         141 


king  Pausanias,  in  tlic  equally  famous  battle  of  Platooa.  Their 
tro(^ps,  joined  with  those  of  the  allies  and  considerably  increased 
Iv  previous  success,  amounted  to  about  one  hundred  and  ten 
tiu)usand  men,  whilst  the  Persians,  notwithstanding  their  preced- 
ing losses,  brought  into  the  field  three  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
simd  combatants.  The  shock  of  these  numerous  and  gallant 
armies  was  the  most  terrible  that  had  been  witnessed  since  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  The  Lacedaemonians,  Athenians  and 
,  Plataeans  performed  prodigies  of  valor.  The  Persians  likewise, 
with  Mardonius  at  their  head,  displayed  great  courage :  but  when 
they  saw  their  general  fall,  they  fled  to  their  intrenchments, 
whither  the  victorious  Greeks  pursued  them  with  irresistible 
fury.  The  slaughter  was  so  great,  both  during  the  battle  and 
the  pursuit,  and  in  the  forcing  of  the  Persian  camp,  that  of  their 
whole  army,  no  more  than  one-eighth  part,  that  is,  about  forty 
thousand,  escaped  by  a  timely  retreat.* 

To  complete  the  disaster  of  the  Persians  in  this  unhappy  ex- 
pedition, the  same  day  in  which  the  battle  of  Plataea  was  fought, 
their  fleet  was  entirely  destroyed  on  the  Ionian  shore.  After 
spending  the  winter  in  the  harbor  of  Cuma,  an  ^olian  city,  it 
had  reached  the  promontory  of  Mycale  near  Ephesus,  where  the 
remainder  of  the  land-troops  who  followed  Xerxes  on  his  return 
from  Greece,  were  encamped.  Here,  according  to  the  usual 
practice  of  the  ancients,  they  drew  their  ships  on  shore,  and  sur- 
rounded them  with  a  strong  rampart.  The  Greeks  having 
landed  in  the  neighborhood,  under  the  command  of  Leotychides 
the  Laceda3monian  and  Xanthippus  the  Athenian,  fearlessly 
commenced  an  assault,  forced  the  intrenchments,  and  putting 
many  of  the  Persians  to  the  sword,  routed  the  remainder,  and 
burned  all  their  vessels. 

At  the  news  of  these  repeated  and  signal  overthrows,  Xerxes 
left  Sardis  as  precipitately  as  he  had  left  Athens  after  the  battle 
of  Salamis;  and  in  order  to  put  himself  as  far  as  possible  out  of 
the  reach  of  his  victorious  enemies,  he  fled  to  a  more  distant  part 
of  his  empire.  From  that  epoch,  so  remarkable  and  glorious  for 
the  Greeks,  no  Persian  army  was  ever  seen  on  the  European  side 
of  the  Hellespont. 

Of  all  the  states  of  Greece  engaged  in  the  late  struggle,  none 
had  displayed  greater  energy  or  acquired  greater  honor  than  the 
Athenians.  But  their  city,  since  the  passage  of  Xerxes  and 
Mardonius,  was  a  heap  of  ruins,  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  yield- 
ing to  a  base  feeling  of  jealousy,  were  throwing  difficulties  in  the 

*  Plutarch,  in  Aristid.- -Uerodotvis,  b.  ix,  ch.  70. 


142  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

way  of  its  re-establishment.  The  genius  of  Themistocles  again 
surmounted  every  obstacle.  By  his  activity  and  care,  not  only 
the  city  was  rebuilt,  but  its  position  was  rendered  stronger,  its 
harbor  much  enlarged,  and  its  navy,  already  very  flourishing, 
considerably  increased. 

Themistocles  thus  constantly  exerted  himself  for  the  glory  and 
aggrandizement  of  his  country,  as  well  as  for  his  own,  but  some- 
times was  not  scrupulous  in  the  choice  of  his  measures.  On  one 
occasion  in  particular,  he  declared  before  the  assembly  of  the 
people,  that  he  had  contrived  an  expedient  to  secure  for  Athena 
a  decided  preponderance  in  Greece,  yet  that  he  could  not  make 
it  publicly  known,  because  its  success  required  the  utmost  secrecy. 
Aristides  was  appointed  to  deliberate  apart  with  him  on  the  sub- 
ject. The  design  of  Themistocles  was  to  burn  the  whole  fleet 
of  their  allies,  in  order  to  place  under  Athens  alone  the  full  and 
undisputed  empire  of  the  Grecian  seas.  When  Aristides  had 
been  told  of  it,  he  returned  to  the  assembly,  and  said  that 
nothing,  indeed,  could  appear  more  advantageous  to  the  Athen- 
ians,  but  that,  at  the  same  time,  nothing  in  the  world  could  be 
more  unjust  than  the  contrivance  of  his  colleague.  Upon  this 
decision,  all  the  people,  with  an  admirable  sense  of  equity, 
ordered  Themistocles  to  think  no  more  of  his  project. 

The  Grecian  liberties  were,  at  that  time,  still  more  seriously 
threatened  by  one  of  the  Lacedaemonian  kings,  namely  Pausanias, 
the  conqueror  of  Platsea,  who,  elated  with  success,  began  to  treat 
the  allies  with  haughtiness  and  contempt.  His  pride  carried  him 
still  farther.  Weary  of  the  simplicity  of  Spartan  life,  he  sought 
to  ingratiate  himself  with  Xerxes,  and  under  tlie  hope  of  a 
splendid  reward  from  that  monarch,  promised  to  betray  the 
country  into  his  hands.  The  plot  was  happily  detected  before  it 
could  be  put  into  execution.  Pausanias,  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
being  arrested  and  condemned,  ran  to  a  temple  as  to  a  safe 
asylum;  but  the  entrance  being  immediately  blocked  up  with 
large  stones,  it  became  impossible  for  him  to  make  his  escape, 
and  he  died  of  starvation. 

The  direction  of  the  public  afi'airs  in  Greece  was  then  com- 
mitted to  Aristides  and  Cimon,  whose  modest,  kind  and  prudent 
behavior  had  gained  universal  confidence.  The  allies,  of  their 
own  accord,  agreed  to  acknowledge  Athens,  preferably  to  Lace- 
daemon,  as  the  head  of  the  Grecian  confederacy;  Sparta  herself, 
notwithstanding  her  former  jealousy  and  distrust  of  a  rival  city, 
had  magnanimity  enough  to  acknowledge  the  wisdom  of  this 
measure.  Even  at  present,  every  sensible  reader  feels  a  secret 
satisfaction  in  perceiving  that  moderation  and  mildness  procured 


I 


?  c.  473-419.       GREEKS,  PERSIANS.— ARTAXERXES.  143 

for  the  Athenians  what  they  had  generously  refused  to  obtain  by 
injustice  and  violence. 

Aristides  did  not  long  survive  a  change  of  administration  so 

'  .rious  to  his  nation,  and  so  honorable  to  himself.     This  great 
!i^  after  having  filled  the  highest  offices  in  the  government  of 

i-^  country  and  directed  for  some  time  the  public  revenues  of  all 
( I  recce,  died  so  poor  that  he  did  not  leave  money  enough  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  his  funeral.  The  state  had  to  take  charge  of  it, 
i.nd  to  provide  for  the  support  of  hig  family. 

The  same  praise  cannot  be  given  to  Themistocles;  his  domi- 
neering spirit  and  inordinate  desire  of  glory  provoked  against 
him  the  envy  or  the  fears  of  his  citizens.  He  was  even  accused 
by  the  Lacedaemonians  of  having  been  an  accomplice  in  the  late 
conspiracy  of  Pausanias.  The  charge,  it  is  true,  had  not  suffi- 
cient foundation,  and  was  refuted  by  Themistocles;  yet,  the  party 
of  his  enemies  and  the  suspicions  of  the  people  remained  suffi- 
ciently strong  to  procure  his  banishment,  not  only  from  Athens, 
but  also  from  all  Grreece  and  the  neighboring  states.  In  this 
extremity,  Themistocles,  estimating  the  magnanimity  of  an 
enemy  by  his  own,  resolved  to  apply  for  an  asylum,  to  the  very 
nation  on  whom  he  had  before  inflicted  so  many  injuries,  and 
-^et  out  for  the  court  of  the  Persian  monarch. 

rTni.  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  GREEKS  AND  PERSIANS  CONCLUDED 
V  UNDER  ARTAXERXES-LONGIMANUS.— B.  c.  473—419. 

It  was  no  longer  Xerxes  who  reigned  in  Persia.*  This  prince, 
after  an  inglorious  reign  of  twelve  (many  say  twenty)  years,  was 
murdered  in  his  own  palace  by  Artabanes,  the  captain  of  his 
guards,  and  was  succeeded  on  the  throne  by  his  son  Artaxerxes.  The 
latter  is  also  known  under  the  surname  of  Longimanns,  which 
was  given  him  on  account  of  the  extraordinary  length  of  his 

*  This  is  the  obvious  meanlDg  of  Thucydides,  in  the  first  book  of  his 
History,  ch.  137,  and  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  in  The7nist.  ch.  9.  The  testi' 
mony  of  these  two  historians,  especially  of  Thucydides,  -who  wrote  very 
near  the  time  in  which  these  events  occurred,  has  certainly  consider- 
able weight;  yet,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  a  different  statement 
>s  found  in  Diodorus  Siculus  and  others.  For  this  reason,  there  exists 
a  serious  difficulty  and  a  great  variety  of  opinions  among  the  moderns, 
first  as  to  the  epoch  when  Xerxes  ceased,  and  Artaxerxes  began  to 
reign ;  and,  secondly,  to  which  one  of  these  two  monarchs  Themistocles 
applied  for  protection.  It  would  be  useless  to  undertake  here  any  dis- 
cussion on  this  matter.  Leaving  therefore  the  question  to  professed 
chronologists,  we  content  ourselves  with  following  the  opinion,  as  abov^ 
stated,  of  Usher,  Bossuet,  Calmet,  Rollin,  etc.  If  it  be  not  the  ynost 
probable,  it  is  at  least,  every  thing  taken  into  consideration,  the  p^ain- 
est  and  least  intricate,     (see  in  the  appendix  |  11.) 


144  ANCIENT   HISTORY  1'art  TV 

hands.  He  is  nmcli  praised  by  historians  for  his  justice,  good- 
ness, generosity,  and  the  great  care  he  took,  by  repressing  abuses 
and  disorders,  to  promote  the  happiness  of  his  people.  His 
kindness  was  extended  to  the  Jews:  whilst  they  experienced 
every  sort  of  difficulty  from  their  jealous  neighbors,  he  issued,  in 
their  behalf,  edicts  and  orders  the  most  favorable  that  they  could 
desire,  and  the  best  calculated  to  secure  their  religious  and  civil 
prosperity.*  The  second  of  these  rescripts,  issued  in  the  twentieth 
year  of  his  reign,  is  commonly  assigned  as  the  beginning  of  the 
seventy  weeks  (of  years)  spoken  of  by  the  prophet  Daniel,  which 
were  to  elapse  till  the  death  of  Christ  for  the  redemption  of 
mankind."}" 

Artaxerxes  evinced  likewise  great  wisdom,  resolution  and 
activity  in  different  wars  against  the  Bactrians  and  Egyptians; 
he  at  first  experienced  great  losses,  but  persevered  in  his  efforts, 
and  at  length  brought  both  of  these  wars  to  a  successful  issue. 
It  will  soon  be  perceived  that  he  was  not  equally  fortunate  in  the 
continuation  of  the  grand  Persian  struggle  against  Greece. 

This  was  the  monarch  to  whom  Themistocles  applied  for  refuge 
from  the  animosity  or  envy  of  his  citizens.  The  event  shovred 
that  the  Athenian  general  had  not  set  too  high  an  estimate  on 
Persian  generosity;  indeed  the  king  received  him  with  kindness, 
treated  him  with  respect,  gave  him  considerable  influence  at 
court,  and  allowed  him  the  revenues  of  three  cities  for  his  sup- 
port and  that  of  his  household.  He  even  determined  to  place 
him  at  the  head  of  an  army  for  a  third  attempt  against  Greece, 
but  the  proposal  was  for  Themistocles  a  subject  of  extreme  diffi- 
culty. Equally  unwilling  to  displease  his  benefactor  and  to 
fight  against  his  country,  he  is  said  by  some  to  have  put  an  end 
to  his  life  by  poison;  many  think,  however,  that  he  died  a  natural 
death  at  the  age  of  sixty-five  years,  and  that  his  bones  were 
afterwards  carried  back  to  Athens. 

It  seemed  to  be  a  right  or  privilege  of  the  Athenian  people  to 
possess,  during  this  period,  an  uninterrupted  series  of  great  men. 
After  the  banishment  of  Themistocles  and  the  death  of  Aristides, 
the  chief  authority  among  them  was  exercised  by  two  illustrious 
citizens,  Pericles  and  Cimon.  Both  were  equally  distinguished 
by  their  abilities  and  their  birth,  the  one  being  a  son  of  Xan- 
thippus,  the  conqueror  of  the  Persians  at  Mycale;  the  other  the 
son  of  Miltiades,  the  still  more  celebrated  conqueror  of  the  same 
Persians  at  Marathon.  Pericles,  a  man  of  great  eloquence  and 
insinuating  manners,  obtained  a  surprising  ascendency  over  the 
minds  of  the  Athenians.  What  was  still  more  surprising,  he 
*fr  1  Esdr.  vii ;  and  2  Esdr.  ii.  f  Daniel  ix,  24—27 


i 


78—449.     GREEKS,  PERSIANS.— ARTAXERXES.  146 

intaincd  that  aecrndeiicy  during  the  space  of  forty  years,  by 
exertions  of  his  genius,  his  success  in  war,  his  largesses  to 
he  people,  and  the  splendid  monuments  with  which  he  embel- 
'ished  their  city.  Gimon,  still  more  generous  in  his  views,  united 
11  himself  the  courage  of  Miltiades  his  father,  the  exquisite  pru- 
lriH?e  of  Themistocles,  and  the  disinterestedness  as  well  as  equity 
t  Aristides,  to  which  he  added  an  uncommon  beneficence  and 
ibtrality.  Having  acquired  a  very  great  fortune,  he  made  no 
other  use  of  it  than  to  benefit  his  fellow-citizens  in  every  pos 
qbic  way,  especially  those  who  appeared  at  the  same  time  honest 
111(1  poor.  On  the  other  hand,  as  he  was  a  not  less  excellent 
general  than  profound  politician,  he  raised  Athens  to  the  zenith 
of  greatness  and  power. 

Much  will  be  said  of  Pericles  in  another  section.  To  speak 
now  exclusively  of  Cimon,  and  first  of  his  moral  and  social 
qualities,  we  will  here  mention  several  instances  of  his  liberality, 
disinterestedness  and  wisdom,  recorded  by  Plutarch  and  Cornelius 
Nopos  in  their  biography  and  life  oi  this  illustrious  man. 

"Cimon,"  says  Plutarch,  "had  by  this  time  acquired  a  great 
fortune;  and  what  he  had  gained  gloriously  in  the  war  from  the 
enemy,  he  laid  out  with  as  much  credit  upon  his  fellow-citizens. 
He  ordered  the  fences  of  his  fields  and  gardens  to  be  thrown 
down,  that  strangers  as  well  as  his  own  countrymen  might  par- 
take of  his  fruit  He  had  a  supper  provided  at  his  house  every 
day,  in  which  the  dishes  were  plain  but  sufficient  for  a  multitude 
of  guests.  The  poor  citizens  at  large,  (^specially  those  of  his  own 
tribe,  repaired  to  it  at  pleasure  and  had  their  diet  without  care 
or  trouble.  When  he  walked  out,  he  used  to  have  a  retinue  of 
young  men  well  clothed ;  and  if  he  happened  to  meet  an  aged 
citizen  in  a  mean  dress,  he  ordered  some  one  of  them  to  change 
clothes  with  him.  This  was  great  and  noble.  But  besides  this, 
the  same  attendants  carried  with  them  a  quantity  of  monej^,  and 
when  they  met  in  the  market-place  with  any  necessitous  person 
of  honest  appearance,  they  took  care  to  slip  some  pieces  into  his 
hands  as  privately  as  possible.'' 

Cimon,  it  is  true,  was  guided  in  this  only  by  human  and  natu- 
ral motives;  but  what  more  could  be  expected  from  Pagan  virtue? 
And  do  not  the  facts  just  related  show  of  themselves  that  he  pos- 
sessed a  truly  noble  and  generous  soul;  especially  if  we  add  to 
these  what  Cornelius  Nepos  says  of  him,  that  he  was  always  ready 
to  assist  any  one  with  his  credit,  his  good  services  and  his  purse  ?* 

So  liberal  a  character  was  far  from  having  selfish  views  of 
preferment  or  increase  of  wealth.     "Whilst  he  saw  the  other 

*  Nulli  fides,  nulli  opera, milli  res  familiaris  dcfuit  (in  Cimon.  c.  4), 

13 


148  ANCIENT  HISTORY..  Pabt  IV 

dangers,  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  so  disastrous  a  Tvar  by  a  treaty 
of  peace.  It  was  concluded  under  the  following  conditions : 
1.  That  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia  should  be  acknowledged  as 
free  and  independent  states ;  2.  that  no  Persian  vessel  fitted  out 
for  war  should  navigate  between  the  Black  sea  and  the  coasts  of 
Pamphylia;  3.  that  no  Persian  commander  with  his  troops 
should  approach  the  Grrecian  seas  within  a  three  days'  journey; 
and  4.  that  the  Athenians  should  no  longer  attack  any  part  of 
the  dominions  of  Persia.  These  conditions  were  accepted  and 
ratified  under  oath  by  the  two  parties,  in  the  year  B.  c.  449. 

Such  was  the  result,  so  glorious  for  the  Athenians  and  theii 
generals,  of  the  struggle  which  they  had  to  maintain  against  the 
mightiest  empire  in  the  world,  under  three  successive  monarchs. 
That  struggle,  since  the  burning  of  Sardis,  had  lasted  fifty-one 
years. 

During  the  negotiation  of  this  treaty  Cimon  died,  either  of 
sickness  or  of  a  wound  which  he  had  received  at  the  siege  of 
Citium  in  Cyprus.  When  he  drew  near  his  end,  he  commanded 
his  ofiicers  to  set  out  with  the  fleet  immediately  for  Athens,  and 
to  conceal  his  death  with  the  utmost  care.  The  order  was  punc- 
tually executed,  and  the  secret  so  well  kept,  that  neither  the 
enemy  nor  the  allies  had  any  suspicion  of  the  event ;  and  the 
whole  fleet  returned  safe  to  Athens,  still  under  the  guidance  and 
auspices  of  Cimon,  although  he  had  died  thirty  days  before. 
Thus  this  great  man,  the  greatest  perhaps  that  Greece  ever  pro- 
duced, after  having  conferred  on  his  country  so  many  signal 
benefits  during  life,  promoted  its  interests  even  after  death,  and 
left  it  in  the  height  of  glory  and  prosperity. 

DEFEAT  OF  THE  CARTHAGINIANS    IN  SICILY.— b.  c.  480. 

GREAT    QUALITIES    OF   GELON,    PRINCE    AND    SOVEREIGN    OF    SY- 
RACUSE. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Xerxes,  in  his  earnest 
desire  to  subdue  the  Greeks,  had  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
the  Carthaginians,  and  agreed  with  them  that  they  should  attack 
with  all  their  forces  the  Grecian  colonies  in  Sicily  and  Italy j 
whilst  he,  on  his  part,  would  march  in  person  against  Greece. 
The  Carthaginians,  who  had  already  made  great  conquests  not 
only  in  Africa,  but  also  in  other  countries  and  in  Sicily  itself, 
and  who  were  very  desirous  to  obtain  entire  possession  of  this 
rich  island,  readily  assented  to  the  proposal  of  the  Persian  king. 
As  they  were  determined  to  carry  on  the  war  upon  a  very  exten- 
sive scale,  so  as  to  make  it  correspond  to  the  efforts  of  their  pow- 


n.  0.  480.  CARTHAGINIANS  IN  SICILY.  149 

I  rful  ally,  they  spent  three  years  in  making  adequate  prepara- 
tions. Their  land  army  amounted  to  not  les.s  than  three  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  their  fleet  consisted  of  two  thousand  vessels. 

This  immense  force  set  out  from  Carthage  and  landed  at  Pa- 
lermo in  Italy,  under  the  conduct  of  Arailcar,  a  commander  of 
great  experience.  This  general  after  giving  some  rest  to  his 
troops,  marched  against  Himera,  a  neighboring  city,  and  laid 
siege  to  it.  The  governor  of  the  place  seeing  it  very  closely 
pressed,  despatched  messengers  to  his  son-in-law  Gelon,  who  with- 
out the  title  of  king  exercised  the  principal  authority  in  Syra- 
cuse; Gelon  readily  obeyed  the  summons  and  hastened  in  per- 
son to  the  relief  of  Himera,  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  infan- 
try and  five  thousand  cavalry.  His  approach  revived  the  hopes 
and  courage  of  the  besieged,  who  afterwards  defended  themselves 
with  increased  energy. 

Gelon  was  an  able  warrior  and  excelled  in  stratagems.  Hav- 
ing intercepted  a  letter  informing  Amilcar  of  the  speedy  arrival 
of  a  certain  auxiliary  body  of  troops,  he  selected  an  equal  num- 
ber from  his  own,  whom  he  equipped  in  the  manner  described  in 
the  letter,  and  made  them  advance  towards  the  camp  of  the  be- 
siegers at  the  time  designated.  These  pretended  auxiliaries  be- 
ing received  as  allies  by  an  unsuspecting  enemy,  slew  the  Car- 
thaginian general  and  fired  his  vessels.  At  the  same  moment 
Gelon  attacked  the  camp  with  all  his  forces.  The  Carthaginians 
at  first  resisted  with  great  valor ;  but  soon  hearing  of  the  death 
of  their  leader,  and  seeing  their  whole  fleet  in  a  blaze,  they  lost 
courage  and  fled.  In  the  dreadful  slaughter  that  ensued,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  their  number  were  slain.  The 
rest  of  their  army  having  retired  to  a  place  where  they  were  in 
want  of  every  thing,  could  not  make  a  long  defence,  and  surren- 
dered at  discretion.  This  memorable  action  took  place  on  the 
same  day  with  the  battle  of  Thermopylas,  according  to  some ; 
whilst  others  place  it  on  the  same  day  with  that  of  Saiamis.* 

The  sad  news  of  the  entire  defeat  of  the  army  threw  Carthago 
into  a  stato  of  alarm  and  confusion  which  cannot  be  expressed. 
The  inhabitants  imagined  that  the  enemy  was  already  at  their 
gates.  They  immediately  sent  deputies  to  sue  for  peace, .  and 
Gelon,  whose  usual  character  was  lenity,  granted  it  on  moderate 
terms.  One  of  the  conditions  prescribed  to  the  vanquished  was. 
that  they  should  cease  to  sacrifice  their  children  to  Saturn ;  a 
circumstance  which    shows  at  the  same  time  the  superstitious 

*  The  first  is  the  statement  of  Diodorus  Siculus,  b.  xi ;  and  the  se- 
cond is  found  in  Ilei'odotus,  b.  vii. 

13* 


148  ANCIENT  HIST0R7..  Part  IV 

dangers,  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  so  disastrous  a  war  by  a  treaty 
of  peace.  It  was  concluded  under  the  following  conditions: 
1.  That  the  Grecian  cities  in  Asia  should  be  acknowledged  aa 
free  and  independent  states;  2.  that  no  Persian  vessel  fitted  out 
for  war  should  navigate  between  the  Black  sea  and  the  coasts  of 
Pamphylia;  3.  that  no  Persian  commander  with  his  troop? 
should  approach  the  Grecian  seas  within  a  three  days'  journey; 
and  4.  that  the  Athenians  should  no  longer  attack  any  part  of 
the  dominions  of  Persia.  These  conditions  were  accepted  and 
ratified  under  oath  by  the  two  parties,  in  the  year  B.  c.  449. 

Such  was  the  result,  so  glorious  for  the  Athenians  and  theii 
generals,  of  the  struggle  w^hich  they  had  to  maintain  against  the 
mightiest  empire  in  the  world,  under  three  successive  raonarchs. 
That  struggle,  since  the  burning  of  Sardis,  had  lasted  fifty-one 
years. 

During  the  negotiation  of  this  treaty  Cimon  died,  either  of 
Bickness  or  of  a  wound  which  he  had  received  at  the  siege  of 
Citium  in  Cyprus.  When  he  drew  near  his  end,  he  commanded 
his  ofiicers  to  set  out  with  the  fleet  immediately  for  Athens,  and 
to  conceal  his  death  with  the  utmost  care.  The  order  was  punc- 
tually executed,  and  the  secret  so  well  kept,  that  neither  the 
enemy  nor  the  allies  had  any  suspicion  of  the  event ;  and  the 
whole  fleet  returned  safe  to  Athens,  still  under  the  guidance  and 
auspices  of  Cimon,  although  he  had  died  thirty  days  before. 
Thus  this  great  man,  the  greatest  perhaps  that  Greece  ever  pro- 
duced, after  having  conferred  on  his  country  so  many  signal 
benefits  during  life,  promoted  its  interests  even  after  death,  and 
left  it  in  the  height  of  glory  and  prosperity. 

DEFEAT  OF  THE  CARTHAGINIANS    IN  SICILY.— b.  c.  480. 

GREAT    QUALITIES    OF    GELON,    PRINCE    AND    SOVEREIGN    OF    SY- 
RACUSE. 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Xerxes,  in  his  earnest 
desire  to  subdue  the  Greeks,  had  entered  into  an  alliance  with 
the  Carthaginians,  and  agreed  with  them  that  they  should  attack 
with  all  their  forces  the  Grecian  colonies  in  Sicily  and  Italy; 
whilst  he,  on  his  part,  would  march  in  person  against  Greece. 
The  Carthaginians,  who  had  already  made  great  conquests  not 
only  in  Africa,  but  also  in  other  countries  and  in  Sicily  itself, 
and  who  were  very  desirous  to  obtain  entire  possession  of  this 
rich  island,  readily  assented  to  the  proposal  of  the  Persian  king. 
As  they  were  determined  to  carry  on  the  war  upon  a  very  exten- 
sive scale,  so  as  to  make  it  correspond  to  the  efforts  of  their  pow- 


n.  J.  480.  CARTHAGINIANS  IN  SICILY.  U9 

crful  ally,  tliey  spent  three  years  in  making  adequate  prepara- 
tions. Tlieir  land  army  amounted  to  not  less  than  three  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  their  fleet  consisted  of  two  thousand  vessels. 

This  immense  force  set  out  from  Carthage  and  landed  at  Pa- 
lermo in  Italy,  under  the  conduct  of  Amilcar,  a  commander  of 
great  experience.  This  general  after  giving  some  rest  to  his 
troops,  marched  against  Himera,  a  neighboring  city,  and  laid 
siege  to  it.  The  governor  of  the  place  seeing  it  very  closely 
pressed,  despatched  messengers  to  his  son-in-law  Gelon,  who  with- 
out the  title  of  king  exercised  the  principal  authority  in  Syra- 
cuse; Gelon  readily  obeyed  the  summons  and  hastened  in  per- 
son to  the  relief  of  Himera,  at  the  head  of  fifty  thousand  infan- 
try and  five  thousand  cavalry.  His  approach  revived  the  hopes 
and  courage  of  the  besieged,  who  afterwards  defended  themselves 
with  increased  energy. 

Gelon  was  an  able  warrior  and  excelled  in  stratagems.  Hav- 
ing intercepted  a  letter  informing  Amilcar  of  the  speedy  arrival 
of  a  certain  auxiliary  body  of  troops,  he  selected  an  equal  num- 
ber from  his  own,  whom  he  equipped  in  the  manner  described  in 
the  letter,  and  made  them  advance  towards  the  camp  of  the  be- 
giegers  at  the  time  designated.  These  pretended  auxiliaries  be- 
ing received  as  allies  by  an  unsuspecting  enemy,  slew  the  Car- 
thaginian general  and  fired  his  vessels.  At  the  same  moment 
Gelon  attacked  the  camp  with  all  his  forces.  The  Carthaginians 
at  first  resisted  with  great  valor ;  but  soon  hearing  of  the  death 
of  their  leader,  and  seeing  their  whole  fleet  in  a  blaze,  they  lost 
courage  and  fled.  In  the  dreadful  slaughter  that  ensued,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  their  number  were  slain.  The 
rest  of  their  army  having  retired  to  a  pkce  where  they  were  in 
want  of  every  thing,  could  not  make  a  long  defence,  and  surren- 
dered at  discretion.  This  memorable  action  took  place  on  the 
same  day  with  the  battle  of  Thermopylae,  according  to  some ; 
whilst  others  place  it  on  the  same  day  with  that  of  Salamis.* 

The  sad  news  of  the  entire  defeat  of  the  army  threw  Carthage 
into  a  stato  of  alarm  and  confusion  which  cannot  be  expressed. 
The  inhabitants  imagined  that  the  enemy  was  already  at  their 
gates.  They  immediately  sent  deputies  to  sue  for  peace,  and 
Gelon,  whose  usual  character  was  lenity,  granted  it  on  moderate 
terms.  One  of  the  conditions  prescribed  to  the  vanquished  was. 
that  they  should  cease  to  sacrifice  their  children  to  Saturn ;  a 
circumstance  which    shows  at  the  same  time  the  superstitious 


*  The  first  is  the  statement  of  Diodorus  Siculus,  b.  xi ;  and  the  se- 
cond is  found  in  Herodotus,  b.  vii. 

13* 


150  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Pabt  IV. 

cruelty  of  the   Carthaginians  and   the  humanity  of  their  con- 
queror. 

Gelon  after  this  glorious  victory  returned  to  Syracuse,  assem- 
bled the  people  and  modestly  gave  an  account  of  his  whole  con- 
duct, offering  himself  an  easy  victim  to  the  justice  of  his  citi* 
zens,  if  they  judged  that  he  had  done  any  thing  contrary  to  the 
public  good  or  in  any  manner  abused  his  authority.  His  dis- 
course was  answered  only  by  praises  and  marks  of  gratitude 
As  every  one  looked  upon  him  as  the  deliverer  and  benefactor  of 
the  country,  he  was  with  unanimous  consent  proclaimed  king. 
He  showed  himself  more  and  more  worthy  of  the  flattering  titles 
bestowed  upon  him,  by  acting  more  as  a  father  than  a  sovereign, 
and  never  ceasing  to  exert  himself  for  the  happiness  of  his  peo- 
ple. Unfortunately  for  Syracuse,  his  reign  lasted  only  seven 
years.  The  sceptre  after  his  death  passed  into  the  hands  of  his 
brothers  Hiero  and  Thrasybulus,  who  reigned  in  succession,  till 
the  Syracusans,  disgusted  at  the  acts  of  oppression  and  tyranny 
committed  by  Thrasybulus,  drove  him  from  among  them,  and 
restored  the  democratic  form  of  government  (b.  c.  460). 


THE  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH : 

FROM    THK    INSTITUTION    OF    THE    DICTATORSHIP    TO    THE    EXPULSION    OF 
THE    DECEMVIRI.— B.  C.  498 449. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  OFFICE  OF  DICTATOR.~b.  c.  498. 

The  time  had  not  yet  come  for  the  Romans  to  take  any  share, 
much  less  to  act  a  prominent  part,  as  they  afterwards  did,  in  the 
affairs  of  other  nations.  Their  attention  was  sufficiently  engaged 
at  home  in  fighting  the  enemies  of  their  liberty,  repelling  the 
frequent  attacks  of  their  jealous  neighbors,  and  preventing  their 
newly  framed  republic  from  falling  into  despotism  or  anarchy. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  commonwealth,  there  ex- 
isted various  causes  of  dissension  between  the  patricians  and  the 
plebeians,  or  the  senate  and  the  people.  This  state  of  things 
originated  not  only  in  the  mutual  apprehensions  and  jealousy  of 
the  two  orders,  but  likewise  in  the  vast  disproportion  between 
their  respective  fortunes ;  nearly  all  the  wealth  and  land  were  in 
the  hands  of  the  patricians,  whereas  most  of  the  plebeians  suf- 
fered poverty  and  distress.  Their  misery  was  more  and  more 
aggravated  by  the  accumulation  of  debts  on  the  one  side,  and  by 
usuries  and  oppressive  measures  on  the  other.  Moreover,  in  a 
oatdT^Uy  rude  and  half-civilized  nation,  without  the  mild  influ- 


1 


B.C.  408— 419.  ROMAN  COMMOxNWEaLTII.  151 

cnce  of  the  true  religion,  measures  were  extremely  severe  against 
insolvent  debtors,  even  against  those  whose  insolvency  was  the 
effect  of  misfortune  over  which  they  had  no  control.  The  la:Y 
or  custom  subjected  them  not  merely  to  imprisonment,  but  even 
to  torture  and  the  lash.  Avaricious  creditors  were  not  ashamed 
to  avail  themselves  of  these  inhuman  laws,  and  frequently  put 
them  in  execution  with  merciless  rigor. 

Treatment  so  revolting,  especially  in  a  republic,  did  not  fail  to 
exasperate  the  minds  of  the  people.  They  indulged  by  degrees 
in  complaints,  expostulations,  murmurs  and  threats ;  and  finally 
came  to  the  determination,  unless  the  senate  should  pass  a  decree 
for  the  abolition  of  their  debts,  not  to  take  up  arms  for  the  de- 
fence of  an  imaginary  commonwealth  in  which  they  had  so  muob 
to  suffer. 

The  senators  having  assembled  to  deliberate  on  the  matter 
were  much  divided  as  to  the  manner  of  proceeding  in  so  delicate 
a  circumstance.  To  them,  either  of  the  two  methods  of  rigor  oi 
leniency  appeared  pregnant  with  evil  consequences :  the  one 
would  still  more  exasperate  the  people,  and  the  other  would  seem 
to  patronize  and  encourage  rebellion.  In  this  perplexity  they 
resolved,  first,  to  suspend  for  the  present  the  effect  of  the  laws 
with  regard  to  insolvent  debtors ;  and  secondly,  to  appoint  a  su 
preme  magistrate  under  the  name  of  Dictator,  whose  authority 
should  supersede  every  other  authority  in  the  nation,  and  from 
whose  orders  there  should  be  no  appeal.  To  prevent  so  great  a 
power  from  degenerating  into  tyranny,  it  was  to  be  conferred 
only  for  the  space  of  six  months. 

The  first  Roman  ever  raised  to  this  exalted  dignity  was  Titus 
Lartius,  b.  c.  498.  He  was  eminently  fitted  for  the  critical  cir- 
cumstances in  which  he  found  the  state,  namely,  a  civil  feud  to 
suppress  and  a  foreign  aggression  to  repel :  by  happily  blending 
energy  and  firmness  with  wisdom  and  moderation,  he  succeeded 
in  both  attempts  before  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office.  He 
might  have  retained  his  power  during  the  whole  time  for  which 
he  was  elected ;  but  he  voluntarily  resigned  it  before  the  close 
of  that  period,  thus  giving  an  admirable  example  of  modesty^ 
which,  t)  the  great  honor  and  credit  of  the  Roman  character, 
VTJiS  faithfully  imitated  by  subsequent  dictators  for  nearly  four 
centuries. 

Komc,  having  once  experienced  the  beneficial  result  of  this 
kind  of  magistracy,  had  frequently  recourse  to  it  in  tmies  ot 
great  and  pressing  dangers.  It  became  towards  the  end  of  the 
republic  an  occasion  of  abuse,  owing  to  the  natural  weakness  of 
the  human  mind,  by  which  the  end  of  the  best  institutions  may 


162  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Part  IV. 

be  perverted.  Still  it  is  perfectly  correct  to  say  that  the  high 
office  of  dictator,  generally  intrusted  to  men' of  suporior  talents, 
wisdcm  and  experience,  rendered  the  most  signal  se;*vices  to  the 
commonwealth  by  insuring  its  internal  tranquillity  and  secur- 
ing its  power  and  sometimes  its  very  existence  aga.^nst  foreign 
invasion. 

RISE  OF  TPIE  PLEBEIAN  TRIBUNES.— b.  c.  403. 

The  second  Roman  dictator  was  Aulus  Posthumius,  under 
whom  was  fought  the  decisive  battle  of  Regillus  against  the 
Latins.  Shortly  after  him,  fresh  dissensions  arose  between  the 
plebeians  and  patricians  concerning  the  hitherto  unsettled  aflFair 
of  insolvent  debtors  and  their  treatment.  Both  the  army  and 
the  people,  driven  almost  to  desperation  and  finding  themselves 
unaided  by  the  senate,  withdrew  in  great  numbers  from  the  city 
to  a  mountain  three  miles  distant,  and  afterwards  called  the  Sa- 
cred .  Mount.  Here  they  established  themselves  in  a  fortified 
camp,  and  by  their  subsequent  behaviour  showed  a  fixed  deter- 
mination never  to  return,  until  they  should  obtain  a  general 
abolition  of  those  debts  which  exposed  them  to  so  many  miseries 
and  hardships. 

This  conduct  of  the  plebeian  order  gave  considerable  alarm  to 
the  consuls  and  all  the  senators;  they  sent  ten  deputies  chosen 
from  among  themselves,  to  effect  a  reconciliation  and  the  return 
of  the   people.      The    most   illustrious  of  these    deputies   was  ' 
Menenius  Agrippa,  a  patrician  so  universally  revered  for  his  mo- 
deration and  impartiality,  that  the  insurgents  themselves  received^: 
nim,  as  they  also  did  his  colleagues,  with  every  demonstration! 
of  joy.     He,  on   his  part,  endeavored  to  convince  them  of  the' 
necessity  of  concord  in  every  government,  and  of  the  confidence 
which  they  ought  to  place  in  the  good  intentions  of  the  senate. 
On  this  occasion,  he  proposed  to  them  the  ingenious  well-known 
allegory  of  the  members  of  the  human  body,  when  they  refused 
to  do  any  thing  for  the  stomach,  under  the  plea  of  its  apparent 
inactivity,  and  by  so  doing  undermined  and  ruined  their  own 
strength.* 

The  application  of  this  allegory  to  the  circumstance  which  had 
called  it  forth  was  a  very  natural  one,  and  the  people  felt  its 
force  without  any  difficulty.  They  were  still  more  pleased  when 
the  deputies,  in  the  name  of  the  senate,  declared  the  full  ac- 
quittal of  poor  insolvent  debtors  and  the  abolition  of  their  debts. 
They  now  readily  prepared  to  return  to  the  city;  still,  in  order 
*  See  Livy,  b.  ii,  ch.  32. 


raer 


B.C.  498— 449.  ROxMAN  COMMONWEALTH.  153 

to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  similar  evils,  they  asked  and  ob- 
tained, before  leaving  their  camp,  the  appointment  of  a  new  clash 
of  officers  to  be  annually  chosen  from  the  plebeian  order,  with 
authority  to  defend  the  interests  of  the  people,  not  only  against 
private  citizens,  but  even,  if  necessary,  against  the  senate  and 
the  first  magistrates  of  the  republic.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
Plebeian  Tribunes. 

This  institution  might  have  been,  if  kept  within  due  bounds, 
rery  beneficial  to  the  commonwealth ;  but,  as  the  tribunes  were 
frequently  persons  of  a  restless,  factious  and  daring  spirit,  it  soon 
became  a  source  of  new  dissensions.  Their  power,  at  first  limited 
in  its  objects,  continually  sought  to  extend  its  spnere,  produced 
a  variety  of  important  changes  in  the  government,  and  by  the 
violent  strifes  which  they  occasioned,  greatly  contributed  to  ita 
entire  overthrow. 

The  number  of  these  officers,  originally  five,  was  afterwards 
increased  to  ten.  Two  other  annual  magistrates  were  appointed, 
called  Ediles,  to  take  charge,  under  the  tribunes,  of  the  markets, 
provisions,  public  buildings  and  public  shows. 


BANISHMENT  OF  MARCIUS  CORIOLANUS.— b.  c.  489. 

The  first  important  trial  which  the  plebeian  tribunes  made  of 
their  power,  was  against  an  illustrious  citizen  called  Marcius,  and 
surnamed  Coriolaims.  He  belonged  to  a  patrician  family  in 
Home,  and  was  universally  esteemed  for  his  moral  conduct,  his 
courage  and  his  military  abilities.  The  capture  of  Corioli,  a 
Volscian  city,  was  principally  due  to  the  exertions  of  his  brilliant 
valor ;  afterwards,  going  forward  to  fight  a  hostile  army  sent  to 
the  relief  of  the  town,  he  had  forced  victory  to  declare  in  favor 
of  the  Romans.  It  was  from  this  great  achievement  that  he  de- 
rived the  surname  of  Coriolanus  ]  all  admired  his  bravery,  his 
disinterestedness,  and,  above  all,  his  magnanimity,  the  source  of 
so  many  noble  actions. 

Unfortunately,  these  qualities  of  Marcius,  for  want  of  proper 
direction,  often  degenerated  into  haughtiness  and  obstinacy.  Ho 
did  not  possess  that  full  command  of  his  temper  so  peculiarly 
becoming  among  a  free  people,  nor  that  patience  and  moderation 
so  necessary  in  the  management  of  public  affiiirs.  In  the  new 
subjects  of  discussion  that  arose  in  the  senate  concerning  the 
plebeians,  he  warmly  defended  the  authority  of  the  former 
against  the  claims  of  the  latter,  and  occasionally  used  harsh  ex- 
pressions, calculated  to  wound  and  irritate  the  public   fculing 


154  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Taet  IV. 

His  opposition  to  the  plebeian  interest  so  mucli  exasperated  the 
tribunes  and  their  partisans,  that,  in  a  general  assembly  of  the 
people,  they  had  him  sentenced  to  perpetual  exile. 

Coriolanus  received  his  condemnation  with  great  apparent 
firmness,  and  left  the  city  without  uttering  the  least  murmur  or 
complaint,  yet  full  of  rancor,  and  meditating  signal  vengeance 
against  his  country.  In  effect,  he  soon  after  reappeared  at  the 
head  of  a  powerful  army  of  Volsci,  whom  he  had  induced  to 
avenge  with  him  their  common  injuries.  Having,  as  he  ad- 
vanced, taken  a  multitude  of  towns  and  laid  waste  the  neighbor- 
ing territory,  he  took  a  position  only  five  miles  from  Rome.  The 
city  was  filled  with  instant  consternation,  especially  among  the 
plebeians  at  the  approach  of  their  irritated  enemy,  and  the  con- 
sternation was  more  and  more  increased  by  the  fact  that,  not- 
withstanding the  repeated  offers  made  by  the  deputies  of  the 
senate,  he  rejected  every  proposal  of  reconciliation.  The  minds 
of  the  people  were  quite  dejected;  it  seemed  as  if  the  courage 
of  the  Romans  had  passed  from  them,  together  with  Coriolanus, 
into  the  camp  of  their  enemies. 

At  this  critical  juncture,  Rome  owed  her  deliverance  to  the 
mother  of  Coriolanus.  This  generous  lady,  accompanied  by 
many  other  noble  matrons,  went  to  meet  her  son,  v/ho  had  al- 
ways entertained  for  her  the  most  respectful  and  tender  regard. 
She  spoke  so  feelingly  to  him,  and  so  touched  his  heart,  that  ho 
exclaimed,  "Dear  mother,  you  have  conquered  me.  Your  vic- 
tory saves  Rome,  but  it  is  ruinous  to  your  son."  He  withdrew 
his  troops  from  the  Roman  territory;  but,  although  he  gave  good 
explanatory  reasons  of  his  conduct,  and  satisfied  many  of  the 
Volsci,  yet  he  did  not  escape  the  blame  or  envy  of  others,  and 
was,  according  to  Plutarch,  shortly  after  put  to  death  through 
the  intrigues  of  his  colleague  Attius  TuUius.*  Livy,  on  the 
contrary,  seems  inclined  to  think,  from  the  testimony  of  a  very 
ancient  author,  that  he  lived  to  an  advanced  age  in  his  exile. f 

In  either  case,  Coriolanus  was  a  sad  example  of  the  faults  and 
calamities  into  which  even  great  men  may  fall.  A  victim  of  the 
ingratitude  of  his  fellow-citizens,  much  of  his  misfortune  was  a 
consequence  of  his  obstinacy;  and  he  became  the  terror  of  his 
country,  whilst  he  might,  by  using  greater  moderation,  have  con- 
tinued its  best  support  and  most  illustrious  ornament. 

*  Plutarch,  in  Marcium  Coriol,  |  Livy,  b.  ii,  c.  40. 


1.  0.  498—449.  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH.  155 


iTHE    AGRARIAN    LAW.— AMBITION   AND    PUNISHMENT    OP 
SPURIUS   CASSIUS.— B.  c.  486—483. 

The  concord  produced  among  the  various  orders  of  the  stato 
by  the  approach  of  Coriolanus  and  his  army,  disappeared  with 
the  transient  alarm  in  which  it  had  originated.  As  soon  as  the 
external  enemy  withdrew,  the  political  parties  within  resumed 
their  disputes.  The  present  subject  of  debate  was  one  of  the  most 
important  that  ever  had  engrossed  their  attention,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  most  popular  of  all  propositions,  that  is,  the  equal 
partition  of  land  among  the  citizens,  a  proposition  known  by  the 
name  oi  the  A</rarlan  laic. 

Whilst  the  Romans  were  making  their  nrst  conquests  and  ac- 
quisitions of  territory,  the  profits  arising  from  them  were  under- 
stood to  be  for  the  state  and  for  the  people.  A  portion  of  the 
inewly  acquired  territory  was  leased  or  sold,  to  indemnify  the 
public  treasury  for  the  expenses  incurred  during  the  war;  other 
portions  were  distributed  among  the  citizens,  especially  tLjse  who 
had  not  the  means  to  support  their  families.  But,  daring  a  cer- 
tain length  of  time,  the  republic  had  either  made  few  acquisitions 
of  this  sort,  or  had  connived  at  their  occupation  or  purchase  by 
powerful  and  wealthy  individuals. 

The  first  complaints  on  this  subject  came  not,  as  might  be  na- 
turally supposed,  from  the  plebeian  tribunes,  but  from  the  consul 
Spurius  Cassius.  This  man,  already  in  high  favor  with  the  po- 
pular party,  continued,  by  all  possible  means,  to  court  the  affec- 
tion of  the  inferior  class,  and  is  said  to  have  aimed  at  an  impro- 
per and  daijgerous  influence  in  the  state.  He  affected  great  zeaJ 
for  the  rights  of  the  people,  as  well  as  indignation  against  their 
opponents ;  and  complained,  in  particular,  of  the  improper  use 
lately  made  of  the  conquered  lands,  which  were  suffered  to  fall 
into  the  hands  of  persons  already  too  wealthy.  He  at  length 
moved  that  a  new  division  of  them  should  be  made  in  behalf  of 
the  indigent  citizens. 

This  proposal  was,  at  first,  extremely  agreeable  to  the  people 
On  the  other  hand,  the  senate  and  the  patricians  in  general  were 
greatly  alarmed,  either  because  they  saw  their  own  interest  at 
stake,  or  because  they  feared  the  evil  consequences  of  the  Agra- 
rian law  with  regard  to  the  state  at  large,  which  it  might  thr<^w 
into  great  confusion.  They,  therefore,  applied  with  great  earn- 
estness to  devise  expedients  for  the  defeat  or  suspension  of  the 
measure  proposed  by  Cassius ;  and  the  consul  himself  contributed, 
more  than  any  one,  to  ruin  his  cause,  by  the  very  means  that  he 
adopted  to  insure  its  success. 


156  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV 

He  alarmed  the  rich  with  the  prospect  of  danger  to  their  pro- 
perty, and  at  the  same  time  filled  all  the  citizens  with  serious 
apprehensions  for  their  civil  rights,  by  proposing  that  the  Latins 
and  Hernici,  allies  of  Home,  should  enjoy  the  same  privileges 
with  the  Romans  and  share  with  them  in  the  new  division  of  the 
lands.  Virginius,  the  other  consul,  strongly  opposed  this  motion 
of  his  colleague,  and  the  city  for  the  present  was  saved  from  the 
intrusion  of  strangers.  The  attempt  moreover  gave  great  ofFenco 
to  the  people,  as  well  as  to  the  senate.  The  unhappy  author  of 
it,  in  order  to  regain  the  favor  of  his  party,  proposed  a  resolution 
to  refund  out  of  the  public  treasury  whatever  had  been  formerly 
paid  by  necessitous  persons,  when  buying  corn  at  the  pubhc 
granaries  in  time  of  famine.  This  proposal  also  was  interpreted 
to  his  prejudice,  and  placed  him  under  a  very  strong  suspicion 
that  he  meant,  with  the  aid  of  aliens  and  of  indigent  citizens,  to 
usurp  the  government :  on  this  ground,  all  parties  in  the  state 
combined  against  him,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death  as  guilty 
of  treason.  " 

Thus  perished  the  first  projector  of  the  famous  Agrarian  law. 
The  measure  failed  as  to  its  intended  effect;  still  the  project 
itself  remained  to  be  a  lasting  source  of  dissension  in  the  republic, 
and,  by  being  renewed  at  intervals,  served  as  an  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  ambitious  and  designing  men  to  court  popular 
favor.  On  the  part  of  the  lower  classes  it  became  a  subject  of 
reiterated  demands;  nor  could  the  senate  succeed  in  diverting 
them  from  their  purpose,  otherwise  than  by  occupying  them 
almost  constantly  in  foreign  wars. 

GENEROSITY  AND   PATRIOTISM  OF   THE    FABIAN   FAMILY.  < 
B.  c.  483—477. 

Occasions  for  the  wars  above  mentioned  were  frequent 
Neai'ly  the  whole  of  this  period  was  one  continued  series  of  hos- 
tilities against  the  Etrurians,  the  ^Equi,  the  Volsci,  and  other 
neighboring  tribes^  the  perpetual  foas  of  Rome.  The  Romans, 
although  occasionally  defeated,  were  commonly  victorious,  and 
derived  from  those  incessant  wars  the  twofold  advantage  of  so- 
curing  their  power  and  of  improving  themselves. more  and  more 
rn  military  science. 

Of  all  the  illustrious  families  of  Rome,  none  at  this  period 
acquired  greaterhonor  and  rendered  more  signal  service  than  the 
Fabian  family.  During  several  years  in  succession,  some  one  of 
its  members  was  appointed  to  the  consular  dignity  and  to  the 
command  of  the  troops;  and  all  of  them,  by  their  conduct  and 


I 


P  c.  498—449.  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH.  157 

£cal,  showed  tlionisclvcs  worthj  of  the  confidence  placed  in  their 
abilities.  Yet  success  and  popular  affection  did  not  always  accom- 
iptmy  their  exertions  for  the  public  good.  On  one  occasion  in 
particular,  the  consul  Quintus  Fabius,  instead  of  distributing 
among  his  soldiers  the  spoils  taken  from  the  enemy,  caused  tlic 
whole  booty  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  to  be  added  to  tl'.c 
public  fund ;  this  measure  occasioned  great  dissatisfaction  in  the 
nrmy.  Hence,  in  a  subsequent  encounter  with  the  ^qui,  most 
of  the  troops  commanded  by  one  of  the  Fabii  refused  to  do  their 
duty,  and,  instead  of  fighting,  withdrew  from  the  field,  not  to 
procure  by  an  easy  victory  a  triumph  for  their  general. 

The  Etrurians,  aware  of  the  dissensions  which  prevailed  among 
the  Romans,  thought  it  a  favorable  opportunity  to  crush  the 
power  of  Home.  All  Etruria  flew  to  arms;  a  numerous  and 
gallant  army  was  quickly  formed,  and  occupied  a  position  near 
the  strong  city  of  Veil.  The  Roman  consuls,  equally  careful  to 
select  an  advantageous  post,  stationed  their  troops  on  two  hills 
at  a  short  distance  from  the  enemy. 

These  consuls  were  Cneius  Manlius  and  Marcus  Fabius.  The 
latter  had  with  him,  in  the  capacity  of  lieutenants,  his  two  bro- 
thers Quintus  and  Caeso,  both  of  whom  had  also  enjoyed  consular 
honors.  So  many  able  leaders,  although  conscious  of  the  superior 
force  of  the  Etrurians,  had  less  apprehension  from  that  source 
than  on  account  of  the  discontent  of  their  own  soldiers.  The 
remembrance  of  what  had  taken  place  in  the  last  campaign,  viz. 
the  refusal  of  the  army  to  fight,  was  for  them  the  cause  of  great 
uneasiness.  They  therefore  determined  to  avoid  any  thing  like 
a  battle,  and  to  remain  within  their  intrenchments,  in  the  hope 
that  delay  and  shame  might  work  a  salutary  change  in  the 
minds  of  the  soldiery.  The  case  happened  exactly  as  they  had 
expected. 

The  Etrurians,  perceiving  that  the  Romans  remained  inactive 
in  their  camp,  were  emboldened  to  approach  and  to  insult  them 
by  the  most  bitter  sarcasms;  they  called  the  generals  cowards, 
and  their  followers  mere  women.  These  taunts,  repeated  every 
day  with  increased  insolence,  although  they  did  not  move  the 
consuls,  pierced  the  soldiers  to  the  quick.  They  first  sent  their 
oflicers,  and  then  went  themselves  in  great  numbers  from  all 
parts  of  the  camp,  loudly  requesting  permission  to  fight  without 
delay.*  Still  the  consuls  pretended  to  hesitate,  feigning  reluc- 
tance.    At  last  Marcus  Fabius,  turning  to  his  colleague,  said  in 

*  Totis  castris  undique  ad    consules   curritur;    omnes  clamoribiis 

agunt poscimt  pugnair..  postulant  ut  siguum  detur. — Livy,  b.  ii, 

c.  15. 

1^ 


158  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  PAnr  IV 

an  audible  voice  :  "  I  know  very  well  that  those  soldiers  are  able 
to  conquer  the  enemy ;  but  they  have  given  me  great  reason  to 
doubt  whether  they  are  willing  to  do  so.  Hence,  I  am  resolved 
•not  to  give  the  signal,  till  they  have  all  sworn  that  they  will 
return  victorious.  They  once  deceived  a  consul ;  they  shall  not 
deceive  the  gods."  At  these  words,  a  brave  officer  called  Flavo- 
leius,  who  was  the  first  captain  of  a  legion,  and  one  too  among 
the  most  eager  in  asking  leave  to  fight,  came  forward,  and  rais- 
ing his  naked  sword,  cried  out :  "  Marcus  Fabius,  I  pledge  my- 
self  to  return  victorious  from  the  combat ;  may  I  miserably 
perish,  if  my  promise  is  vain  1"  The  other  officers  and  the  whole 
army  took  the  same  oath. 

'1  he  consuls,  now  satisfied  and  filled  with  confidence,  imme- 
diately drew  up  their  legions  in  battle-array.  Such  was  the  ardor 
of  the  troops,  that  the  Etrurians,  surprised  at  this  movement, 
had  scarcely  time  to  prepare  for  the  conflict ;  yet  full  of  courage 
themselves,  they  ofi'ered  a  resistance  equal  to  the  fury  of  the 
onset.  The  two  parties  were  alternately  conquerors  and  con- 
quered, and  the  slaughter,  on  each  side,  was  dreadful.  The 
death  of  Manlius,  and  of  Quintus  Fabius,  his  colleague's  brother, 
together  with  the  momentary  occupation  of  their  camp  by  the 
enemy,  was  about  to  cause  the  defeat  of  the  Romans.  But  the 
other  consul,  by  his  presence  of  mind,  and  his  wonderful  activity 
that  carried  him  to  every  place  in  which  the  danger  was  most 
pressing,  succeeded  in  rendering  the  combat' everywhere  favor- 
able to  his  party.  At  last,  the  Romans,  by  renewed  efforts  gained 
a  signal  and  complete,  though  dearly  bought,  victory. 

They  had  never  fought  so  considerable  a  battle,  whether  we 
consider  its  duration  and  the  events  which  occurred  in  it,  or  the 
number  of  the  combatants..  The  Roman  army  amounted  U 
forty  or  fifty  thousand,  the  Etrurian  army  was  still  mon 
numerous;  the  advantage  passed  five  or  six  times  from  one  side 
to  the  other,  and  the  fight,  which  commenced  before  noon,  did 
not  terminate  till  after  sunset,  when  the  remnants  of  the  van- 
quished withdrew  from  the  field. 

Triumphal  honors  were  decreed  to  the  consul  Fabius;  but  he 
modestly  declined  them,  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Manlius, 
his  colleague,  and  of  his  brother  Quintus.  This  magnanimous 
refusal  did  him  as  much  honor  as  the  victory  itself  Among  the 
subordinate  leaders,  the  prize  of  valor  was  awarded,  in  the  first 
place,  to  Cajso  Fabius,  another  brother  of  the  consul;  next,  to 
Siccius,  who  had  recovered  the  Roman  camp  from  its  daring  in- 
vaders; and,  in  the  third  place,  to  the  brave  Flavolcius,  both  on 


i 


B.  c.  498—419.  ROMAN  COMMON^^^EALTH.  159 

account  of  his  previous  noble  example,  and  of  h'u   determined 
courage  during  the  conflict. 

As  soon  as  the  victorious  army  returned  to  Rome,  the  wounded 
-  'l<liers  were,  by  the  consul's  direction,  quartered  in  the  houses 
the  senators,  where  they  received  the  attention  which  their 
^. Illation  demanded.  Most  of  them  had  been  placed  in  the 
Iwellings  of  the  Fabian  family,  and  nowhere  were  they  treated 
with  so  much  kindness.  This  generous  conduct  of  the  Fabii, 
joined  with  their  heroism  on  the  field  of  battle,  for  ever  recon- 
siled  to  them  the  minds  and  affections  of  the  people. 
Their  magnanimity  still  more  strikingly  appeared  in  the  ensu- 

j  ing  years,  and  increased  in  the  highest  degree  the  public  esteem 
and  admiration  in  their  behalf.  The  late  victory,  however 
splendid,  had  not  put  an  end  to  hostilities;  on  the  contrary,  the 
Romans  had  now  to  sustain  the  war  against  the  ^Equi,  the 
Volsci,  and  the  Veientes,  whom  the  other  parts  of  Etruria  weie 
ready  to  assist.  The  coincidence  of  these  wars  created  very  great 
difficulty  in  the  state.  The  public  treasury  was  exhausted,  and 
it  seemed  almost  impossible  to  provide  armies  sufficient  to  repel 
so  many  enemies  at  once.  In  this  emergency,  the  Fabii  offered 
to  bear  the  whole  charge,  both  pecuniary  and  personal,  of  the 
war  against  the  Veientes.  As  may  be  easily  conjectured,  their 
offer  was  accepted  by  the  senate  and  the  people  with  equal  readi- 
ness and  gratitude ;  all  extolled  them  to  the  sky,  especially  when 
on  the  following  day  they  set  out,  to  the  number  of  three  hun- 
dred and  six,  on  their  perilous  expedition.  It  was  indeed  a 
spectacle   worthy   of  unqualified    admiration,   to    behold    these 

I  generous  warriors,  all  belonging  to  the  same  family,  all  patri- 
cians, all  worthy  of  the  rank  of  generals,*  willingly  sacrificing 
every  domestic  comfort,  every  private  consideration,  and  their 
own  persons,  for  the  honor  and  safety  of  the  republic.  Rome 
itself  never  saw  an  army  so  small,  and  yet  so  illustrious  and  so 
justly  celebrated. f 

This  heroic  band,  having  arrived  near  the  small  river  Cremera, 
not  far  from  Veii,  built  a  fortress  on  a  steep  mountain,  sur- 
rounded it  with  a  double  ditch,  and  flanked  it  with  towers. 
From  that  fort,  they  often  issued  forth  like  lions  to  invade  the 
Veian  territory,  and  by  carrying  off  a  great  booty  in  their  excur- 
sions, kept  the  country  in  constant  alarm.  The  enemy  no  longer 
venyired  to  encounter  them  in  the  open  field,  and  remained  shn^. 

*  E  quels  dux  fieri  quilibet  aptus  erat. — Ovid.  Fast,  ii,  1.  200. 
f  Nunquam  exercitus,  neque  minor  nuniero,  neque  clarior  fama  8t 
admiratione  homiuum,  per  ml  em  incessit. — Livy,  b.  ii,  c.  49. 


160  ANCIENT  HISTOBY.  Paei  IV. 

up  ^vithin  the  walla  of  tlieir  cities.     This  lasted  for  the  space  of    i 
about  two  years.  I 

The  Fabii,  elated  with  success,  daily  made  new  progress,  and 
inflicted  fresh  losses  on  their  foes  ;  but  their  too  great  confidence 
was  at  last  the  cause  of  their  ruin,  as  the  enemy  skilfully  made 
use  of  it  to  draw  them  into  a  snare.  Having  concealed  troops 
in  hilly  places,  they  drove  a  large  number  of  cattle  to  the  plaic 
below.  The  Fabii  advanced  from  their  fortress,  as  usual,  with 
full  security,  and,  when  they  had  reached  the  spot  just  mentioned^ 
prepared  to  seize  the  valuable  prey  that  offered  itself  to  theii 
view.  At  this  moment,  there  were  heard  loud  cries,  followed  in 
every  direction  by  a  shower  of  darts;  then,  the  Etrurian  troopa 
lying  in  ambush  suddenly  rushed  on  the  incautious  invaders,  and 
surrounded  them  on  all  sides. 

There  was  no  possibility  to  avoid  the  unequal  contest,  noi 
hope  of  escape.  Nothing  could  be  done  but  to  oppose  undaunted 
bravery  to  overwhelming  multitudes.  This  was  actually  done; 
the  Fabii  fought  like  lions,  and  forming  themselves  into  a  close 
column  in  the  shape  of  a  wedge,  forced  their  way  towards  the 
declivity  of  a  neighboring  hill,  where  they  could  defend  them 
selves  with  greater  advantage.  Here  indeed  they  not  only  re 
sisted,  but  even  repelled  for  a  time  and  overthrew  the  assailants. 
Still,  being  soon  attacked  in  the  rear  by  a  body  of  Veientes  who 
had  reached  the  summit  of  the  hill,  they  all  fell,  fighting  to  theii 
last  breath,  and  not  until  they  had  made  immense  havoc  among 
the  ranks  of  the  enemy. 

It  thus  happened  that  the  engagement  near  Cremera  was,  in 
almost  every  respect,  a  repetition  of  the  famous  combat  at  The^ 
mopylaa.  The  three  hundred  and  six  Fabii,  like  the  three  hun- 
dred Spartans  whose  contemporaries  they  were,  gave  the  most 
admirable  example  of  devotedness  to  the  public  good,  and  died 
together  on  the  field  of  battle  in  defence  of  their  country  (b.  C, 
480—477). 

It  is  said  that  only  one  young  man  of  this  illustrious  familj 
survived;  this  was  Q.  Fabius  Vibulanus,  afterwards  consul.  The 
circumstance  appears  to  many  critics  very  improbable,  nay, 
almost  incredible.  It  is  however  certain  that  Fabius  Vibulanu? 
was  the  direct  ancestor  i^f  all  the  gteat  men  bearing  the  name  of 
Fabius,  who  afterwards  distinguished  themselves  in  the  service 
of  the  republic. 

The  unexpected  loss  of  so  many  heroes  deeply  aflflicted  th* 
Roman  people ;  the  day  of  their  death  was  placed  in  the  numbei ': 
of  those  which  the  superstition  of  that  age  considered  as  inauspi*  , 
cious  and  fatal.     As  to  the  fortress  of  Cremerf«,  deprived  of  it?  | 


i 


0.  498— 4i9.     ^     ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH  161 

defenders,  it  became  an  easy  conquest  for  the  enemy.  More- 
over, the  Etrurians  won  another  victory  over  the  array  com- 
manded by  the  consul  Menenius,  and,  pursuing  their  advantage, 
advanced  nearly  to  the  walls  of  Rome.  But  no  later  than  the 
ensuing  yegr,  their  progress  was  checked,  and  their  invasion 
repelled  by  .two  other  consuls,  Virginius  and  Servilius. 

DICTATORSHIP  OF  QUINTIUS  CINCINNATUS.— b.  c.  458. 

On  a  subsequent  occasion  during  a  war  against  the  JEqui,  the 
consul  Minucius  entangled  himself  with  his  troops  in  a  narrow 
defile,  where  he  was  immediately  hemmed  in  on  every  side  by 
the  enemy.  He  endeavored  in  vain  to  break  through  their 
ranks,  and  to  open  for  his  legions  an  egress  from  this  perilous 
pass :  being  driven  back  with  considerable  loss,  he  was  obliged 
to  re-enter  his  camp  under  every  disadvantage  for  the  present, 
with  the  most  disheartening  prospect  for  the  future.  Gracchus, 
the  general  of  the  uEqui,  lost  no  time  in  surrounding  the  Romans 
with  a  ditch  and  palisade,  and  he  seemed  to  entertain  no  doubt 
but  that  he  would  soon  be  able  to  compel  them  by  famine  to  lay 
down  their  arms  and  surrender  at  discretion. 

The  news  of  this  melancholy  event  spread  terror  and  dismay 
in  Rome.  It  was  deemed  necessary,  as  was  usual  in  all  great 
and  urgent  perils  of  the  state,  to  appoint  a  dictator  without  delay ; 
the  choice  fell  upon  Quintius  Cincinnatus.  This  celebrated  man, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  members  of  the  senate,  formerly 
consul  and  now  the  only  hope  of  the  republic,  lived  on  a  farm  of 
about  four  acres,  which  he  cultivated  with  his  own  hands,  and 
the  produce  of  which  sufficed  for  his  support. 

The  deputies  of  the  senate  found  him  actually  occupied  in 
ploughing  his  field,  and  covered  with  dust  and  sweat.  Saluting 
him  dictator,  they  invested  him  with  the  insignia  of  that  high 
dignity.  He  set  out  immediately  for  Rome,  without  manifesting 
any  alteration  in  his  accustomed  gravity  and  modesty,  and 
rather  expressing  regret  that  his  field  would  not  be  tilled  that 
year. 

His  first  care,  on  entering  the  city,  was  to  harangue  the  peo- 
ple in  order  to  revive  their  courage ;  the  following  day,  he  mus- 
tered a  sufficient  number  of  troops  and  began  his  march  without 
losing  a  moment.  Havmg  reached  the  enemy's  camp  during  the 
night,  he  attacked  it  at  the  dawn  of  day  with  such  order  and 
resolution,  that  the  j35qui,  finding  themselves  pressed  by  two 
Roman  armies  and  unable  to  stand  the  attack,  were  soon  com- 
pelled to  ask  for  quarter.     It  was  granted  them  on  the  humiliat- 

14* 


162  ANCIENT  HLSTOliy.  Part  IV 

ipg  condition  of  passing  under  the  yoke,*  and  of  giving  up  one 
of  their  cities  to  the  Tusci,  the  faithful  allies  of  the  Romans. 
They  did  so,  and  the  campaign  was  ended. 

Cincinnatus,  having  thus  by  a  single  blow  defeated  the  ^^qui 
and  rescued  a  Roman  army  from  their  grasp,  made  a  solemn 
entry  into  Rome,  accompanied  by  his  victorious  troops  equally/ 
decked  with  laurels  and  enriched  with  booty.  He  might  by  la\i 
have  held  the  dictatorial  power  for  six  months;  but  he  voluntarily 
resigned  it  at  the  end  of  sixteen  days,  and  returned  to  his  farm 
more  satisfied  with  honorable  poverty  than  the  rich  usually  are 
with  all  their  treasures. 

Such  modesty,  frugality  and  attachment  to  a  rural  life  were 
not  rare  among  the  ancient  Romans.  The  sequel  of  their  his- 
tory will  furnish  us  with  several  instances  of  these  virtues, 
neither  less  remarkable  nor  less  praiseworthy  than  that  of  Ciri- 
cinnatus. 


THE  LAWS  OF  THE  TWELVE  TABLES.|-TYtlANNY  AND  EXPUL- 
SION OF  THE  DECEMVIRI.-lKrc.  452—449 


Rome  had  already  existed  for  three  hundred  years  without  any 
•settled  code  of  jurisprudence.  Differences  among  the  citizens 
were  adjusted  by  the  chief  magistrates,  either  according  to 
ancient  custom  and  the  rules  laid  down  by  a  few  early  statutes 
scarcely  known  to  the  plebeians,  or  by  an  appeal  to  the  principles 
of  natural  equity.  Hence  there  was  no  regular  and  uniform  mode 
of  administering  justice;  the  rectitude  of  the  decisions  depended 
almost  entirely  on  the  individual  integrity  and  learning  of  the 
judges.  To  obviate  the  many  inconveniences  that  resulted  or 
might  result  from  this  arbitrary  state  of  things,  three  deputies 
were  sent  to  Greece  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  from  the  Gre- 
cian laws,  especially  those  of  Solon,  whatever  they  might  deem 
best  and  most  beneficial  for  the  Roman  people. 

Upon  the  return  of  these  deputies  (b.  c.  452),  ten  commissaries 
were  appointed,  under  the  name  of  Decemviri,  to  draw  up  a  regu- 
lar code  of  laws,  conformably  to  which  judgments  should  b6 
passed  in  future.  All  the  power  of  the  consular  and  even  of  the 
•iictatorial  dignity  was  given  to  these  commissaries  for  one  year. 

*  The  yoke  consisted  of  two  javelins  fixed  perpendicularly  in  thi 
abound,  at  a  short  distance  from  each  other,  and  a  third  one  placed 
transversally  on  the  other  two.  The  vanquished  who,  in  order  to  8av€ 
their  lives  and  their  liberty,  subjiitted  to  the  above  condition,  wew 
made  to  pass,  the  one  after  the  other,  between  these  javelins,  in  pre 
pence  of  the  victorious  army. 


I 


B.C.  498— 449.  ROMAN  COMJ[ONWEALTir.  163 

Their  decisions  during  that  period  were  to  be  without  appeal, 
and  every  other  magistracy,  even  that  of  the  tribunes  and  con- 
suls, was  to  be  suspended. 

Tlie  decemviri,  during  the  first  term  of  their  office,  fully 
answered  the  expectations  of  the  public.  By  their  activity  and 
'   il,  a  body  of  laws,  called  the  Laws  of  the  Twelve  Tables  (on 

ount  of  their  being  engraven  on  so  many  tables  or  plates), 
w  as  published  in  a  clear  and  concise  form,  and  received  the 
sanction  of  both  the  senate  and  the  people.  The  conduct  of  the 
legislators  was  also  characterized  by  moderation  and  equity,  and 
gave  universal  satisfoction.  But  the  scene  was  completely 
changed,  when,  under  the  plausible  pretence  of  concluding  the 
work  so  happily  begun,  a  second  election  took  place,  to  continue 
the  same  kind  of  magistracy  for  another  year.  Nay,  the  new 
decemviri,  not  satisfied  with  the  term  of  their  commission,  re- 
tained the  sovereign  power  even  after  this  term  had  elapsed: 
Rome  again  beheld  all  the  excesses  of  despotism  and  tyranny 
that  had  disgraced  the  reign  of  Tarquin  the^roju?,  such  as  confis- 
cation of  property,  violence,  tortures  and  death.  All  the  citizens 
trembled  for  their  safety.  There  were  no  more  legal  assemblies 
of  the  senate  and  the  people ;  no  one  ventured  to  raise  his  voice 
in  favor  of  public  liberty.  In  a  word,  the  situation  of  the  com- 
monwealth  seemed  desperate,  when  two  infamous  attempts, 
similar  to  those  which  had  led  to  the  downfall  of  the  Tarquins, 
occasioned  the  overthrow  of  the  ten  new  tyrants. 

There  was  at  that  time  a  plebeian  officer  named  Siccius  Den- 
tatus,  well  known  to  every  one  both  in  the  city  and  in  the  army, 
and  equally  celebrated  for  his  valor  and  greatness  of  soul.  He 
had  served  during  forty  years,  had  been  in  one  hundred  and 
twenty  battles,  had  received  forty-five  wounds,  and,  besidea 
being  enriched  with  innumerable  spoils  of  every  description,  had 
been  honored  with  twenty-six  military  rewards.  His  influence 
with  the  troops  gave  great  weight  to  all  his  words.  As  he  spoke 
his  mind  freely  Against  the  decemviri,  they  singled  him  out, 
more  than  any  other,  for  their  hatred  and  vengeance;  and  pre- 
tending to  invest  him  with  an  honorable  commission  abroad, 
they  caused  him  to  be  attacked  in  a  lonely  place  by  a  body  of 
soldiers,  or  rather  satellites  attached  to  their  interests. 

The  intrepid  veteran,  seeing  their  wicked  design,  leaned  against 
a  rock  to  avoid  an  attack  from  behind,  and  in  this  position  de- 
fended himself  with  such  vigor  that  he  killed  several  of  the 
assailants,  wounded  others,  and  so  terrified  the  rest,  that  not  one 
ventured  within  his  reach.  Then  withdrawing  to  a  short  dis- 
tance, they  changed  their  mode  of  attack,  and  overwhelmed  him 


164  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  17 

♦vitli  a  shower  of  darts,  javelins  and  stones.  lu  this  manner  tb? 
bravest  man  of  his  age,  who  had  come  out  of  so  many  combat? 
unhurt  and  victorious,  perished  miserablj''  by  the  hands  of  vile 
assassins. 

The  murder  committed  in  the  person  of  Siccius  Dentatus  con- 
eiderably  increased  the  exasperation  already  existing  in  tha 
public  mind  against  the  decemviri.  Another  equally  unmerited 
and  lamentable  death  which  occurred  in  Rome,  carried  the 
detestation  of  their  tyranny  to  the  highest  pitch,  and  gave  the 
signal  for  the  destruction  of  their  power  and  government. 

Appius  Claudius,  the  first  among  them,  had  conceived  a  crimi- 
nal affection  for  a  young  maiden  called  Virginia,  the  daughter 
of  Virginius,  an  honest  and  high-spirited  plebeian.  Not  being 
able  to  seduce  her  from  her  duty,  he  attempted,  even  publicly, 
to  have  her  seized  by  force  as  a  slave.  Virginius,  seeing  no 
means  left  to  save  the  honor  and  liberty  of  his  unfortunate 
daughter,  plunged  a  knife  into  her  bosom,  and  instantly,  with 
the  bloody  weapon  still  in  his  hand,  fled  for  shelter  to  the  army. 

This  disastrous  event  filled  both  the  citizens  and  the  troops 
with  renewed  indignation  and  horror  against  the  decemviri 
Almost  instantaneously  they  found  their  party  universallj? 
abandoned.  What  they  had  so  long  and  so  tyrannically  prac- 
tised against  their  fellow-citizens,  was  now  justly  turned  against 
themselves:  Appius  and  one  of  his  colleagues  perished  in  prison, 
whilst  the  other  eight  suffered  banishment  and  the  loss  of  their 
property.  Rome,  delivered  from  their  oppression,  re-established 
the  consular  and  the  tribunitial  authority,  together  with  the  other 
magistracies  of  the  republic  (b.  c.  449). 

This  dcite  brings  us  back  to  the  precise  point  at  which  we  left 
the  history  of  the  eastern  nations ;  to  this  it  is  now  proper  to 
return. 

PROSPERITY  AND  SPLENDOR  OF  ATHENS  UNDER  THE  ADMI- 
NISTRATION OF  PERICLES.— B.  c.  449—431. 

The  expulsion  of  the  decemviri  from  Rome  exactly  coincides 
with  the  epoch  at  which  Greece  attained  its  greatest  power  and 
prosperity.  The  reader  has  already  seen  how  much  glory  the 
Greeks  won  for  themselves  in  their  struggle  against  Persia;  what 
splendid  victories  they  achieved,  and  how  honorable  for  theii 
nation  was  the  peace  which  they  compelled  the  Persian  monarch 
to  conclude.  Nor  were  they  less  renowned  for  the  wisdom  of 
their  laws  than  for  the  brilliancy  of  their  military  achievements; 
for,  as  we  have  just  before  related,  it  was  to  them  that  the  wisest 


B.C.  449— 481.         ATHENS  UNDER  PERICLES.  1C5 

and  greatest  people  of  Italy,  the  Romans,  had  recourse  through 
a  solemn  deputation,  to  draw  from  Grecian  jurisprudence  tho 
materials  for  the  formation  of  their  own  laws  and  civil  polity. 

Vmong  the  Grecian  cities,  Athens  enjoyed  unrivalled  glory, 
1th  and  splendor  under  the  administration  of  Pericles.  His 
miluence  and  authority  had  increased  since  the  death  of  Cimon, 
and  he  made  use  of  the  entire  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the 
pcople,to  render  and  maintain  their  city  as  powerful  abroad,  as  he 
intended  to-  make  it  conspicuous  at  home.  Equally  prudent  and 
brave,  he  obtained  great  success  in  almost  every  undertaking. 
His  favorite  maxim,  suggested  by  wisdom  and  humanity  itself, 
was  that  the  blood  and  lives  of  the  soldiers  should  be  spared  as 
much  as  possible,  and  that  a  battle  should  never  be  hazarded 
except  when  victory  was  nearly  certain.  Hence  the  troops  every- 
where followed  him  with  full  assurance.  Under  his  conduct,  the 
maritime  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  the  Chersonesus  of  Thrace,  all 
the  seas,  coasts  and  islands,  from  Cyprus  to  the  kingdom  of 
Pontus,  over  an  extent  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles  along  tho 
Asiatic  shore,  acknowledged  the  laws  or  were  taught  to  respect 
the  power  of  the  Athenians. 

This  extensive  power  was  vested,  as  it  were,  in  one  man  only, 
that  is,  in  Pericles.  He  was,  in  fact,  sole  master  of  Athens  and 
its  dependencies.  The  revenue,  the  army  and  the  navy,  the 
islands  and  the  sea,  a  vast  territory  peopled  by  barbarians  as  well 
as  Greeks,  and  the  possession  of  a  kind  of  sovereignty  cemented 
and  strengthened  by  the  obedience  of  conquered  nations,  the 
friendship  of  kings  and  the  alliance  of  princes,  were  all  at  his 
command. 

The  genius  of  Pericles  was  not  unequal  to  so  extensive  an  ad- 
ministration. His  sagacity  embraced  every  useful  object.  He 
sent  out  every  year  a  fleet  of  sixty  galleys,  well  provided  at  the 
public  expense,  and  furnished  for  eight  months ;  by  which  means, 
he  at  the  same  time  supported  a  large  number  of  poor  citizens, 
and  prepared  excellent  seamen  for  the  future  service  of  the  state. 
He  also  founded  a  multitude  of  colonies  in  various  places,  such 
as  Chersonesus,  Thrace,  Andros,  Naxos,  and  others.  His  chief 
motives  in  establishing  these  settlements  were  to  remove  from 
the  city  a  large  number  of  idle  persons,  ever  ready  to  disturb  the 
government ;  to  provide  for  the  most  necessitous ;  and  to  keep 
the  allies  of  Athens  in  awe,  by  placing  colonies  like  so  many 
garrisons  in  their  neighborhood.  The  Romans  used  the  same 
method,  and  it  may  be  said  that  so  wise  a  policy  was  one  of  the 
most  effectual  means  employed  by  them  to  secure  the  public 
tranquillity. 


166  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  FV'. 

But  of  all  the  achievements  of  Pericles,  none  did  him  greater 
honor  in  the  judgment  of  the  people,  and  has  excited  more  the 
admiration  of  posterity,  than  the  wonderful  display  of  talent  and 
the  magnificent  works  erected  in  Athens  under  his  care  or  pro. 
(ection.  That  city  presented  an  uncommon  reunion  of  men 
highly  distinguished  for  their  skill,  industry  and  genius.  During 
or  about  the  same  period  with  Pericles,  Athens  possessed  the 
liamous  dramatical  poets  JEschylus,  Sophocles,  Euripides  and 
Aristophanes;  the  masterly  historians  Herodotus,  Thucydides 
and  Xenophon ;  the  eloquent  orators  Isocrates  and  Lysias ;  the 
eminent  sculptors,  architects  and  painters,  Phidias,  Callicratcs, 
Apollodorus,  Zeuxis  and  Parrhasius;  the  great  philosophers 
Anaxagoras  and  Socrates,  with  his  celebrated  school,  the  nursery 
of  so  many  other  great  men,  Xenophon,  Alcibiades,  Plato,  etc. ; 
Hippocrates,  the  ablest  physician  of  antiquity;  and  Pericles 
himself,  in  whom  were  blended  the  characteristics  of  the  adrai. 
ral,  the  general  and  the  statesman  (though  not  in  an  equal  de- 
gree with  the  illustrious  Cimon),  and  of  the  excellent  orator. 

History,  it  is  true,  presents  us  at  different  other  periods  with 
a  happy  reunion  of  remarkable  men  and  memorable  events;  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  ages  of  Ca3sar  Augustus,  Leo  the  Tenth,  and 
Louis  the  Fourteenth.  But  at  these  periods,  talented  persons 
had  the  ancients  for  their  masters,  their  models  and  their  guides; 
whereas  the  Greeks  did  not  possess  any  such  advantage.  To  the 
Greeks  therefore  belongs  the  exclusive  merit  of  having,  without 
previous  examples  and  teaching,  brought  not  only  to  light,  but 
even  to  perfection,  all  the  fine  arts  and  every  branch  of  polite 
Literature.  Hence,  nothing  in  the  history  of  the  human  mind 
better  deserves  our  admiration  than  the  multitude  of  wonders  ia 
point  of  science  and  skill  achieved  during  tlie  age  of  Pericles. 

What  should  appear  still  more  surprising,  is  that  so  manj 
productions  of  genius,  so  many  master-pieces  of  architecture, 
sculpture,  painting,  etc.  came  together  into  existence  in  a  city 
of  no  very  considerable  extent,  and  under  one  man's  a chyimist ra- 
tion. This  is  the  remark  of  Plutarch  in  his  life  of  Pericles. 
^'Many  edifices,'^  says  he,  ^'each  of  which  seems  to  have  required 
the  labor  of  several  successive  ages,  were  finished  during  the 
administration  of  one  man.  Works  were  raised  of  an  astonish- 
ing magnitude,  and  inimitable  beauty  and  execution,  every 
architect  striving  to  surpass  the  magnificence  of  the  design  with 
the  elegance  of  the  execution ;  but  still,  the  most  wonderful  cir- 
cumstance was  the  speediness  with  which  they  were  completed." 

**  Celerity  seldom  produces  any  work  of  lasting  importance,  or 
exquisite  beauty;  while,  on  the  contrary,  the  time  which  is  ex» 


B,  0. 449—131.     ATHENS  UNDER  PERICLES.  107 

ided  in  labor,  is  recovered  and  repaid  in  the  duration  of  the 
performance.  Hence  we  have  the  more  reason  to  wonder  that 
the  structures  raised  by  Pericles  should  be  built  within  so  short 

:    liod,  and  yet,  built  for  ages.     For  as  each  of  them,  as  soon 

iinishcd,  had  the  venerable  air  of  antiquity,  so,  now  that  they 
;ii\'  old"  (that  is,  in  the  age  of  Plutarch,  nearly  six  hundred 
\i  ;irs  after  Pericles),  "they  have  the  freshness  of  a  modern 
biiilding.  A  bloom  is  diffused  over  them,  which  preserves  their 
;i^;v.^ct  untarnished  by  time,  as  if  they  were  animated  with  a  spirit 
ol  ]»crpetunl  youth  and  unfading  elegance."  • 

^^0  many  admirable  works  cost,  it  is  true,  large  sums  of  money, 
and  the  enemies  of  Pericles  frequently  took  occasion  to  charge 
him  with  a  waste  of  the  public  revenues.  Pericles,  on  his  part, 
was  not  slow  in  representing  to  the  Athenians  the  reputation  and 
glory  which  would  accrue  to  them  from  these  masterly  produc- 
tions of  the  fine  arts.  One  day,  however,  the  clamors  of  his 
opponents  were  so  great,  that  he  publicly  offered  to  take  upon 
himself  the  expense  which  had  been  incurred,  provided  the  new 
edifices  should  be  inscribed  with  his  name  only,  and  not  with 
that  of  the  people  of  Athens.  This  proposal  again  turned  the 
minds  of  the  Athenians  entirely  in  his  favor.  \Vhether  they 
admired  his  magnanimit}^,  or  were  ambitious  to  share  the  glory 
of  such  magnificent  works,  they  cried  out  that  he  might  spend 
in  them  as  much  as  he  pleased  of  the  public  treasure. 

It  was  thus  that  Pericles  knew  how  to  preserve  his  ascendency 
over  an  inconstant  people,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he  knew 
how  to  give  a  vigorous  impulse  to  every  talent.  There  was,  in- 
deed, among  the  several  artists,  incredible  ardor  and  emulation, 
which  made  them  use  every  effort  to  excel  each  other,  and  im- 
mortalize themselves  by  masterpieces  of  art.  They  were  all 
under  the  immediate  superintendence  of  the  celebrated  sculptor 
Phidias,  whom  the  friendship  of  Pericles  had  invested  with  the 
direction  of  the  public  edifices,  and  of  every  thing  intended  for 
the  embellishment  of  Athens.* 

*  It  was  Phidias  himself  who  cast  the  gold  and  ivory  statue  of  Pallas 
or  Minerva,  so  highly  valued  by  the  best  judges  of  antiquity.  This 
beautiful  piece  of  genius  was  forty  feet  in  height.  The  shield  alone 
WDuld  have  been  enough  to  immortalize  its  author.  A  battle  was 
represented  upon  it,  and,  among  other  highly  finished  details,  Pericles 
appeared  conspicuous  in  the  attitude  of  a  combatant;  this  part  of  the 
work  was  contrived  with  so  much  art,  that  the  hand,  Avhich,-  in  lifting 
op  the  spear,  partly  covered  the  face,  seemed  to  be  intended  for  the 
purpose  of  concealing  the  likeness,  and  yet  it  was  very  striking  on  loth 
eid«^3. 

The  excellence  of  this  production-excited  envy  against  Pllidias.     lie 


■ 


168  '       ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

Whilst  tlie  Athenians  thus  prospered  in  every  attempt,  a  ter- 
rible storm  was  preparing  against  them  from  all  sides.  So  much 
glory  acquired  by  them  in  peace  and  war,  partly  at  the  expense 
and  through  the  contributions  of  their  allies,  had  been  long  pro- 
was  accused  of  having  diverted  to  his  own  profit  a  portion  of  the  gold 
allotted  for  the  execution  of  his  design.  Happily  for  him,  he  had,  by 
the  advice  of  Pericles,  so  managed  his  materials,  that  the  gold  with 
which  the  statue  was  overlaid,  could  easily  be  taken  ofiF  and  weighed. 
This  being  publicly  done,  sufficed  to  confound  his  accusers. 

Phiffias  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  difi'erent  rules  of  his  art, 
as  the  following  event  fully  testified.  Both  he  and  Alcamenes  had 
been  ordered  to  make,  each  of  them,  another  statue  of  Minerva,  the 
chief  goddess  of  the  Athenians,  in  order  that,  upon  due  examination, 
the  finer  of  the  two  statues  might  be  chosen,  to  be  placed  on  the  summit 
of  a  lofty  column.  The  performance  of  Alcamenes,  being  seen  from  a 
short  distauce,  was  quite  beautiful,  whereas  that  of  Phidias  appeared 
to  be  nothing  else  than  a  rough  unfinished  cast.  The  former  was  about 
to  be  preferred,  when  Phidias  made  the  request  that  both  of  them  should 
be  fairly  tried,  by  being  placed  at  their  proper  intended  height.  At 
this  time,  the  appearance  was  very  different.  All  the  delicacy  of  Alca- 
menes' work  disappeared ;  on  the  contrary,  the  Minerva  of  Phidias 
showed  itself  with  such  an  air  of  grandeur,  nobleness  and  majesty,  as 
struck  all  the  beholders  with  admiration. 

A  still  more  celebrated  work  of  this  great  artist,  was  the  statue  of 
the  Olympic  Jupiter.  It  was  sixty  feet  high,  and  all  made  of  ivory  and 
gold;  yet,  the  height,  the  size  and  the  costly  materials  were  but  of 
secondary  moment,  when  compared  with  the  beauty  and  perfection  of 
the  workmanship.  So  admirable  did  it  appear  to  all,  that  the  Olympic 
Jupiter  was  reckoned  among  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world,  and, 
among  all  subsequent  statuaries,  none  ever  dared  so  much  as  to  attempt 
an  imitation  of  this  prodigy. 

The  art  of  painting,  likewise,  made  immense  progress  during  the  age 
of  Pericles.  This  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  the  Greek  painters  of  old 
were  unacquainted  with  the  use  of  the  green  and  blue  colors,  and  con- 
tented themselves  with  four  colors  only,  the  white,  black,  yellow  and 
red.  Notwithstanding  this  deficiency,  the  genius  of  Apollodorus, 
Zeuxis  and  Parrhasius,  not  to  mention  Apelles  and  Protogenes  who 
flourished  a  century  later,  produced  paintings  of  surprising  beauty. 
Apollodorus  set  the  example  by  the  finish  of  his  coloring  and  the  use 
of  the  clare-obscure.  Zeuxis,  his  disciple,  by  using  and  improving  the 
same  method,  not  only  equalled,  but  even  surpassed  his  master ;  still, 
Zeuxis  himself  met  a  successful  rival  in  Parrhasius,  as  became  manifest 
in  the  following  instance. 

Both  presented  themselves  on  a  solemn  occasion,  as  candidates  for 
the  prize  in  painting.  The  former  represented  grapes  in  so  natural  a 
manner,  that,  when  he  exposed  his  work  to  public  view,  birds,  deceived 
by  the  likeness,  flew  towards  the  painting,  and  picked  at  the  grapes. 
Zeuxis,  transported  with  joy,  challenged  his  opponent  to  exhibit  as 
masterly  a  performance  as  his  own.  Parrhasius  produced  a  picture 
covered,  to  all  appearance,  with  a  thin  veil:  "Remove  the  veil,"  eaid 
Zeuxis,  ''that  we  may  behold  your  masterpiece."     But  this  apparent 


i 


B.  c.  449— 4ai  ATHENS  UNDER  PERICLES.  169 

voking  the  roscntmcnt  or  envy  of  many  among  the  Grecian  states. 
Lacedxmon,  iji  particular,  could  not  sec  without  jealousy  the 
preponderance  of  Athens  in  Greece ;  nor  was  Athens  at  all  in- 
clined to  lower  and  dissemble  her  lofty  pretensions  in  behalf  of 

veil  was  the  painting  itself.  Zeuxis  confessed  that  he  was  vanquished; 
"because,"  said  he,  "if  I  have  been  able  to  make  birds  take  appear- 
ances for  the  reality,  Parrhasius  has  produced  the  same  effect  oa  mo 
who  am  a  painter." 

Parrhasius  peculiarly  excelled  in  expressing  the  feelings  and  passions 
of  the  soul.  This  appeared,  above  all,  in  his  representation  of  the 
Athenian  people,  where  he  succeeded  in  truthfully  exhibiting  them,  on 
the  one  hand  as  kind,  humane  and  compassionate  :  on  the  other,  as 
capricious,  irascible  and  unjust;  now,  as  proud  and  haughty,  and  then, 
as  dejected  and  pusillanimous.  Must  not  that  man  have  been'  pos- 
sessed of  the  richest  imagination  and  a  vast  inventive  genius,  who 
I  could  express  together  in  the  same  painting,  so  many  diiferent  and 
even  opposite  features? 

Yet  Parrhasius  himself  was  overcome  in  his  turn  by  another  cele- 
brated painter  of  that  time,  called  Timanthes;  this  likewise  happened 
in  a  public  competition.  The  subject  proposed  was  Ajax,  that  famous 
warrior  of  old,  inflamed  with  fui-y  because  the  arms  of  Achilles  had 
been  given  by  the  Greeks  to  Ulysses,  and  not  to  himself.  In  this  in- 
stance, the  prize  was  awarded  by  a  tribunal  of  competent  judges  to 
Timanthes.  Parrhasius,  less  candid  than  Zeuxis  and  unwilling  to  ac- 
knowledge his  defeat,  endeavored  to  console  himself  Avith  this  pitiful 
remark  :  "  Lo !  I  pity  the  fate  of  my  hero  more  than  my  own.  Behold, 
he  is  conquered  a  second  time,  by  one  Avho  is  far  inferior  to  him  in 
merit!" 

As  to  the  beauties  of  Grecian  architecture,  it  would  be  impossible  to 
give  here  an  exact  enumeration,  much  less  an  accurate  description  of 
them.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  they  were  of  the  highest  order.  It  is 
aniversally  admitted  that  the  most  perfect  kinds  of  architecture  are 
if  Grecian  origin,  as  appears  from  their  vei'y  names,  Doric,  Ionian  and 
Corinthian.  Grandeur  and  solidity  peculiarly  belong  to  the  Doric, 
elegance  and  refinement  to  the  Ionian,  magnificence  and  splendor  of 
ornaments  to  the  Corinthian  order;  whilst  all  three  are  remarkable 
for  regularity  in  the  design,  harmony  in  the  proportions,  and  wonder- 
ful taste  in  the  details.  The  chief  masterpieces  of  these  three  orders 
of  architecture  were  the  temple  of  Ceres  in  Eleusis,  of  Diana  in  P^phesus, 
and  of  the  Olympic  Jupiter,  others  say  of  the  Parthenon  or  Minerva  in 
Athens. 

We  shall  not  dwell  on  the  high  degree  of  perfection  to  which  poetry, 
hiatory  and  eloquence  were  carried  by  the  Greeks.  The  productions  of 
their  poets,  orators  and  historians,  (especially  if  to  the  names  already 
mentioned  we  add  Homer  and  Pindar,  Demosthenes  and  iEschines, 
Polybius  and  Plutarch),  are  admired  everywhere,  and  form  the  delight 
of  all  true  scholars.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  their  literary 
merit  has,  in  the  long  course  of  ages,  scarcely  ever  been  equalled,  never 
surpassed.     (See  ^  vi  of  the  Appendix.) 

The  conclusion  then  forces  itself  upon  us,  that  the  age  of  Pericles 
Btands  unrivalled  in  the  annals  of  mankind.     Masterly  performances 

15 


170  ANCIExNT  HISTORY.  Part  iV. 

Sparta.  Pericles  himself,  with  perhaps  too  much  obstinacy  on 
some  points  of  debate,  was  careful  to  maintain  his  fellow-citizens 
in  that  disposition.  A  variety  of  fresh  incidents  or  enterprises 
on  the  one  side,  and  expostulations  on  the  other,  daily  contributed 
to  increase  the  animosity  of  the  two  parties,  till  it  finally  broke 
into  an  open  rupture.  It  thus  happened  that  the  leading  states 
of  Greece  were  prompted  to  turn  against  each  other  the  wt^iapona 
which  they  had  so  gloriously  wielded  together  against  the  bar- 
barians. \)^ 

PELOPONNESIAN  WAR.^— b.  c.  431—40 

The  war  between  Athens  and  Sparta,  commonly  called  the 
Peloponnesian  war,  divided  the  Grecian  cities  and  states  into  two 
hostile  parties  of  nearly  equal  strength.  There  were  on  the  side 
of  Lacedaemon,  the  Megarians,  Phocians,  Locrians,  Boeotians, 
Thebans,  Corinthians  and  the  whole  of  Peloponnesus,  except 
Argos  and  Achaia,  which  remained  neutral,  at  least  for  a  time, 
Athens  was  supported  by  the  Platseans,  Acarnanians,  Corcyreans, 
lonians,  Thracians,  the  country  near  the  Hellespont,  and  most 
.of  the  iEgasan  islands.  The  forces  of  the  latter  consisted  of 
thirty-two  thousand  troops,  and  a  powerful  fleet  of  three  hundred 

of  various  sorts  may  have  been  produced  in  other  ages  and  countries, 
but  it  should  always  be  borne  in  mind,  that  the  Greeks  led  the  way, 
and  contributed,  by  their  example,  to  form  other  eminent  writers  and 
artists  ;  whilst  they  themselves  had  no  predecessors  to  follow,  but  were 
indebted,  for  the  excellency  of  their  productions,  not  to  imitation,  but 
to  their  own  refined  taste  and  inventive  genius. 

Even  our  boasted  nineteenth  century,  so  proud  of  its  light  and  civili- 
zation, must  bow  in  acknowledgment  of  Grecian  superiority  with  regard 
to  the  points  in  question.     We  moderns,  it  is  true,  greatly  excel  the 
ancients  in  money-making  industry  and  commercial  skill,  as  well  as  in 
mechanical  arts  and  natural  sciences,  the  immense  progress  of  which 
cannot  be  denied.  Nor  is  it  very  surprising  that  men  of  later  ages,  profiting 
by  the  experience  and  discoveries  of  the  past,  and  having,  besides, 
greater  resources,  more  abundant  means,  and  a  wider  sphere  of  action,  ■ 
should  be  more  advanced,  in  many  things,  than  those  who  preceded* 
them  by  upwards  of  two  thousand  years.     With  regard  to  the  fine  arts' 
and  polite  literature,  let  the  ancients,  especially  the  Greeks,  be  stil! 
allowed  the  laurels  of  victory.     We  may  be  their  superiors  in  spirit  of 
enterprise ;  but  for  refined  taste  and  productions  of  natural  genius, 
Ihey  certainly  bear  the  palm. 

*  The  particulars  of  this  famous  war  are  taken  from  the  contem- 
porary historians,  Thucydides  and  Xcnophon  ;  also  from  CorneliuB 
Nepos,  in  Alcibiad.,  and  Plutarch,  in  his  lives  of  Pericles,  Nicias,  Alci- 
biades  and  Lj-sander.  Among  modern  authors,  Rollin's  Ilisioire  And' 
enne,  vol.  iii,  iv,  and  Gerard,  Lemons  de  Vllviioire^  vol.  vii,  letter  52,  have 
be«n  found  the  most  useful. 


B  c.  121—404.  PELOPONNESTAN  WAR.  171 

vessels  The  Lacedscmonians  had  a  much  smaller  n,umber  of 
sliips;  but  their  land  army,  besides  being  composed  of  choice 
warriors,  was  nearly  double  that  of  their  opponents.  The  first 
hostilities  in  this  unnatural  war  proceeded  from  the  Thebans, 
wlio  attacked  Plataea,  and  took  it  by  surprise,  but  were  very  soon 
(x  polled  with  considerable  loss.  Shortly  after,  the  province  of 
Attica  was  invaded  and  laid  waste  by  Archidamus,  king  of 
lijicedaemon,  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men.  The  Athenians, 
by  the  advice  of  Pericles,  carefully  avoided  every  pitched  battle 
against  so  superior  a  force,  and  kept  themselves  shut  up  within 
the  walls  of  their  city.  In  return,  their  fleet,  having  sailed 
towards  Peloponnesus,  infested  a  large  tract  of  country  along  the 
coasts,  took  several  fortresses  or  cities,  sacked  the  small  towns 
and  villages,  and  thus  amply  retaliated  the  depredations  com- 
mitted in  Attica. 

The  following  year  was  marked  by  similar  events,  the  inva- 
gion  and  devastation  of  Attica  by  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  a 
second  descent  of  the  Athenians  on  the  maritime  districts  of 
Peloponnesus.  This  last  expedition  was  headed  by  Pericles  in 
person.  When  the  whole  fleet  was  in  readiness,  and  he  himself 
in  his  own  galley  preparing  to  set  sail,  there  happened  an  eclipse 
of  the  sun.  The  sudden  darkness  occasioned  by  it  was  looked 
upon  as  an  unfavorable  omen,  and  threw  every  one  into  the 
greatest  consternation.  Pericles,  observing  that  the  pilot  was 
much  astonished  and  perplexed,  took  his  cloak,  and  covering  the 
man's  eyes  with  it,  asked  him  whether  he  found  any  thing  ter- 
rible in  that  action,  or  considered  it  as  a  presage  of  evil.  The 
pilot  answered  in  the  negative.  "Then,^'  said  Pericles,  "where 
is  the  difference  in  the  two  circumstances,  except  that  some 
object  larger  than  my  cloak  causes  the  eclipse?^'  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  apprehensions  of  the  Athenians  were 
removed,  and  their  hopes  revived,  since  this  expedition,  although 
less  brilliant  than  the  former,  was  generally  successful. 

The  great  man,  who  held  with  such  skill  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, endeavored  in  another  way  to  animate  the  courage  and 
confidence  of  his  people.  There  existed  among  the  Athenians  a 
very  laudable  custom  in  reference  to  those  who  fell  in  war;  at 
the  end  of  an  expedition,  they  collected,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
mortal  remains  of  the  dead,  and  carried  them  to  Athens,  where 
a  solemn  ceremony  took  place,  and  splendid  obsequies  were  cele- 
brated in  their  honor.  This  was  done  at  the  beginning  .of  the 
Pcloponnesian  war  .with  the  usual  solemnity,  and  Pericles  was 
charged  to  deliver  the  funeral  oration  of  the  deceased  heroes 
lie  performed  his  task  with  an  eloquence  worthy  of  his  high 


i 


172  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pari  IV. 

reputation.  In  a  discourse  equally  remarkable  for  beauty  of 
thought,  loftiness  of  sentiments  and  noble  simplicity  of  style,  he 
admirably  described  the  g'lory  of  the  Athenian  republic;  and,  by 
happily  blending  with  it  the  glory  and  praise  of  the  brave  soldiers 
who  had  fought  and  died  for  its  defence,  kindled  in  his  audience  an 
ardent  desire  to  become  their  imitators. 

The  peroration  of  that  admirable  discourse  makes  us  acquainted 
with  another  trait  highly  honorable  to  the  Athenians,  and  worthy 
of  a  sensible,  humane  and  generous  nation.  They  did  not  con- 
fine their  gratitude  to  empty  display  and  useless  tears  in  behalf 
of  the  heroic  defenders  of  their  country,  but  extended  it  to  theii 
destitute  children,  whom  they  supported  at  the  expense  of  the 
government.  The  effects  of  this  generosity  were  felt,  not  only  by 
private  citizens,  but  by  the  whole  state;  for,  as  Pericles  himself 
justly  observed,  great  and  virtuous  men  most  abound  where  merit 
is  best  rewarded. 

But  the  Athenians  had  now  to  suffer  a  still  more  severe 
scourge  than  the  devastation  of  war.  A  pestilence  had  just 
broken  out  both  in  their  city  and  among  their  troops.  This 
terrible  plague,  before  reaching  Athens,  had  already  exercised 
its  fury  in  several  other  countries,  and  particularly  in  the  Per- 
sian dominions.  Its  violence  baffled  eyery  effort  to  stop  its  pro- 
gress ;  the  strongest  constitutions  were  unable  to  withstand  the 
attacks  of  the  disease,  and  the  greatest  care  or  skill  of  the  physi- 
cians was  but  a  feeble  help  to  those  who  were  infected.  The 
Btrcets,  the  dwellings,  the  temples,  were  filled  with  the  dead  and 
dying,  and  every  part  of  the  city  exhibited  a  dreadful  image  of 
destruction,  with  scarcely  any  remedy  for  the  present  or  hope  foi 
the  future. 

In  this  trying  circumstance,  the  celebrated  physician  Hippo- 
crates, a  native  of  the  island  of  Cos,  displayed  his  talent  and  his 
disinterested  zeal  in  behalf  of  the  unfortunate  Athenians.  Dis- 
daining the  splendid  ofi'ers  and  promises  of  the  king  of  Persia,  ha 
devoted  himself,  with  several  of  bis  disciples,  to  the  service  of 
the  sick  in  Athens  and  its  neighborhood ;  nor  did  he  leave  the 
city  till  the  contagion  had  entirely  subsided.  Yet,  in  spite  of  his 
generous  and  skilful  exertions,  no  fewer  than  five  thousand 
men,  able  to  bear  arms,  were  carried  off  by  the  violence  of  the 
distemper. 

Pericles  himself  was  attacked  by  it,  and,  after  lingering  for  a 
time,  sunk  under  its  attack.  As  he  was  lying  on  his  death-bed, 
apparently  senseless  and  on  the  poi*nt  of  breathing  his  last,  his 
friends  around  him  began  to  enamerate  and  extol  his  exploits; 
they  did  not  imagine  that  their  words  were  at  all  noticed  by  the 


B.  0.  431-404  PELOI'ONNESIAN  WAR.  178 

sick  man.  He  heard  every  thing,  however,  and  suddenly  break- 
ing silence,  said  in  an  audible  voice:  '*I  wonder  that  you  should 
80  well  recollect  and  so  highly  extol  a  series  of  actions  in  which 
fortune  had  so  great  a  share,  and  which  are  common  to  me  and 
to  many  other  generals;  whilst  you  pass  unnoticed  the  most 
honorable  circumstance  of  my  whole  life,  that  I  never  caused 
ariy  citizen  to  put  on  mourning."  It  is  easy  to  conceive  what 
must  have  been  the  grief  occasioned  in  Athens,  by  the  loss  of  a 
man  who  had  constantly  evinced  superior  abilities  in  every  part 
of  the  government.  The  faults  which  the  Athenians  committed 
after  his  death,  still  more  than  the  tears  which  they  shed  at  his 
funeral,  manifested  the  greatness  of  their  loss  on  this  occasion 
(B.  c.  4ii8).-4— ^ 

The  next  campaigns  were  remarkable  chiefly  for  the  siege  of 
Plataea,  one  of  the  most  famous  in  antiquity  for  the  vigor  of  the 
attack,  and  still  more  so  for  the  heroic  bravery  of  the  resistance. 
During  three  years  in  succession,  four  hundred  Plataean  and 
eighty  Athenian  soldiers  withstood  all  the  efforts  of  a  numerous 
army  of  Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies.  The  former  having,  at 
length,  consumed  all  their  provisions,  and  expecting  no  more  aid 
from  Athens,  formed  the  bold  scheme  of  making  their  escape 
across  the  camp  of  the  enemy;  one-half  of  them,  however,  ter- 
rified by  the  extraordinary  difficulty  of  such  an  attempt,  lost 
courage  at  the  moment  for  its  execution.  The  others  persisted 
in  their  design,  and,  availing  themselves  of  a  dark  and  stormy 
night,  forced  their  passage  over  the  double  wall  which  the  be- 
siegers had  built  round  the  city,  and  escaped  without  loss,  before 
the  enemy  could  recover  from  their  surprise.  As  to  those  who 
had  chosen  to  remain  in  Platsea,  they  surrendered  on  condition 
that  their  lives  should  not  be  forfeited  without  the  benefit  of  a 
legal  trial. 

Five  Spartan  commissaries  were  appointed  judges  in  this 
affair.  Without  laying  any  crime  to  the  charge  of  the  prisoners, 
they  simply  asked  them  whether  they  had,  during  the  present 
war,  done  any  service  to  the  Peloponnesian  confederacy.  This 
unexpected  question  surprised  and  perplexed  the  Platgeans.  They 
reminded  their  judges  of  the  signal  services  which  they  had 
formerly  rendered  to  all  Greece  at  the  time  of  the  Persian  inva- 
sion, and  showed,  by  appealing  to  recent  facts,  that  their  present 
situation  was  a  misfortune,  and  not  a  crime.  But  the  stern 
policy  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  still  more  the  implacable  ani- 
mosity of  the  Thebans,  had  already  sealed  the  fate  of  these  brave 
and  unhappy  men.  They  were  again  asked  the  same  question, 
*^  whether,  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  they  had  rendered  any 

15* 


t 


174  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

Fervice  to  tlio  Spartans  and  their  allies;'^  and  being  made  to 
advance  one  after  the  other,  they  answered  in  the  negative,  and 
were  all  butchered  without  mercy. 

After  this  bloody  execution,  hostilities  were  carried  on  in 
various  places  and  with  alternate  success :  many  battles  took 
place,  in  which  sometimes  Athens,  sometimes  Sparta,  had  the 
advantage ;  but  none  of  them  were  decisive.  The  most  distm- 
guished  general,  at  this  period  of  the  war,  seems  to  have  been 
the  Lacedaemonian  Brasidas,  and,  next  to  him,  Nicias  the  Athenian. 
At  the  end  of  ten  years,  the  two  parties,  equally  tired  and  dis- 
pirited by  their  respective  losses,  consented  to  a  truce,  and  even 
to  a  treaty  of  alliance,  wdiich,  if  it  did  not  entirely  stop,  at  least 
suspended  for  a  time  the  eifects  of  their  former  resentment. 
This  treaty  was  called,  from  the  name  of  its  most  zealous  pro- 
moter, the  peace  of  Nicias  (b.  c.  421). 

The  flame  of  war  was  soon  rekindled.  There  existed  at  this 
time  in  Athens  a  rich,  talented  and  fiery  youth,  called  Alcibiades, 
who  greatly  attracted  public  attention  by  the  brilliancy  of  his 
natural  endowments,  and  the  flexibility  of  his  temper,  equally 
susceptible  of  the  various  impressions  of  virtue  and  vice.  Being, 
above  all,  excessively  ambitious  and  desirous  of  fame,  he  used 
every  means  to  provoke  a  new  rupture  between  the  two  rival 
states;  unfortunately  for  his  country  and  for  himself,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  the  attempt.  By  his  advice,  the  Athenians  resolved 
to  carry  the  war  into  Sicily  and  lay  siege  to  the  important  citj 
of  Syracuse,  which,  being  a  Peloponnesian  colony,  was  naturally 
more  inclined  to  take  part  with  their  enemies.  Alcibiades  him- 
self was  appointed  commander  of  the  expedition,  together  with 
Nicias,  whom  we  have  already  mentioned,  and  Lamachus,  another 
brave  and  experienced  general. 

Athens  had  scarcely  ever  fitted  out  a  more  gallant  armament 
than  that  which  sailed  from  the  harbor  of  Piraeus  for  the  inva- 
sion of  Sicily.  It  reached  without  obstacle  the  shores  of  that 
iifland,  where  Alcibiades  took  the  city  of  Catana  by  surprise ; 
this  was  his  first  and  last  exploit  during  the  Sicilian  expedition. 
An  order  came,  recalling  him  to  Athens,  where  he  had  been  ac- 
cused of  having,  some  days  before  the  departure  of  the  fleet, 
mutilated  all  the  statues  of  Mercury.  He  instantly  obeyed  the 
summons;  but  reflecting  during  the  voyage  on  the  well-known 
fickleness  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  perhaps  apprehensive  that 
he  would  not  be  acquitted,  he  determined  secretly  to  leave  those 
who  accompanied  him,  and  efi'ect  his  escape.  He  executed  hia 
design  with  his  usual  ingenuity.  Having  afterwards  learned  that 
the  Athenians  had  condemned  him  to  death  as  an  outlaw ;  "  I 


B.C.  431— 404.  PELOrONNESI.VN  WAR.  175 

will  lot  them  know,"  replied  he,  ''that  I  am  still  alive."  In 
effect,  he  joined  the  party  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  suggested  to 
them  a  variety  of  measures  best  calculated  to  injure  the  interests 
of  his  country. 

The  departure  of  Alcibiades,  and,  soon  after,  the  death  of 
Ijamachus,  left  Nicias  sole  commander  of  the  Athenian  army. 
This  general  had  already  approached  Syracuse,  and,  whilst  his 
fleet  blockaded  it  by  sea,  he  almost  entirely  surrounded  it  by 
laud  with  a  line  of  intrenchnients  and  redoubts;  he  moreover 
frequently  defeated  and  repelled  the  besieged,  whenever  they 
endeavored  by  their  sallies  to  retard  his  progress  or  interrupt  his 
work.  The  city  was  thus  more  and  more  closely  pressed,  and 
the  Syracusans  were  on  the  point  of  surrendering,  when,  the 
arrival  of  Gylippus,  a  Spartan  general,  suddenly  changed  the 
aspect  of  affairs. 

Gylippus  commenced  his  operations  by  sending  a  messenger 
to  Nicias,  to  offer  him  five  days  for  his  departure  from  Sicily. 
The  x\thenian  leader  scorned  to  answer  such  a  proposal.  Several 
combats  ensued,  in  which  Gylippus  carried  at  first  some  posts 
occupied  by  the  besiegers,  and  although  repulsed  on  one  occa- 
sion, signally  defeated  them  in  a  second  battle. 

The  tide  of  success  had  now  taken  a  different  course;  the 
Athenians  were  likewise  conquered  at  sea,  with  a  considerable 
loss  of  men  and  vessels.  So  many  disasters  had  already  placed 
them  in  a  very  precarious  situation,  when  the  arrival  of  powerful 
reinforcements  from  Athens  revived  their  hopes  and  courage; 
but  their  joy  was  not  of  long  duration.  An  ill-concerted  attack 
made  during  the  night  by  Demosthenes,  the  leader  of  the  new 
reinforcement,  entirely  failed,  and  cost  the  Athenians  two  thou- 
sand soldiers.  Their  ranks  were  also  daily  thinned  by  autumnal 
diseases;  despondency  pervaded  more  and  more  the  remaining 
tro»)ps,  and  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  make  preparations 
for  abandoning  the  siege. 

This  measure,  which  had  been  already  deferred  too  long,  was 
at  length  about  to  be  executed  by  the  Athenians,  when  an 
eclipse  of  the  moon  again  postponed  their  departure.  Both  the 
soldiers  and  the  generals  took  this  phenomenon  for  a  very  un- 
favorable omen,  and  Nicias  expressed  his  determination  to  stay 
till  the  next  full  moon.  This  delay  proved  their  ruin.  The 
enemy  had  time  to  block  up  their  vessels  in  the  harbor,  of  which 
they  had  taken  possession  from  the  beginning  of  the  siege,  and 
to  inllict  on  them  new  and  severe  losses.  Moreover,  Gylippus 
and  the  Syracusans  sent  various  bodies  of  soldiers  to  occupy  all 
the  passes  and  roads  by  whrch  the  Athenians  would  probably 


176  ANCIENT    rilSTORy.  Part  IV. 

attempt  to  retreat,  and  prej)ared  every  thing  for  their  final  over- 
throv/. 

These  unfortunate  men,  forty  thousand  in  number,  at  last  set 
(lut  from  their  camp,  under  the  conduct  of  their  chief  leaders 
Nicias  and  Demosthenes,  almost  destitute  of  provisions,  and  com- 
pelled to  leave  behind  tlicai  their  sick  and  wounded,  whilst  they 
themselves  were  closely  pursued  and  harassed  by  a  victorious 
foe,  who  gave  them  no  respite.  To  add  to  their  misfortune, 
Demosthenes,  with  a  part  of  the  army,  lost  his  way  during  the 
night,  and  afterwards  found  himself  so  entangled  and  surrounded 
in  a  narrow  pass,  that  the  utmost  exertions  of  courage  could  not 
save  him  from  the  necessity  of  surrendering.  Two  days  later, 
Nicias,  after  a  brave  defence,  and  a  dreadful  slaughter  of  his 
troops,  was  reduced  to  the  same  extremity.  He  surrendered 
himself  a  prisoner  of  war,  together  with  the  sad  remnant  of  his 
once  flourishing  army.  Thus  the  defeat  of  the  Athenians,  both 
by  sea  and  land,  was  decisive,  entire,  irreparable,  and  in  fact 
proved  to  bo  the  deadly  blow  to  the  greatness  and  power  of  theii 
nation  (b.  c.  413). 

The  Syracusans,  not  less  exasperated  by  their  former  losses 
than  elated  by  their  present  success,  treated  their  prisoners  with 
inhuman  rigor.  Both  Nicias  and  Demosthenes  were  put  to 
death,  contrary  to  both  the  intentions  and  the  promise  of  G-ylip- 
pus.  The  other  Athenians,  to  the  number  of  at  least  seven 
thousand,  were  confined  in  quarries  or  dungeons,  where  they  had 
to  suffer,  during  several  months,  incredible  pains,  hunger,  thirst, 
and  every  species  of  hardship.  Many  of  them  died  in  those 
frightful  dungeons.  Others  were  sold  as  slaves,  and,  owing  to 
their  prudent  and  modest  behavior,  began  to  experience  much 
kinder  treatment.  Plutarch  relates  (in  the  life  of  Nicias)  that 
some  of  them  were  indebted  for  their  preservation  to  the  pen  of 
Euripides  and  to  the  verses  of  that  poet,  with  the  recital  of  which 
they  charmed  the  ears  of  their  masters.  These  liberated  cap- 
tives, upon  their  return  to  Athens,  went  to  give  thanks  to 
Euripides,  and,  in  the  most  respectful  language,  hailed  him  as 
their  deliverer. 

The  Athenians,  disma/ed  by  their  defeats,  resolved  to  recall 
Alcibiades,  as  being  the  only  man  truly  able  to  restore  their 
forlorn  afifairs.  He  eagerly  acceded  to  the  proposal;  but  not 
being  willing  to  return  except  as  a  conqueror,  he  at  first  went  to 
join  the  Athenian  fleet  near  the  Asiatic  coast,  and  so  encouraged 
the  soldiers  by  word  and  example,  that  the  Lacedajmouians  wei'O 
conquered  in  two  great  battles,  their  admiral  was  slain,  and  their 
army    almost    entirely  destroyed.*     He    then    steered   towards 


I 


i.  c.  481-404.  PELOrONNESIAN  WAR,  177 

\thcns,  where  Lis  arrival  at  the  head  of  the  victorious  fleet  was 
iailcd  with  every  demonstration  of  joy.     But  this  flattering  ap- 
plause of  the  multitude  was  transitory.     As  Aleibiades  again  set 
;ail  in  order  to  pursue  the  course  of  his  exploits,  one  of  his 
iiutcnants  took  occasion  during  his  absence  to  attack  Lysander, 
he   Lacedaemonian   admiral,  who  defeated    him    and  captured 
lif'teen  galleys.    Aleibiades,  as  chief  leader  of  the  expedition,  had 
to  bear  the  blame   of   this  loss,   although   it  did  not  happen 
through  his  fault;  he  was  again  deprived,  of  the  command  of  the 
fleet,  and  ten  generals  were  appointed  to  exercise  it  in  his  place. 

These  new  commanders  were  not  deficient  in  zeal  for  the  ser- 
vice of  their  country,  but  not  having  the  ability  of  Aleibiades, 
they  experienced  at  first  nothing  but  disappointment  and  defeat. 
This  obliged  the  Athenian  government  to  furnish  them  with  a 
greater  naval  force.  By  uncommon  efi"orts,  the  number  of  their 
galleys  was  made  to  amount  on  the  present  occasion  to  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty,  to  which  the  Lacedaemonians  and  their  allies 
opposed  one  hundred  and  twenty  vessels.  The  latter  were  under 
the  command  of  Callicratidas,  a  true  Spartan  hero,  who,  in 
justice,  magnanimity  and  valor,  was  equal  to  the  best  of  the 
ii  reeks,  but  who  at  the  same  time  showed  himself  too  sensible  on 
the  point  of  honor.  Being  advised  not  to  hazard  a  battle  against 
the  superior  numbers  of  the  enemy,  he  replied  that  he  could  not 
avoid  it  without  shame,  and  that  his  life  was  of  little  moment  to 
the  republic.  ''The  fate  of  Sparta,"  said  he,  "is  not  attached 
to  one  man."  The  action  took  place  near  the  Arginusse  islands, 
over  against  Lesbos,  and  was  one  of  the  most  terrible  and  obsti- 
nate of  the  whole  war.  Callicratidas  bore  down  upon  the  enemy 
with  such  vigor,  that  he  sunk  or  disabled  many  of  their  ships  at 
the  first  onset.  At  last,  his  own  vessel  coming  to  close  fight 
with  the  galley  of  Pericles  (the  son  of  the  great  Pericles  and  one 
of  the  Athenian  admirals),  was  caught  by  a  grappling-iron,  from 
which  he  could  not  extricate  it.  After  incredible  efi"orts  of 
eiurage,  the  Spartan  admiral  fell  among  the  slain,  and  his  death 
was  followed  by  a  complete  overthrow  and  almost  total  destruc- 
tion of  his  fleet  (b.  c.  406). 

It  was  held  a  sacred  duty  among  the  ancients,  to  bury  their 
soldiers  who  had  fallen  in  battle.  The  Athenian  generals  had 
not  only  intended,  but  even  taken  measures,  to  comply  with  this 
duty;  but  a  violent  storm  prevented  them  from  fulfilling  their 
design.  In  all  this,  there  manifestly  was  no  fault  of  theirs;  yet 
the  people  at  Athens  were  so  much  incensed  because  their  dead 
had  not  received  the  rites  of  sepulture,  that  they  deposed  the  vic- 
torious generals;  and,  in  spite  of  the  facts  which  vindicated  thrir 


i 


178  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  P/etIV. 

conduct,  doomed  six  of  them  to  capital  punishment.  Among  the 
multitude  of  citizens,  a  few  only,  and  in  the  senate  Socrates 
alone,  had  the  courage  to  protest  against  the  absurd  and  cruel 
measure.  The  sentence  was  no  sooner  executed  than  the  people 
themselves  opened  their  eyes,  and  were  struck  with  horror  at  the 
iniquity  of  their  judgment;  but  their  tardy  repentance  could  not 
restore  the  dead. 

In  this  odious  manner  did  the  Athenians,  otherwise  a  polished 
and  humane  nation,  often  inflict  on  their  worthiest  citizens  the 
penalty  of  banishment  or  death,  and  entail  on  themselves  severe 
injuries  and  indelible  disgrace;  at  one  time,  blindly  indulging  in 
groundless  exasperation  or  jealousy,  and  the  next  moment  ac- 
knowledging the  innocence  of  their  victims,  and  bewailing,  with 
bitter  and  fruitless  regret,  their  own  injustice,  ingratitude,  and 
criminal  precipitation.  Such,  among  other  instances,  was  the 
case  with  the  illustrious  philosopher  whose  name  has  just  been 
mentioned,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  following  section.  As  to 
Alcibiades,  the  most  extraordinary  character  of  that  period,  ho 
died  about  the  same  time  in  Asia  Minor,  a  fugitive  and  an  exile, 
the  victim  both  of  his  own  indiscretion,  and  of  treason,  jealousy, 
and  resentment. 

The  defeat  of  the  Spartans  at  the  Arginusae  islands  obliged 
them  to  reinstate  Lysander,  the  ablest  of  their  admirals,  a  man 
otherwise  noted  for  the  looseness  of  his  principles,  and  to  invest 
him  again  with  the  chief  authority  in  the  fleet.  The  Athenians, 
"with  a  hundred  and  eighty  galleys,  met  him  at  the  strait  of  the 
Hellespont,  and  offered  him  battle  near  the  mouth  of  a  small 
river  called  iEgos  Potamos;  but  although  his  vessels  and  troops 
seemed  ready  for  action,  he  did  not  move  from  his  position. 
The  enemy  came  four  days  in  succession  to  make  the  same  ofler: 
the  Lacedaemonians  still  remained  motionless. 

Nothing  could  now  equal  the  confidence  and  security  of  the 
Athenians.  Lysander,  fully  aware  of  the  circumstance,  waited, 
on  the  fifth  day,  till  they  had  returned  to  their  station,  and  the 
soldiers  had,  as  usual,  left  the  vessels  to  scatter  themselves  and 
take  repose  on  the  shore.  Just  at  that  moment,  the  Spartan 
fleet  bore  down  upon  them  with  incredible  fury,  captured  or  dis- 
abled all  their  ships  except  nine,  sent  detachments  to  cut  in 
pieces  or  disperse  the  troops  on  shore,  and  took  three  thousand 
prisoners,  with  their  generals.  This  masterly  stroke,  one  of  thp 
greatest  ever  performed,  was  achieved  in  the  space  of  an  hour. 
It  cost  the  conqueror  scarcely  any  loss,  and  yet  was  suflicient  to 
prostrate  the  whole  force  of  the  Athenians,  and  put  an  end  to 
tlie  Peloponnesian  war,  after  it  had  lasted  twenty-seven  years 


i 


<    181— 401.  PELOPONNESIAN  WAR.  ]79 

The  triumphant  fleet  of  Sparta   soon   appeared  in  sight  of 
I  hens,  and  blockaded  it  by  sea,  whilst  a  numerous  army  under 
,  ings  Agis  and  Pausanias  besieged  it  by  land.     The  inhabitants 
il  no  troops,  no  allies,  no  vessels,  no  provisions,  no  resources 
liatever  to  enable  them  to  oppose  a  successful  resistance;  yet 
'  y  were  unwilling  to  surrender.     Nothing  but  the  extremity 
t  famine  could  prevail  upon  them  to  take  this  humiliating  step, 
!   sue  for  a  capitulation.     Some  among  the  confederates  were 
}iinion  that  Athens  should  be  entirely  demolished;  but  the 
(Ii>3monians  declared  that  tbey  would  never  consent  to  destroy 
noble  city,  which. had  produced  so  many  great  and  illustrious 
I,  and  in  the  most  perilous  times  had  done  so  much  for  all 
cc.     Peace  was  therefore  concluded  on  the  following  condi- 
:  iKs:  "That  the  Athenians  should  confine  themselves  within  the 
luiids  of  Attica;  should  demolish  their  principal  fortifications 
n>\  the  harbor  of  Piraeus;  should  deliver  up  all  their  ships  ex- 
opt  twelve;  should  have  the  same  friends  and  the  same  foes 
,ith  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  follow  them  at  command  either 
>y  land  or  by  sea.''     Galling  as  they  were,  all  these  conditions 
,  re  accepted,  and  some  of  them  were  immediately  executed 

:.    C.404). 

ysander,  without  giving  the  Athenians  time  to  adopt  other 
...isures,  entirely  changed  the  form  of  their  government:  he 
ppointed  a  Spartan  governor  over  their  city,  together  with  thirty 
rchons  or  magistrates,  to  whom  power  was  given  to  enact  laws. 
.'iiially,  having  put  a  strong  garrison  in  the  citadel,  he  returned 

0  Lacedsemon,  crow^ned  with  laurels  and  loaded  with  booty. 
>ut  the  government  which  he  had  established  in  Athens  was  of 
li'>rt  duration.  The  thirty  magistrates  appointed  by  him  com- 
uitted  so  many  acts  of  despotism,  injustice  and  cruelty,  that  they 
jrovoked  the  indignation  and  horror  of   all  sensible  persons 

1  gainst  their  administration.  Thrasybulus,  who  was  not  less  a 
)iave  general  than  an  excellent  citizen,  put  himself  at  the  head 
if  some  troops,  overthrew  this  tyrannical  government,  and,  if  he 
::ould  not  restore  the  power,  at  least  succeeded  in  restoring  the 
liberties  of  his  nation. 

Several  years  elapsed  before  open  hostilities  between  Athens 
md  Sparta  were  renewed.  This  interval  was  filled  up,  on  tho 
)ne  hand,  by  the  trial  and  death  of  the  illustrious  philosopher 
Socrates;  and,  on  the  other,  by  the  expedition  of  the  younger 
^yrus  against  his  brother  Artaxerxes,  king  of  Persia,  and  the 
tamous  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand,  so  elegantly  described  bj 
Kenophon  the  hislorian^  one  of  the  chief  actors  in  this  interest- 
ing event. 


180         \  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Taut  IV 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  OF  SOCRATES. 

iST  SO  many  civil  and  political    revolutions    happened 

throughout  Greece,  Socrates  was  effecting  a  more  useful  and 
pacific  change  in  the  study  of  moral  philosophy.  It  will  not  be 
amiss  to  dwell  at  some  length  on  this  celebrated  man,  who  ex- 
ercised so  great  an  influence  over  his  contemporaries  by  his  doc- 
trine, his  moral  instructions,  and  his  example. 

Socrates  was  born  at  Athens,  one  year  after  the  historian 
Thucydides,  and  about  the  time  of  Cimon's  victories  over  the 
Persians  near  the  river  Eurymedon.  As  his  father  Sophroniscus 
was  a  sculptor,  he  himself  exercised  the  same  art  in  his  youth. 
He  also  applied  with  great  ardor  and  success  to  the  study  of  the 
other  fine  arts,  as  well  as  of  rhetoric  and  the  exact  sciences,  and 
gave,  as  soldier,  several  proofs  of  his  intrepidity  during  the  first 
campaigns  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  Yet,  because  his  mind 
was  most  strongly  bent  towards  moral  philosophy  and  the  know- 
ledge of  man's  duties,  he  made  this  most  important  science  the 
chief  object  of  his  inquiries  and  meditations.  He  studied  it  first 
under  the  philosopher  Anaxagoras,  who  had  been  also  the  master 
of  Pericles;  and  afterwards  entirely  devoted  himself  to  it,  both 
for  his  own  sake  and  for  the  benefit  of  others,  seeking  in  it,  not 
the  bare  knowledge,  but  also  the  practice  of  virtue. 

His  principal  care  was  to  subdue  first  his  too  hasty  disposition, 
and  his  efforts  in  this  particular  were  eminently  successful ;  this 
should  be  accounted  the  more  praiseworthy  in  him,  as  he  was  natu- 
rally much  inclined  to  anger.  In  order  to  check  this  passion, 
and  to  acquire  moderation  and  evenness  of  temper,  he  made  an 
agreement  with  his  friends,  that  they  should  warn  him  whenever 
they  would  see  him  on  the  point  of  indulging  his  natural  irasci- 
bility ;  at  the  first  sign  or  word  of  advice,  he  lowered  the  tone 
of  his  voice,  or  even  ceased  to  speak.  By  this  and  other  efficient 
means,  he  obtained  great  command  over  his  temper.  As  he  one 
day  felt  himself  very  much  excited,  he  said  to  a  slave;  ''I  would 
beat  you,  were  I  not  angry."  At  another  time,  being  insolently 
struck  on  the  face,  he  smiled  and  said:  ''It  is  rather  unpleasant 
not  to  know  when  one  should  put  on  a  helmet." 

He  had  a  wife  whose  blunt,  peevish  manners  constantly  tried 
his  patience.  She  sometimes  gave  way  so  far  to  her  passionate 
ten.per,  as  publicly  to  .strip  him  of  his  cloak,  and  on  one  occa 
sion,  after  loading  him  with  a  torrent  of  abuse,  she  poured  the 
contents  of  a  filthy  vase  on  his  head.  Socrates,  as  usual,  con' 
tented  hi?nself  with  laughing  at  her  fury:  ''After  such  claps  of 
thunder,"  said  he,  ^'it  was  natural  to  expect  a  shower." 


i 


IRIAL  AND  DEATH  OF  SOCRATES.  181 

This  great  man  did  not  confine  his  virtuous  exertions  to  him- 
'  If;  he  endeavored,  with  admirable  zeal,  to  lead  others  to  the 
0  and  practice  of  virtue.  To  spread  the  principles  of  honesty 
and  morality  among  the  people,  he  made  use  of  every  favorable 
circumstance,  public  or  private,  that  offered  itself,  to  give  them 
useful  instructions.  He  endeavored,  above  all,  to  improve  the 
good  natural  dispositions  of  young  men,  to  form  their  minds  and 
hearts,  and  train  them  to  justice,  temperance,  fortitude,  respect 
for  religion  and  the  laws,  etc.,  warning  them,  at  the  same  time, 
with  the  greatest  earnestness,  against  idleness,  licentiousness  and 
•  vanity. 

His  whole  soul  seemed  bent  on  these  grand  and  vitally  im- 
portant subjects.  His  manner  of  teaching  was  so  attractive,  and 
I  he  possessed  so  persuasive  an  eloquence,  that  the  young  Athenians 
frequented  his  lectures  with  incredible  ardor;  they  left  their 
parents,  their  homes,  their  amusements,  to  see  and  hear  Socrates. 
Foreigners  were  not  excluded  from  his  school,  and  he  readily 
1  extended  to  them  the  same  care  that  he  bestowed  on  his  fellow- 
citizens.  Nor  could  he  be  accused  in  all  this  of  any  interested 
view,  since  he  received  no  reward,  no  salary  whatever,  for  the 
trouble  which  he  took  and  the  instructions  which  he  delivered. 

Having  lost  nearly  all  his  fortune  by  the  failure  of  a  creditor, 
he  neither  complained  nor  appeared  any  way  concerned.  Al- 
though he  might  have  easily  retrieved  this  loss  by  the  aid  of  his 
numerous  and  wealthy  friends,  he  always  refused  to  do  so,  and 
declined  all  their  offers  of  assistance,  readily  preferring  to  make 
up  for  the  deficiency  of  his  fortune  by  strict  frugality,  to  which 
he  had  inured  himself  from  his  early  years.  For  the  same  rea- 
son, he  nobly  rejected  the  gifts  and  promises  of  Archelaus,  king 
of  Macedonia,  who  ardently  desired  to  have  him  at  his  court;  he 
felt  reluctant,  he  said,  to  dwell  with  a  man  for  whose  favors  he 
was  unable  to  make  a  return. 
,  It  would  be  difl&cult  indeed  for  one  not  actuated  by  super- 
natural motives,  to  surpass  Socrates  in  his  contempt  of  riches 
und  his  love  of  poverty.  At  the  sight  of  great  treasures,  he 
would  congratulate  himself,  and  exclaim:  "How  many  thinga 
there  are,  of  which  I  have  no  need!"  Once,  however,  when 
eurrounded  by  his  disciples,  he  observed  that  he  would  buy  a 
filoak,  if  he  had  money.  This  remark  was  quite  sufficient:  it 
became  a  matter  of  dispute  among  them,  who  should  have  the 
privilege  of  making  him  this  trifling  present. 

Besides  disinterestedness  and  magnanimity,  Socrates  evinced 
also  great  fortitude,  not  only  in  the  affair,  already  mentioned,  of 
the  six  generals  unjustly  condemned  to  death  by  the  Athcuians, 

16 


182  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV 

but  likewise  under  the  tyrannical  government  of  the  thirty 
archons.  He  opposed  their  violent  proceedings,  consoled  the 
afflicted  citizens,  labored  to  revive  the  hopes  of  the  oppressed, 
and  was  for  all  a  model  of  courage  and  firmness^  so  long  as  the 
tyranny  lasted. 

Such  was  the  celebrated  man,  against  whom  a  trial  was  insti- 
tuted and  sentence  of  death  pronounced  in  his  own  city,  by  those 
who  should  have  been  foremost  in  rewarding  his  zealous  and 
successful  exertions  for  the  public  good.  The  first  instigators 
of  these  iniquitous  proceedings  were  certain  sophists,  much 
respected  in  Athens,  proud  of  their  fame,  and  eager  in  advancing 
their  pecuniary  interests.  To  prevent  them  from  perverting  the 
minds  of  the  young  Athenians  by  their  vain  and  deceitful  dis- 
courses,  Socrates  had  often  unmasked  their  ignorance  and  hypo- 
crisy. Men  of  this  description  naturally  became  his  inveterate 
enemies.  To  them  were  added  numbers  of  vicious  persons,  for 
whom  his  example  and  instructions  were  a  continual  reproach, 
or  who,  through  base  jealousy,  could  not  bear  his  conspicuous 
merit.  Such  were  the  various  and  more  or  less  guilty  contrivers 
of  Socrates'  ruin. 

The  first  attack  directed  against  him  came  from  the  poet 
Aristophanes.  As  Socrates  had  openly  testified  his  dislike  and 
contempt  of  tUe  immoral  productions  of  that  author,  the  pride  of 
Aristophanes,  or  the  advice  c:f  wicked  persons,  prompted  him  to 
gratify  either  his  personal  resentment  or  the  malice  of  others,  by 
making  the  wisest  philosopher  of  Greece  the  subject  of  a  satirical 
comedy,  and  holding  him  up  on  the  stage  to  public  ridicule  as  a 
false  teacher. 

This  first  attempt  to  ruin  the  character  of  Socrates  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  second,  threatening  his  liberty  and  life,  although  not 
put  into  execution  till  many  years  after.  Melitus,  a  contempt- 
ible writer,  and  Anytus,  an  envious,  rich,  and  powerful  man, 
lodged  against  him  a  formal  accusation  before  the  magistrates 
of  Athens:  they  charged  him  with  introducing  novel  deities 
under  the  name  of  demons,  and  seducing  the  Athenian  youths  ■ 
from  their  duty.  To  these  groundless  charges  Socrates  was 
summoned  to  answer  before  a  tribunal  of  five  hundred  judges. 

No  sooner  was  this  second  attack  made  known,  than  his  friends 
hastened  to  offer  him  their  services  for  the  vindication  of  his 
innocence.  Among  others,  the  orator  Lysias  composed  in  bis 
defence  an  eloquent  and  pathetic  discourse ;  but  Socrates,  ev-er^^ 
firm  and  magnanimous,  would  not  consent  to  receive  assistance, ' 
nor  would  he  stoop  to  excite  the  compassion  and  to  implore  tho 
aiercy  of  those  before  whom  he  was  arraigned.     He  defended? 


TRIAL  AND  DEATH  OF  SOCRATES.  188 

himself  with  the  calm  intrepidity  of  conscious  innocence,  with 
RiK'b  force  and  dignity,  that  he  seemed  to  be  the  judge  of  hia 
judges.  Yet  this  very  circumstance 'principally  served  to  indis- 
pose their  minds  against  him,  and  he  was  pronounced  guilty  by 
;i  small  majority.  Being  then  asked  what  he  himself  thought 
should  be  his  punishment,  he  answered :  "  Having  spent  my 
A\hole  life  in  earnest  endeavors  to  serve  my  country  and  benefit 
my  fellow-citizens  by  teaching  them  the  way  of  virtue,  I  know 
of  no  other  punishment  that  I  deserve,  than  to  be  maintained 
during  the  remainder  of  my  days  at  the  expense  of  the  repub- 
lic." The  judges  were  so  much  offended  by  this  answer,  which 
was  an  implicit  reproof  of  their  injustice,  that  they  condemned 
him  to  drink  hemlock,  the  usual  punishment  of  state  criminals. 

Socrates  heard  his  sentence  with  the  same  composure  and 
firmness  with  which  he  had  defended  his  cause.  He  observed 
that  he  would  readily,  in  obedience  to  the  laws,  suffer  death,  to 
which  nature  had  condemned  him  long  since ;  but  that  his  ac- 
cusers and  enemies  had  condemned  themselves  to  eternal  disgrace. 
Apollodorus,  one  of  his  disciples,  began  to  express  how  intensely 
grieved  he  was  to  see  him  die  innocent.  "  Why,"  replied  Socra- 
tes, ''  would  you  have  me  die  guilty  ?"  He  spent  his  last  days 
in  conversation  with  his  friends  on  philosophical  subjects,  espe- 
cially the  immortality  of  the  soul  ;  refused  the  means  of  escape 
that  were  offered  to  him ;  and  calmly  drinking  the  fatal  hem- 
lock, expired  a  few  moments  after,  at  the  age  of  about  seventy 
years,  B.  c.  400. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  Socrates  was  an  admirable  philoso- 
pher, a  great  benefactor  to  his  country,  and  one  of  the  greatest 
men  that  Greece,  perhaps  even  the  whole  world,  ever  produced. 
He  was  not,  it  is  true,  without  his  failings ;  he  may  have  been, 
on  certain  occasions,  actuated  by  a  spirit  of  affectation  and  philo- 
sophical pride ;  he  may  have,  once  or  twice,  uttered  loose  words 
and  acted  in  an  objectionable  manner;  yet,  whatever  some  may 
think  to  the  contrary,*  it  is  impossible  to  read  the  dialogues  of 
Plato  and  the  memoirs  of  Xenophon,  without  being  convinced 
that  Socrates  was  in  the  main  a  zealous  and  most  sagacious  in- 
quirer after  moral  truth  and  virtue,  and,  except  on  another  point, 
to  be  afterwards  mentioned,  generally  animated  with  an  earnest 
desire  to  make  others  relish,  both  in  theory  and  practice,  the  same 
laudable  objects  which  he  himself  pursued. 

•'When  we  consider,"  says  the  judicious  Rollin,  "how  sub- 

*  E.  g.  Feller,  the  biographer,  who  finds  fault  with  whateyer  Socra- 
tes did  or  said.     See  Didionnaire  Ilisloriqiie,  article  Socrates. 


184  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

lime  were  the  sentiments  of  Socrates  with  regard  to  moral  vir- 
tues, sobriety,  temperance,  contempt  of  riches,  patience  in  adver 
sity,  and  forgiveness  of  injuries;  also,  with  regard  to  the  deity; 
the  unity  of  the  Supreme  Being ;  his  immensity,  which  sees  and 
knows  every  thing ;  his  omnipotence  in  the  creation,  and  provi- 
dence in  the  government  of  the  world ;  the  immortality  of  the 
soul ;  her  last  end  and  eternal  destiny ;  the  rewards  of  the  good 
and  the  punishment  of  the  wicked  :  when  we  consider  this  train 
of  sublime  knowledge,  we  ask  our  reason  whether  it  was  a  pagau 
philosopher  who  thought  and  spoke  thus,  and  can  scarcely  per- 
suade ourselves  that,  from  so  dark  and  impure  a  source  as  heathenism 
was,  should  shine  forth  so  brilliant  and  glorious  rays  of  light/'* 

It  is  however  equally  certain  that  this  great  and  enlightened 
philosopher  was  far  from  being  in  possession  of  the  whole  truth. 
Whilst  he  knew  and  taught  that  there  is  but  one  supreme  Grod 
and  Lord  of  the  universe,  he  at  the  same  time  admitted  inferior 
and  subordinate  gods,  namely,  the  false  gods  of  his  countrymen,  and 
was  of  opinion,  as  his  own  conduct  fully  testified,  that  adoration 
and  sacrifices  were  to  be  oiFered  to  them.  This  was  his  capital  error 
and  fault.  For,  either  he  believed  in  the  divinity  of  these  infe- 
rior deities,  or  he  did  not.  In  the  first  case,  he  divided,  and,  by 
dividing,  destroyed  the  divine  nature.  In  the  second,  he  paid 
to  mere  creatures,  known  as  such  by  himself,  the  homage  of 
supreme  worship  and  adoration  due  only  to  the  Creator,  and  thus 
incurred,  in  either  case,  the  guilt  of  polytheism  or  idolatry. 

Still,  as  this  was  no  crime  in  the  judgment  of  a  heathen  peo- 
ple, the  Athenians  afterwards  lamented,  with  bitter  regret,  their 
injustice  towards  Socrates.  Some  authors  relate  that,  at  the  ex- 
hibition of  one  of  the  tragedies  of  Euripides,  in  which  the  hero 
of  the  piece,  called  Palamedes,  had  been  destroyed  by  a  foul 
calumny,  the  whole  assembly,  remembering  Socrates,  melted  into 
tears,  when  the  actor  came  to  the  verse, 

"You  doom  the  justest  of  the  Greeks  to  perish." 

The  whole  city  was  for  a  time  a  scene  of  aflliction  and  mourn- 
ing; nay,  among  his  accusers,  Melitus  was  singled  out  to  suffci 
capital  punishment,  and  the  others  were  banished.  Finally,  the 
Athenians,  not  satisfied  with  these  marks  of  their  grief,  passed 
from  one  extreme  to  the  other,  from  prejudice  and  envy  to  a  feel- 
ing of  religious  veneration  for  Socrates.  They  not  only  erected 
a  splendid  statue  of  brass  in  his  honor,  but  placed  it  in  one  of 
the  inost  conspicuous  parts  of  the  city ;  and  the  man  whom  they 

*  Ancient  History,  vol.  iv,  p.  149. 


8.0.401—309.        CYRUS  HIE  YOUNGER,  ETC.  185 

bad  condemned  as  an  impious  criminal,  they  now  began  to  honor 
as  a  hero  and  a  demi-god. 

Never  had  any  philosopher  more  numerous  or  more  illustrious 
iliseiples  than  Socrates  had  in  Athens  :  Plato  and  Xenophon,  not 
to  mention  others,  would  suffice  to  confer  immortal  honor  on  their 
iiuister.  This  is  not  the  place  to  dwell  on  the  merit  of  these 
distinguished  men ;  their  names  will  recur  again,  and  with  more 
propriety,  in  the  sequel. 

EXPEDITION  OF  CYRUS    THE   YOUNGER.— RETRExVT   OF  THE 
TEN  THOUSAND.— B.  c.  401-399. 

After  the  death  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  and  of  two  other 
kings,  his  sons  and  successors,  who  reigned  but  a  very  short  time, 
tlie  throne  of  Persia  was  occupied  by  their  brother,  Darius  No- 
thus,  during  the  space  of  nineteen  years  (b.  c.  424-405).  The 
prominent  feature  of  this  new  reign  was  an  almost  continual 
series  of  intrigues  at  court,  and  revolts  in  the  provinces. 

Nothus,  having  died  towards  the  end  of  the  Pelopounesian 
war  (b.  c.  405),  was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Artaxerxes, 
surnamed  Mnemon  from  his  excellent  memory.  But  he  had 
another  son  possessed  of  great  talents  and  of  still  greater  ambi- 
tion, the  famous  Cyrus,  surnamed  the  Younger,  whom  he  had 
invested  with  the  government  of  all  Lesser  Asia.  This  young 
prince,  not  satisfied  with  his  portion,  began  to  indulge  in  the 
most  culpable  and  audacious  projects.  Having  raised  an  army 
of  about  a  hundred  thousand  barbarians  and  thirteen  thousand 
Greeks,  he  set  out,  at  their  head,  from  the  city  of  Sardis,  and 
advanced  into  the  heart  of  his  brother's  dominions,  with  the 
desperate  resolution  of  depriving  him  of  his  crown  and  his  life 

Artaxerxes,  on  his  part,  had  mustered  a  force  of  nine  hundred 
thousand  men,  and  was  advancing  in  good  order  against  his  foes. 
The  two  armies  met  at  Cunaxa,  in  the  country  of  Babylon.  The 
battle  had  scarcely  commenced,  when  Cyrus,  perceiving  his  bro- 
ther in  the  centre  of  the  Persian  troops,  uttered  a  loud  cry,  and 
urged  his  horse  in  that  direction,  accompanied  by  a  few  attend- 
ants. "With  desperate  fury  he  killed  or  put  to  flight  all  who 
opposed  his  passage,  ajid  having  approached  the  king,  wounded 
him  severely,  but  was  himself  wounded  both  by  the  king  and  by 
other  Persian  warriors,  and  fell  dead  on  the  spot ;  thus  paying 
with  his  life  the  forfeit  of  his  lawless  ambition. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Greeks  of  his  army  had  attacked  the 
multitude  of  barbarians  to  whom  they  were  opposed,  and  put 
them  in  complete  disorder.     In  vain  did  Artaxerxes,  who  oamo 

16* 


186  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

to  this  part  of  tlie  field  after  his  victory  over  Cyrus,  rally  his 
troops,  and  lead  them  again  to  the  charge ;  they  \rere  again  put 
to  flight  by  that  small  but  intrepid  band  of  warriors.  Thus  the 
Greeks  were  completely  victorious.  However,  after  the  fall  of 
the  young  prince  for  whom  they  fought,  their  exertions  had  no 
longer  any  object,  and  it  became  their  evident  interest  to  make  a 
speedy  return  to  their  country.  They  immediately  set  out  on  theii 
homeward  march,  though  by  a  different  road.  After  a  few  daysj 
the  peril  of  their  situation  was  unexpectedly  and  dreadfully  in- 
creased  by  the  loss  of  their  chief  officers ;  these  unhappy  men, 
being  drawn  into  a  snare,  through  the  perfidious  agency  of  a  Per- 
hian  general  who  pretended  to  be  their  friend,  were  all  made 
prisoners  and  put  to  death  without  mercy. 

This  sad  event  placed  the  Greeks  in  a  most  gloomy  condition. 
They  found  themselves  reduced  to  the  number  of  ten  thousand, 
without  generals,  without  guides,  without  provisions,  and  at  the  dis- 
tance of  nearly  fifteen  hundred  miles  from  Greece,  hemmed  in  by 
deep  rivers,  and  surrounded  by  enemies.  At  the  sight  of  so  many 
dangers,  their  distress  was  extreme.  Still  Xenophon,  one  of 
their  number,  succeeded  by  his  eloquent  exhortations  in  raising 
their  drooping  spirits,  and  persuaded  them  to  proceed  courage- 
ously in  their  march,  after  having  first  appointed  new  leaders. 
Himself  and  four  others  were  chosen  for  this  office.  The  troops 
committed  themselves  with  implicit  reliance  to  their  guidance, 
and  set  out  again,  fully  determined  to  open  a  passage  through 
every  enemy. 

They  were  made  to  advance,  first  in  the  form  of  a  square  bat- 
talion, and  then  in  two  columns,  with  the  baggage  between  them, 
and  some  bodies  of  reserve.  For  want  of  boats,  they  could  not 
pass  the  Tigris  and  the  Euphrates,  till,  by  marching  towards  the 
north  for  many  days,  they  reached  the  mountains  of  Armenia, 
where  these  two  great  rivers  take  their  rise.  During  this  time, 
they  were  often  compelled  to  fight,  either  against  the  Persians 
who  pursued  them,  or  against  the  inhabitants  of  tbo  countries 
through  which  they  passed.  A  thousand  other  difficulties  and 
obstacles  continually  impeded  their  progress,  such,  for  instance, 
as  deep  and  rapid  streams,  mountains  and  defiles,  desert  places, 
hunger  and  thirst,  rain,  cold,  and  snow  sometimes  to  tb<^  depth 
of  five  or  six  feet,  etc.  The  Greeks,  by  their  patience,  constancy, 
and  valor,  overcame  all  these  obstacles,  and,  at  the  close  of  about 
four  months,  reached  the  Grecian  colonies  near  the  Euxine  sea. 
They  thence  proceeded  towards  the  Hellespont,  and  as  far  as  the 
city  of  Pergamus,  where  they  enlisted  themselves  among  tho 
troops  of  Thymbron,  the  general  of  the  Lacedaemonians,  who 


B.C.  899— 887.  A3ESILAUS,  ETC.  187 

^  preparing  to  march  against  the  Persian  satraps  Tissaphernes 
.,  :,1  Pharnabazus. 

The  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand  Greeks  has  always  been  con- 
gitlcrcd  a  perfect  model  in  the  art  of  warfare,  and  one  of  the  mosi 
glorious  exploits  recorded  in  military  annals ;  indeed,  no  enter- 
prise could  have  been  commenced  with  more  boldness  and  valor 
or  conducted  with  more  prudence  and  success.  Numberless,  ai 
we  have  just  seen,  were  the  dangers  which  attended  their  march 
through  so  many  hostile  nations ;  yet  they  returned  victorious 
and  triumphant  to  their  own  country.  Long  after,  when  An 
tony,  the  famous  Roman  general,  was  pursued  in  nearly  the 
same  provinces  by  a  Parthian  array,  finding  himself  in  the  like 
perilous  situation,  he  exclaimed,  through  admiration  of  theii 
invincible  courage  :  "  0  the  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand  I"  The 
Greeks  themselves  were  taught  by  the  success  of  this  admirable 
retreat,  to  have  still  greater  confidence  in  their  strength  and  con- 
tempt for  their  enemies  than  they  had  before.  They  could  now 
look  forward,  with  well-founded  hope,  to  the  time  when  they 
would  be  able  to  overthrow  the  Persian  empire. 


GREAT  QUALITIES  AND   EXPLOITS    OF  AGESILAUS.— LEAGUE 
AGAINST  SPARTA.— PEACE  OF  ANTALCIDAS.— b.  c.  399-387. 

This  consciousness  of  superior  ability  was  increased  in  the 
minds  of  the  Greeks  by  new  victories  over  the  Persians,  whose 
policy  during  the  long  struggle  between  Sparta  and  Athens  had 
been  to  favor  the  two  parties  in  succession,  the  more  surely  to 
weaken  both.  It  was  principally  by  their  assistance  that  the 
Lacedtemonians  were  at  length  enabled  to  crush  the  power  of 
the  Athenian  republic ;  but  the  Persians  were  now  to  reap  the 
bitter  fruit  of  this  ungenerous  conduct,  and  to  tremble  for  their 
own  territory.  A  very  singular  circumstance  in  this  series  of 
events  was,  that  the  fresh  losses  which  they  experienced  were 
inflicted  by  that  very  nation  whose  preponderance  over  all  Greece 
their  partiality  had  promoted :  Agesilaus,  the  Spartan  king,  was 
in  their  regard  another  Themistocles  or  Cimon,  destined  to  hum- 
ble again  the  mighty  sovereign  of  Persia. 

The  mind  of-  Agesilaus  was  as  great  and  noble  as  his  bodily 
appearance  was  mean.  Although  he  was  lame  and  of  small  sta- 
ture, his  courage,  his  wisdom,  his  ability,  his  constant  compli- 
ance with  the  laws,  and  his  zeal  for  the  interests  of  his  country, 
rendered  him  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  kings  of  Lacedaemou. 
Unfortunately,  his  ambition  equalled  his  valor,  and  subsequently 


188  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  IV. 

involved  Sparta  m  great  difficulties.  Being  charged,  in  the  be- 
ginning, to  pursue  the  war  against  the  Persians,  after  it  had  been 
carried  on  for  a  time  by  Thymbron  and  Dercyllidas,  he  had  no 
sooner  taken  the  command  of  the  army,  than  he  showed  what 
&n  able  general  may  effect,  when  he  has  previously  known  how 
to  gain  the  esteem,  confidence  and  affection  of  his  troops.  Everj^ 
thing  yielded  to  the  vigor  or  prudence  of  Agesilaus.  He- restored 
good  order  and  tranquillity  in  the  Grecian  colonies  of  Lesser 
Asia,  defeated  the  Persian  generals,  took  many  of  their  citieSj 
and  carried  off  an  immense  quantity  of  spoils. 

So  many  glorious  achievements  were  performed  by  Agesilaus 
within  the  short  space  of  two  years.  Ilis  military  fame  was  now 
60  great,  that  it  already  spread  terror  throughout  the  provinces 
of  Upper  Asia ;  deputies  came  from  all  sides,  to  make  alliance 
with  him,  and  fresh  bodies  of  troops  continually  arrived  to  join 
and  increase  his  army.  Encouraged  by  this  great  success,  he 
seriously  thought  of  going  forward  to  attack  the  Persian  monarch 
in  the  very  centre  of  his  dominions.  But  just  at  that  time,  he 
received  a  message  requiring  his  immediate  return  for  the  defence 
of  his  own  nation,  whose  power  was  more  than  ever  threatened 
by  a  terrible  and  perilous  war.  He  instantly  obeyed,  and  coa- 
tented  himself  with  saying  that  he  was  driven  from  Asia  by  ten 
thousand  archers  of  the  king,  meaning  by  this  expression  Per, 
sian  coins,  having  an  archer  represented  on  one  side. 

This  remark  was  correct.  A  large  quantity  of  these  coins  had 
been  distributed  among  the  orators  and  other  influential  persons 
of  the  Grecian  states,  to  rouse  them  against  Sparta;  moreover, 
feelings  of  resentment  or  national  jealousy  made  them  anxious 
and  eager  to  humble  her  proud  supcKority.  Hence  a  powerful 
league,  consisting  of  the  Thebans,  the  Athenians,  the  Corin- 
thians and  the  Argives,  was  in  a  short  time  formed  against  the 
Lacedaemonians,  and  the  armies  immediately  took  the  field. 
Agesilaus,  on  his  return  from  Asia  Minor,  found  the  confede- 
rates encamped  in  tha  Boeotian  plains,  near  Chasronea.  Here,  a 
fierce  and  well-contested  battle  took  place,  in  which  each  party 
had  the  advantage  in  one  part  of  the  field,  and  was  conquered  iu 
the  other.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  result  was  decidedly 
favorable  to  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  enabled  them  to  preserve, 
for  some  years  longer,  their  superiority  by  land  over  their  cp 
ponents. 

But  they  were  not  so  fortunate  by  sea.  Of  the  Athenian 
leaders  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the  Peloponnesian 
war,  Conon  yet  remained,  a  man  of  great  energy  and  courage, 
skilful  in  finding  out  resources,  and,  notwithstanding  his  frequent 


I 


899—387.  AGISILAUS,  ETC.  189 


nlures,  justly  esteemo-i  an  able  admiral.  In  the  battle  of  JEg'W 
Potamos,  he  had  escaped  with  nine  vessels  from  the  grasping  hand 
of  Lysander.  Having  retired  to  the  court  of  Evagoras/king  of 
iSalamis  in  Cyprus,  he  watched  from  that  place  the  vicissitude 
;of  events,  and  the  various  occasions  that  might  present  them- 
Belves  to  retrieve  the  misfortunes  of  Athens.  He  at  last  found 
what  he  desired  in  the  hostile  feeling  of  the  Persians  against 
the  Lacedaemonians,  which  had  been  so  much  excited  by  the  at- 
tacks of  the  latter. 

When  the  moment  had  arrived  for  the  continental  league  of 
Ihe  Greeks  to  be  put  into  operation,  Conon,  supported  by  Phar- 
Dabazus,  the  Persian  satrap,  obtained  from  King  Artaxerxes  a 
I  Dowerful  fleet  to  act  in  the  same  cause.  This  armament  was 
:  placed  under  the  command  of  both  Pharnabazus  and  Conon. 
They  immediately  went  in  search  of  the  enemy,  and  met  him 
near  Cnidus,  a  maritime  city  of  Caria.  The  naval  force  of  the 
Lacedaemonians,  although  inferior  to  that  of  the  Persians,  was 
however  considerable ;  hence  Pysander,  their  admiral,  a  brother- 
in-law  of  Agesilaus,  did  not  decline  the  combat,  nay  he  displayed 
in  it  a  truly  Spartan  valor,  even  at  the  cost  of  his  life.  But  no- 
thing could  resist  the  extraordinary  efforts  of  Conon,  who  cap- 
tured many  galleys,  sunk  others,  and  compelled  the  rest  to  seek 
safety  in  flight  (b.  c.  394). 

This  brilliant  victory  deprived  Sparta  for  ever  of  the  superi- 
ority by  sea,  and  also  detached  from  her  most  of  her  Asiatic 
allies,  some  of  whom  declared  for  the  Athenians,  whilst  others 
proclaimed  their  independence.  Hence  the  battle  of  Cnidus 
proved  a  terrible  blow  to  the  Lacedaemonians.  From  that  time, 
i  they  made  but  feeble  efforts  in  Asia ;  their  subsequent  success 
on  one  side  was  often  counterbalanced  by  heavy  losses  on  the 
other,  and  their  power  soon  declined  even  by  land,  till  its  pre- 
ponderance was  completely  lost  in  the  disastrous  battles  of  Leuc- 
tra  and  Man  tinea. 

Athens,  on  the  contrary,  was  now  enabled  to  recover  a  great 
i  portion  of  her  former  ascendency.  After  the  battle  of  Cnidus, 
the  two  victorious  admirals,  Pharnabazus  and  Conon,  ravaged 
without  opposition  the  coasts  of  Laconia;  the  satrap,  then  return- 
ing to  his  government  of  Phrygia,  left  the  fleet  under  the  direction 
of  his  colleague,  and  furnished  him,  besides,  with  large  sums 
of  money  for  the  complete  re-establishment  of  Athens.  Conon, 
crowned  with  glory,  and  possessed  of  every  facility  to  carry  out 
his  designs,  revisited  that  city  without  delay.  He  was  received 
with  enthusiasm  by  the  citizens:  but  he  himself  experienced 
feelings  of  mingled  exultation  and  sorrow,  exultation  on  behold- 


190  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  17. 

ing  again  his  beloved  country  after  so  long  an  absence,  and  sor- 
TOW  at  the  sight  of  the  sad  condition  of  a  place  once  so  flourishing. 
He  lost  not  a  moment,  but  instantly  began  to  rebuild  the  walls 
and  fortifications  of  Athens,  and  emiDloyed  in  this  important  work 
not  only  masons  and  professed  workmen,  but  likewise  the  othei 
citizens,  the  sailors,  the  soldiers,  even  the  allies,  and  generally 
all  persons  favorably  disposed  towards  the  undertaking.  Bj 
these  means,  and  by  a  striking  change  in  human  events,  a  citj 
which  the  Persians  had  formerly  destroyed,  was  restored  to  its 
ancient  splendor  by  their  willing  co-operation  both  in  men  and 
money ;  and  this  restoration  was  effected  in  spite  of  the  hostile 
feelings  of  the  LacedaDmonians,  formerly  its  friends  and  allies.* 
By  these  untiring  exertions  of  Conon,  Athens  again  resumed  a 
high  rank  in  the  list  of  nations,  and  became  nearly  as  formidable 
as  ever  to  her  enemies. 

The  Lacedaemonians  again  betrayed  their  alarm,  with  then 
usual  jealousy,  at  this  return  of  prosperity  in  a  rival  state. 
Rather  than  suffer  their  pre-eminence  to  slip  from  their  hands, 
they  had  recourse  to  base  or  iniquitous  measures  in  order  to  pre- 
serve it ;  but  in  this  also  their  hopes  were  soon  frustrated.  Ona 
of  their  movements  covered  them  with  everlasting  disgrace,  and 
another,  besides  the  dishonor  attached  to  it,  became  the  occasion 
of  their  severest  losses. 

The  first  was  the  famous  treaty  of  peace  concluded  by  theii 
plenipotentiary  Antalcidas  with  the  king  of  Persia.  The  terms 
of  this  treaty  were,  that  the  Greek  cities  in  Asia,  with  the 
islands  of  Clazomena  and  Cyprus,  should  belong  to  the  king; 
that  the  other  Grecian  states  generally,  whether  great  or  small, 
should  be  left  free  and  independent ;  and  that  such  as  refused  to 
embrace  the  peace,  should  be  compelled  to  do  so  by  force  of 
arms  (b.  c.  887). 

It  was  plain  that,  by  receiving  these  conditions,  the  Spartans 
agreed  to  take  a  foreign  power  for  the  arbiter  of  Greece.  They 
again  reduced  to  a  state  of  bondage  the  cities  for  whose  liberty 
Agesilaus  had  fought.  In  a  word,  they  surrendered  the  glorious 
advantages  which  the  victories  of  Themistocles  and  Cimon  had 
extorted  from  the  Persian  court.     The  other  Greeks,  and  espen!- 

*  Fatum  illud  Athenarum  fuit,  ut  ante  a  Persis  crematie,  manibua 
eorum,  et  nunc  a  Lacedsemoniis  dirutae,  ex  spoliis  Lacedaemoniorum 
restituerentur :  versa  quoque  vice,  nunc  haberent  socios,  quos  tunc 
liostes  habuerant;  et  hostes  nunc  paterentur,  cum  quibus  juncti  tuno 
orctissimis  societatis  vinculis  fuerant. — Justin,  b.  vi,  c.  5.  See  also 
Plutarch,  in  his  life  of  Agesilaus ;  Corn,.  Nepos  in  Conon ^  ch.  4;  aiulr 
Xenophun's  Affairs  of  Greece,  b.  iv,  ch.  8, 


J 


I 


882— 8C3.  THEBAN  WAR.  191 

felly  the  ThcLaus,  were  fully  sensible  of  the  disadvantages  of 
uch  a  peace;  yet,  because  they  were  unable  to  resist  the  com 
incd  forces  of  Persia  and  Sparta,  they  all  sooner  or  later  acceded 
>  the  treaty.  S^ch  was,  for  the  present,  the  unhappy  though 
ural  fruit  of  their  endless  dissensions. 


THEBAN  WAR.*— B.  c.  3p-363j 

Another  disgraceful  step  which  the  Lacedasmonians  took  for 
:hc  purpose  of  securing  their  power,  was  the  fraudulent  occupa- 
tion of  the  citadel  of  Thebes.  The  loud  compl^nts  occasioned 
by  this  violation  of  the  treaty  of  peace  were  of  no  avail;  four 
hundred  Thebans  found  themselves  under  the  necessity  of  with- 
drawing from  the  town,  and  retiring  to  Athens  for  protection 
and  refuge  (b.  c.  382).  The  situation  of  Thebes  appeared  des- 
perate  as  to  its  liberties,  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  the  power  of 
Sparta  seemed  established  more  firmly  than  ever.  Still,  the  libe- 
ration of  the  one  and  the  fall  of  the  other  were  at  hand ;  Thebes 
itself  was  destined  by  Providence  to  crush  the  haughty  pre-emi- 
nence of  the  Lacedaemonians,  and  render  their  late  act  of  injus- 
tice and  oppression  the  chief  cause  of  their  disasters. 

The  latter  city  possessed  at  that  time  two  men  of  uncommon 
merit,  viz. :  Pelopidas  and  Epaminondas.  The  first,  who  was 
still  young  and  the  only  heir  of  an  opulent  family,  spent  his  for- 
tune, not  in  expensive  dress  and  luxurious  living,  but  in  assisting 
the  needy  and  distressed,  showing  by  this  noble  conduct  that  he 
was  not  the  slave,  but  the  true  master  of  his  riches.  The  second, 
through  choice,  lived  in  honorable  poverty.  He  was,  at  the 
I  same  time,  grave,  magnanimous,  valiant,  prudent,  modest,  temper- 
ate, and  so  much  attached  to  truth,  that  he  would  never  utter  a 
falsehood,  even  iji  jest.f  Both  of  them  were  able  statesmen,  skil- 
ful generals,  devoted  citizens,  in  a  word,  the  heroes  of  their  age,  and 
I  actuated  by  the  noblest  principles  of  patriotism.  Far  from  being 
I  envious,  they  were  so  full  of  esteem  for  each  other,  that  their 
intimacy  lasted  during  their  whole  life,  and  rendered  their  united 
services  and  talents  eminently  useful  to  their  native  country. 
Such  appeared,  from  the  beginning  of  their  public  career,  tha 
two  illustrious  men  who  not  only  delivered  Thebes  from  opprcs- 

*  From  Xenophon's  Affairs  of  Greece,  b.  v-vii; — Plutarch's  lives  of 
Agesilaus  amd  Pelopidas ; — Corn.  Nepos,  mAgesil.,  Pelop.,  andUpam.; — 
Justin,  b.  vi,  c.  7,  8. 

f  Erat  modestus,  continens,  prudens,  gravis,  peritus  belli,  forti» 
manu,  animo  maximo;   adco  veritatis  dil'gens,  ut  nejoco  quidem  Dien 


192  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  VaetIV. 

sion  and  tfie  tyranny  of  powerful  usurpers,  but  also,  by  their 
glorious  achievements,  raised  it  to  the  very  first  rank  among  the 
cities  of  G-reece. 

Pelopidas  was  one  of  those  whom  the  Lacedaemonian  party 
had  driven  from  Thebes,  and  obliged  to  withdraw  to  Athens. 
Here,  having  assembled  his  fellow-exiles,  he  impressed  upon 
them  the  necessity  of  making  a  bold  and  decisive  effort  towards 
the  liberation  of  their  oppressed  countiy.  As  Thrasybulus 
had  formerly  set  out  from  Thebes,  to  suppress  and  destroy 
the  tyrants  of  Athens,  so,  said  he,  should  they  go  from  Athens, 
to  suppress  and  destroy  the  tyrants  of  Thebes.  All  readily  as- 
sented to  this  proposal  of  Pelopidas.  They  set  out  with  him, 
and  having  entered  the  city  at  dusk  and  in  disguise,  marched 
towards  the  house  where  the  magistrates  appointed  by  Sparta 
were  assembled  to  partake  of  a  splendid  supper. 

A  few  moments  before  the  conspirators  reached  that  place,  a 
messenger  arrived,  bringing  to  the  magistrates  letters  containing 
a  circumstantial  account  of  the  whole  conspiracy.  This  messen- 
ger had  been  directed  to  tell  them  that  the  contents  of  the  letters 
were  of  the  most  serious  nature,  and  demanded  immediate  atten- 
tion :  "  Serious  affairs  to-morrow,"  exclaimed  the  first  of  the 
magistrates ;  and  both  himself  and  the  other  guests  continued  to 
eat  and  drink,  even  to  excess.  It  was  no  difficult  task  for  the 
assailants,  who  surprised  them  in  that  state,  to  put  them  to  the 
sword.  JDuring  the  following  days,  the  Thebans,  encouraged  by 
Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas,  and  aided  by  several  bodies  of^ 
Athenian  and  Boeotian  troops,  besieged  the  citadel  with  great 
vigor,  and  obliged  the  Lacedaemonian  garrison  to  capitulate 
before  any  assistance  could  be  received.  Scarcely  had  the  ph 
been  evacuated,  when  the  expected  succor  arrived ;  but  it  was^ 
too  late,  and  Thebes  was  now  ready  to  make  Sparta  pay  the  for- 
feit of  her  injustice  (b.  c.  378). 

War  therefore  was  openly  declared.  The  first  hostilities  con- 
sisted in  private  encounters,  which  naturally  had  no  decisive 
result,  and  yet  proved  very  advantageous  to  the  Thebans,  by  ren- 
dering them  still  more  hardy,  intrepid,  and  experienced  warriors 
than  they  were  before.  It  was  true,  moreover,  that  commonly 
they  came  off  victorious  from  these  partial  engagements.  Hence 
the  Spartan  Antalcidas,  one  day  seeing  Agesilaus  returning 
wounded  from  his  campaign  in  Boeotia,  said  to  him  :  "  Truly 
you  are  well  paid  for  teaching  the  Thebans  to  fight,  when  they 
had  neither  inclination  nor  sufficient  skill  for  it."  Though,  to 
speak  properly,  the  Thebans  were  not  instructed  by  Agesilaus, 
but  by  those  prudent  generals  whom  they  had  placed  at  their 


J.  0. 882—863.  THEBAN  WAR.  193 

lead;  who  led  tliem  to  the  field,  inured  them  to  the  labors  of  a 
riilitary  life,  and  improved  every  favorable  opportunity  to  ani- 
uato  them  by  new  success. 

Pclopidas  was  eminently  qualified  for  this  kind  of  warfare.  He 
Ic  featcd  several  parties  of  Lacedaemonians  at  Platsea,  ThespisD, 
iiul  Tanagra.  But  his  character  was  principally  raised  by  the 
•Minbat  of  TegyriX),  which  was  a  sort  of  prelude  to  the  battle  of 
Lcuctra ;  for  none  of  the  other  commanders  could  lay  claim  to 
iny  share  in  the  honor  of  the  day,  nor  had  the  enemy  any  prc- 

t  to  cover  the  shame  of  their  defeat.  As  he  was  returning 
u  Orchomenus  to  Tegyrae  with  some  cavalry,  and  the  battalion 
A  young  Thebans  called  the  sacred  band,  he  suddenly  met  a 
party  of  Lacedaemonians,  three  times  as  numerous  as  his  own. — 
•'  We  have  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands,"  exclaimed  a  Theban. — 
"  And  why,"  replied  Pelopidas,  ^'should  we  not  rather  say  that 
they  have  fallen  into  ours  ?"  His  hopes  were  fully  realized:  the 
little  troop  under  his  command  fought  so  valiantly,  that  their 
opponents,  however  brave  themselves,  were  repeatedly  put  to 
flight,  and  dispersed  with  dreadful  slaughter. 

The  Spartans  had  never  before  been  conquered  in  a  regular 
figlit,  whenever  they  brought  to  the  &e\d  an  equal,  and  much 
loss,  when  they  brought  a  superior  number  of  troops.  But  on 
this  occasion  the  reverse  had  happened ;  and  the  battle  of  Te- 
gvrae  plainly  proved  that  pre-eminence  of  valor  was  no  longer  on 
their  side. 

The  battle  of  Leuctra  contributed  most  to  ruin  both  their 
political  and  their  military  superiority.  The  two  parties  had  at 
length  determined  to  come  to  a  decisive  engagement,  although, 
indeed,  their  forces  were  very  unequal  in  number.  The  army 
cf  the  Lacedaemonians,  commanded  by  King  Cleombrotus,  con- 
sisted of  twenty -four  thousand  foot  and  sixteen  hundred  horse ; 
the  Thebans  had  only  four  hundred  horse  and  six  thousand  foot, 
just  one-fourth  of  the  Spartan  army;  but  all  of  them  were  excel- 
lent troops,  determined  to  conquer  or  to  die-,  and  full  of  confidence 
in  their  accomplished  generals,  Epaminondas^  the  commander-in- 
chief,  and  Pelopidas,  the  leader  of  the  sacred  band. 

The  arrangement  of  the  Theban  force  for  the  battle  was  made 
ill  a  masterly  manner.  It  was  the  design  of  Epaminondas,  as 
SDon  as  the  cavalry  would  commence  the  conflict,  to  advance  with 
a  dense  battalion  of  his  choicest  men,  and  attack  in  person  the 
Lacedaemonian  phalanx,  confident  that,  if  he  could  once  break 
through  it,  the  rest  of  their  army  would  give  him  but  little  trouble 
The  battle  therefore  was  begun  by  th^  cavalry.  As  the  Theban 
horse,  though  far  less  numerous,  were  better  and  hardier  than 

17 


194  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

the  Lacedaemonian  cavalry,  the  latter  did  not  stand  the  attack, 
but  were  forced  back  upon  their  infantry,  which  they  threw  into 
disorder.  Epaminondas,  following  close  upon  them,  fell  with  all 
the  strength  of  his  heavy  battalion  upon  the  Spartans  commanded 
by  King  Cleombrotus.  The  latter,  to  make  a  diversion,  detached 
a  body  of  troops  with  orders  to  attack  Epaminondas  in  flank ;  bat 
Pelopidas,  seeing  this  movement,  advanced  with  incredible  speed 
and  boldness  at  the  head  of  the  sacred  band  to  prevent  the  ene- 
my's  design,  and  flanked  Cleombrotus  himself,  who,  by  that  sud- 
den and  unexpected  attack,  found  his  plan  completely  frustrated. 
Yet,  the  conflict  was  fierce  and  obstinate,  and,  as  long  as  the  king 
lived,  the  victory  remained  in  suspense ;  when  he  fell,  the  Lace- 
daemonians, unable  any  longer  to  resist  the  weight  of  the  enemy, 
were  compelled  to  retire.  Although  they  succeeded,  by  prodi- 
gious eff'orts,  in  carrying  off  the  body  of  their  leader,  they  could 
not  succeed  in  restoring  the  combat.  Their  rout  was  irretrievable, 
their  defeat  entire,  with  a  greater  loss  than  they  had  ever  expe- 
rienced; for  they  left  four  thousand  of  their  bravest  troops  on 
the  field  of  battle,  whereas  the  Thebans  did  not  lose  above  three 
hundred  men.  Thus  was  the  fatal  blow  given  to  the  power  of 
Sparta  and  to  her  superiority  in  Greece,  a  superiority  which  sho 
had  held  during  nearly  five  hundred  years  (b.  c.  871). 

The  victory  of  the  Thebans  drew  over  to  their  party  a  multitude 
of  allies,  who  before  this  period  sided  with  the  Lacedsemonians. 
Their  victorious  army,  within  the  space  of  one  year,  increased  to 
the  number  of  seventy  thousand  men,  of  whom  the  Thebans 
themselves  were  but  one  twelfth  part ;  Epaminondas  advanced  at 
their  head  into  the  enemy's  territory,  and,  invading  Laconia, 
subdued  and  plundered  it  as  far  as  the  river  Eurotas.  He  even 
reached  the  suburbs  of  Sparta,  and  challenged  the  Lacedemonians 
to  a  new  battle,  though  for  reasons  of  deep  policy,  that  is,  not  to 
dissatisfy  the  rest  of  Greece,  he  did  not  attempt  to  force  them  to 
it,  nor  to  reduce  their  city  by  assault.  He  contented  himself 
with  taking  every  other  kind  of  efficient  measures,  to  humble 
their  pride  and  cripple  their  power.  * 

*  This,  Epaminondas  himself  pointedly  expressed,  by  saying  that  hoS 
had  reduced  the  Spartans  to  the  necessity  of  lengthening  their  monoA 
syllables;  a  significant  allusion  to  the  peremptory  character  of  thei** 
manners  and  language,  particularly  in  the  hour  of  prosperity. — It  i$ 
true,  even  during  their  decline,  they  did  not  altogether  lay  aside  the  use^, 
of  that  concise  and  laconic  style  ;  the  contrary  is  certain  from  facts,  an4l 
they  soon  after  employed  it  again  in  a  very  forcible  manner  against 
Philip,  king  of  Macedon.  This  prince  had  threatened  them  in  a  let- 
ter, that,  "if  he  once  entered  their  territory,  he  would  destroy  eyerj^ 
tiling  in  it  with  fire  and  sword."     The  answer  of  the  Lacedeemonia"** 


BO.  882--S68.  TFTEBAN  WAR  195 

Iq  all  these  glorious  achievements,  EpamiiionJas  was  ably 
seconded  by  Pelopidas ;  both  of  them,  indeed,  but  especially  the 
former,  gained  imperishable  laurels  and  attracted  universal  admi- 
ration. King  Agesilaus,  on  the  contrary,  being  shut  up  within 
the  precincts  of  Lacedaemon,  had  the  bitter  mortification  to  seo 
all  the  surrounding  country  overrun  by  the  Thebans,  and  to  wit- 
ness, with  his  own  eyes,  the  full  practical  refutation  of  what  he 
himself  had  frequently  said,  "  that  no  Spartan  woman  ever  saw 
the  smoke  of  an  enemy's  camp." 

When  the  generals  of  the  Theban  army  returned  from  their 
liiilliant  campaign,  they  were  arraigned  before  a  high-court  of 
justice  and  tried,  for  having  kept  the  command  of  the  troops  » 
little  long(3r  than  they  were  permitted  by  law.  Pelopidas  did  no> 
defend  his  cause  with  that  courage  and  firmness  which  he  usuall} 
displayed  on  the  field  of  battle;  hence,  he  was  not  without  diffi 
culty  acquitted  by  his  judges.  Epaminondas  acted  in  a  very 
dificrenrt  manner.  He  appeared  before  the  tribunal  with  a  firm 
■  countenance,  and  spoke  with  dignity.  Instead  of  stooping  to  an 
apology  for  the  great  things  he  had  done,  he  began  to  relate  and 
extol  them  in  a  strain  of  animated  eloquence ;  saying  that  he 
would  die  with  pleasure,  if  it  should  be  stated  in  the  verdict 
against  him,  "  that  he  was  condemned  to  death  by  the  Thebans 
for  having  obliged  them  to  conquer  the  Lacedaemonians  at  Leuctra; 
for  having,  by  this  single  victory,  not  only  saved  his  nation  from 
utter  ruin,  but  even  secured  the  liberties  of  all  Greece ;  for  having 
carried  the  victorious  arms  of  Thebes  to  the  very  gates  of  Sparta, 
and  made  the  Spartans  tremble  for  their  safety;  in  fine,  for 
having  restored,  in  their  neighborhood,  the  strength  of  the  Mes- 
senians,  their  former  and  irreconcilable  enemies." 

These  words  of  the  Theban  hero  excited  the  laughter,  and  at 
the  same  time,  the  admiration  of  the  whole  assembly.  All  the 
votes  were  in  his  favor  ;  and  he  returned  from  his  trial  as  he  was 
accustomed  to  return  from  battle,  with  additional  glory  and  uni- 
versal applause. 

Epaminondas  had  already  evinced  his  unshaken  magnanimity 
on  another  grand  occasion,  previous  to  the  battle  of  Leuctra.    All 

was  the  single  monosyllable  if! — an  ingenious  reply,  and  a  master- 
piece of  conciseness,  far  more  comprehensive  than  the  longest  letter. 
Still,  the  remark  of  Epaminondas  about  this  haughty  people  was,  in 
another  sense,  perfectly  correct ;  he  in  fact  obliged  them  by  his  victories 
to  alter  their  pretensions,  tone,  and  language,  and  to  have  recourse  to 
humble  as  well  as  lengthy  discourses  and  negotiations,  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  the  assistance  of  their  former  adversaries  and  rivals 
against  ihe  Thebans,  at  tliat  lime  thei*  formidable  enemies. 


198  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IY 

the  states  of  Greece,  and  the  Thebans  themselves,  had  sent  depU' 
ties  to  Lacedaemon,  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  their  differences 
and  treating  of  peace.  The  chief  question  to  be  settled  between 
them  was,  whether  Sparta  should  submit  to  set  free  the  cities  of 
Laconia,  and  Thebes  the  cities  of  Boeotia,  in  accordance  with  the 
treaty  of  Antalcidas,  mentioned  above  (p.  190).  Epaminondas, 
being  one  of  the  ambassadors,  easily  saw  that  the  other  deputies 
were  awed  by  the  presence  of  Agesilaus  ;  he  alone  preserved  a  be-  . 
coming  dignity  and  freedom  both  in  his  manner  and  his  proposals. 
Full  of  a  noble  assurance,  1-ie  made  a  speech  in  favor  not  only  of 
the  Thebans,  but  of  Greece  in  general,  and  showed  that  the  peace 
should  be  founded  upon  justice  and  equality,  because  then  only 
would  it  be  durable,  when  all  were  put  upon  an  equal  footing. 

Agesilaus,  perceiving  that  the  Greeks  listened  to  him  with 
wonder  and  great  attention,  asked  him  "  whether  he  thought  it 
just  and  equitable  that  the  cities  of  Boeotia  should  be  declared 
free  and  independent."  Epaminondas,  with  great  readiness  and 
spirit,  answered  him  by  asking  in  his  turn,  "  whether  he  thought 
it  reasonable  that  the  cities  of  Laconia  should  be  declared  inde- 
pendent and  free."  Agesilaus,  incensed  at  this  retort,  started 
up,  and  insisted  upon  his  answering  ^^  whether  he  agreed  to 
perfect  independence  for  Boeotia;" — and  Epaminondas  replied aa 
before,  by  asking  "  whether  he  also  agreed  to  perfect  independence 
for  Laconia."  The  Spartan  king,  exasperated  in  the  highest 
degree,  and  glad  of  a  pretext  against  the  Thebans,  struck  theii ' 
name  from  the  treaty,  and  declared  against  them  that  war  which, 
quite  contrary  to  his  hopes,  led  to  so  important  results  in  theii 
behalf. 

The  magnanimity  of  Epaminondas  shone  forth  in  every  circum-^ 
stance  of  his  life.  Being  once  appointed  by  his  fellow-citizens  to 
an  humble  office,  he  rendered  it  honorable  by  the  dignified  man- 
ner with  w^hich  he  discharged  its  various  obligations.  Again, 
when  they  deprived  him  for  a  time  of  the  office  of  commander-in- 
chief,  he  readily  served  as  a  private  among  the  troops,  and  even 
thea  signalized  himself  by  so  many  splendid  actions,  that  the 
Thebans,  repenting  of  their  injustice,  soon  replaced  him  at  tho 
head  of  their  armies.  With  these  noble  feelings  and  dispositions 
he  united  modesty,  filial  piety,  and  the  other  amiable  virtues  of 
domestic  life.  A  contemporary,  extolling  his  merit,  said,  ''  that 
he  had  never  seen  a  man  who  knew  more  and  spoke  less  thani 
Epaminondas  did."  After  the  battle  of  Leuctra,  whilst  he  wal^ 
an  object  of  admiration  for  others,  and  received  congratulationa 
from  all  sides,  he  was  heard  to  say  :  "My  own  joy  arises  from: 
the  anticipation  of  that  which  the  news  of  my  success  wil]  giv«) 


B.  C.  382 — 3G3.  THEBAN   WAll.      '  lOt 

to  my  father  and  mother."  It  is  peciliarl*  .'n'or^^sting  to  find 
sentiments  like  these  amidst  the  turmoils  of  politir'al  strife  and 
all  the  bloody  scenes  of  war. 

Pelopidas  also,  on  his  part,  continued  his  successful  exertions 
for  the  glory  of  Thebes.  Being  appointed  thirteen  timen  JT-overnor 
of  Boeotia,  he  caused  his  nation  to  be  respected  abroad  tbronghout 
the  north  of  Greece,  in  Thessaly,  and  even  iu  the  kingdom  of 
Macrdon  ;  and  this  he  effected  not  less  by  the  reputation  of  his 
integrity  and  wisdom  than  by  his  valor.  But  bis  admirable  talent 
for  negotiation  appeared  to  the  greatest  advantage  at  the  court  of 
Persia,  in  the  affairs  of  central  and  southern  Greece. 

The  Lacedaemonians,  humbled  by  their  defeat  and  apprehensive 
of  new  dangers,  applied  for  succor  to  those  whom  they  before 
held  as  their  greatest  enemies,  the  Athenians  and  the  Persians. 
To  form  a  confederacy  against  Thebes  with  greater  certainty  of 
success,  ambassadors  were  sent  from  Athens  and  Sparta  to  King 
Artaxerxes  ^Inemon  ;  whilst  the  Thebans,  to  counteract  this 
design,  deputed  Pelopidas,  nor  could  they  have  made  a  better 
choice.  His  renown  had  preceded  his  arrival  in  Persia,  He  no 
sooner  entered  the  territory  of  that  empire,  than  he  was  uni- 
versally known  and  revered,  and  the  king  himself  received  him 
with  extraordinary  honors.  What  was  still  more  important,  Pelo- 
pidas convinced  Artaxerxes  that  the  interest  of  the  Persians  re- 
quired them  to  protect,  not  the  Athenians  and  Spartans,  their 
almost  constant  foes,  but  rather  the  Thebans,  who  had  never 
been  their  enemies,  and  who  might,  in  behalf  of  Persia,  form  an 
equilibrium  between  the  other  two  republics.  Hence  he  obtained 
what  he  desired :  "  that  Messenia  should  remain,  contrary  to  the 
Spartan  interest,  a  perfectly  free  and  independent  state  ;  that  the 
Athenians  should  no  longer  infest  the  Boeotian  coast  with  their 
galleys :  and  finally,  that  the  Thebans  should  be  reckoned  the 
king's  hereditary  friends." 

To  the  honor  of  so  much  success  in  his  negotiation,  Pelopidas 
added  the  merit  of  disinterestedness.  Whilst  the  other  ambassa- 
dors willingly  received  every  kind  of  present  from  Artaxerxes,  he, 
on  the  contrary,  declined  the  still  more  splendid  presents  that 
were  offered  to  him,  and  accepted  only  a  few  tokens  of  the  royal 
favor  and  regard,  such  as  he  could  not  refuse  without  offending 
the  Persian  monarch.  This  embassy  was  consequently  honoraale 
to  Pelopidas  in  every  respect. 

The  embers  of  war,  which,  owing  to  the  incidents  just  related, 
had  been  smothered  for  a  time,  again  burst  forth  after  a  few  years 
with  increased  violence.  The  question  now  to  be  decided  by  the 
Bword   was,  which  of  the  two  parties  should  have  the  soverignty 

17* 


198  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pakt  IV. 

of  Peloponnesus.  The  Thebans,  having  assembled  their  forces, 
again  entered  the  hostile  territory  under  their  favorite  leader 
Epaminondas;  and  this  general  occupied  a  strong  position  at  Te- 
gea,  in  order  to  attack  the  Mantineans,  who  had  been  unfaithful 
to  the  alliance  of  Thebes.  Being  informed  that  Agesilaus  was 
coming  to  their  relief  at  the  head  of  the  Spartans,  the  idea  sug- 
gested itself  to  him  that  Sparta  itself  might  be  taken  by  sur 
prise.  He  immediately  advanced  towards  it  by  a  road  different 
from  that  taken  by  Agesilaus.  Nothing  indeed  was  more  likely 
than  that  the  place,  in  this  defenceless  state,  would  at  the  first 
onset  fall  into  his  hands.  Happily  for  Sparta,  some  Cretan  or 
Thespian  ran  to  give  notice  of  his  intention  to  Agesilaus,  who 
had  just  time  to  retrace  his  steps  and  reach  the  city  before  Epami- 
nondas. 

The  Theban  leader,  finding  himself  baffled  in  this  attempt, 
returned  to  the  neighborhood  of  Man  tinea;  here  also  his  enemies 
had  taken  their  position,  so  that  both  parties  began  to  prepare 
for  battle.  Epaminondas,  who  intended  to  make  it  a  decisive  one, 
took  every  precaution  to  ensure  success.  The  Spartans  and  their 
allies  were  not  less  determined  to  do  their  duty.  Hence  eyery 
thing  foreboded  a  terrible  conflict,  the  more  so  as  the  Greeks  had 
never  fought  among  themselves  with  more  numerous  armies ;  foi 
the  Lacedaemonians  amounted  to  more  than  twenty  thousand 
infantry  and  two  thousand  cavalry ;  whilst  the  Theban  cavalrji 
amounted  to  three  thousand,  and  their  infimtry  to  thirty  thousand. 
From  these,  Epaminondas  selected  a  body  of  choice  troops,  and 
formed  them  into  a  dense  column,  in  order  to  make  with  them 
an  irresistible  attack  on  the  Lacedaemonian  infantry. 

By  his  orders,  the  Theban  and  Thessalian  cavalry,  then  the 
best  in  Greece,  commenced  the  battle.  The  enemy's  cavalry 
made  a  brave,  but  short  and  ineffectual  resistance ;  unable  to  with- 
stand the  onset  of  the  Thebans,  they  retired,  w^ith  great  loss, 
behind  their  battalions.  In  the  mean  time,  Epaminondas  with 
his  infantry  had  charged  the  Lacedaemonian  phalanx.  The  troops 
fought  on  each  side  with  undaunted  bravery,  both  the  Thebans 
and  the  Lacedaemonians  being  resolved  to  perish  rather  than  yield 
the  victory  to  their  rivals.  They  began  by  fighting  with  their 
spears,  and  when  these  weapons  were  broken  in  the  fury  of  the 
combat,  they  rushed  to  close  conflict  with  their  swords. 

The  attack  and  the  resistance  were  equally  obstinate ;  the  car- 
nage was  frightful  on  both  sides;  yet  victory  still  remained  in 
huspense,  till  Epaminondas,  to  make  it  declare  in  his  favor,  thought 
it  his  duty  to  make  an  extraordinary  effort  without  regard  to  the 
iianger  of  his  life.     Gathering  round  him  the  bravest  and  most 


I 


B.C.  382—363.  TIIEBAN  WAR.  199 

(letermincd  warriors,  he  made  with  them  so  vigoicus  a  charge, 
thut  the  Lacedasinonians,  unable  to  withstand  the  shock,  began 
to  waver  and  retire.  The  phahmx  was  at  length  broken.  The 
(>tlier  Thcban  troops,  animated  by  their  general's  example  and 
siucess,  renewed  likewise  their  efforts,  and  assailed  the  enemy  on 
(he  right  and  left  with  great  slaughter.  At  that  decisive  moment, 
whilst  Epaminondas  continued  to  fight  with  the  most  heroic  valor, 
iio  received  a  mortal  wound  in  the  breast  from  a  javelin  which 
pierced  his  cuirass.  He  immediately  fell  in  the  sight  of  all.  The 
battle  raged  with  redoubled  fury  about  the  dying  hero,  one  side 
making  every  effort  to  take  him  prisoner,  the  other  to  rescue  him 
from  their  grasp;  the  Thebans  gained  their  point,  and  bore  away 
their  leader,  after  having  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 

They  did  not  pursue  the  vanquished  far,  but  contented  them- 
selves with  preserving  their  late  position.  Their  cavalry  also, 
dismayed  by  the  terrible  accident  which  had  just  happened,  de- 
sisted from  the  pursuit;  and  even  one  of  their  detachments  was 
put  to  the  sword  by  the  enemy's  left  wing,  composed  of  x\theuians. 
Still,  victory  undoubtedly  belonged  to  the  Thebans,  since  they 
had  defeated  both  the  cavalry  and  the  main  body  of  the  other 
troops  of  their  opponents,  and  moreover  remained  masters  of  the 
field. 

Epaminondas  had  been  carried  into  the  camp.  The  surgeons, 
after  examining  the  wound,  declared  that  he  would  expire  as  soon 
us  the  dart  would  be  extracted.  These  words  filled  all  present 
with  sorrow  and  affliction ;  they  were  overwhelmed  with  grief  to 
behold  so  great  a  man  about  to  die,  and  to  die  without  issue.  As 
fcr  him,  his  only  concern  was  about  his  arms  and  the  success  of 
the  battle.  When  they  showed  him  his  shield,  he  kissed  it  as  the 
faithful  companion  of  his  dangers  and  exploits;  and,  being  in- 
formed that  the  Thebans  were  victorious,  he  said  with  a  placid 
("uutenance :  *^I  have  lived  long  enough,  since  I  die  unconquered. 
I  leave  Thebes  triumphant,  proud  Sparta  humbled,  and  Greece 
delivered  from  the  yoke  of  servitude.  As  to  the  rest,  I  do  not 
look  on  myself  as  dying  without  issue ;  Leuctra  and  Mantinea 
nrc  two  illustrious  daughters,  that  will  not  fail  to  keep  my 
name  alive,  and  to  transmit  it  to  posterity.''  Having  said  this, 
he  drew  the  javelin  from  the  wound,  and  immediately  expired 
(B.  c.  363). 

Only  one  year  before,  Pelopidas,  during  a  new  expedition 
against  a  Tliessalian  prince,  had  likewise  fallen  at  the  momoni 
and  expired,  as  it  were,  in  the  arnrs  of  victory. 


200  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  /       Part  IV 

GENERAL  STATE  OF  GREECE  AT  THE  CLOSE 
THEBAN  WAR. 

5'iiE  glory  of  Thebes,  for  which  she  was  indebted  to  Pelopidas 
and  Epaminondas,  departed  from  her  with  these  illustrious  men. 
The  latter,  especially,  a  man  of  universal  talent  and  the  most 
conspicuous,  in  Cicero's  opinion,*  that  ever  appeared  in  Greece, 
had  raised  his  nation  to  the  summit  of  fame  and  prosperity;  with 
him  that  prosperity  suddenly  disappeared.  As  a  dart,  whose, 
point  is  broken,  can  no  longer  inflict  a  wound,  so  the  Thebans, 
deprived  of  this  eminent  leader,  were  no  longer  formidable  to 
their  enemies,  and  their  power  seemed  annihilated  by  the  death 
of  Epaminondas.f — Shortly  after  tlie  battle  of  Mantinea,  the 
Thebans  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  with  most  of  the  Grreciaa 
states,  relapsed  into  their  former  obscurity,  and  were  afterwards 
famous  only  for  their  disasters. 

But  the  Lacedsemonians  on  their  part  had  irrevocably  lost  their 
power  over  Greece.  The  defeats  of  Leuctra  and  Mantinea  had  so 
humbled  them,  that  tliey  never  could  regain  their  ascendency; 
nor  could  all  the  talent  and  undaunted  spirit  of  Agesilaus  repair 
the  evil  consequences  of  his  ambition  and  obstinacy.  Besides 
these  reverses,  the  internal  constitution  of  the  Spartan  people  had 
begun  to  undergo  some  alterations,  especially  since  the  introdu 
tion  of  the  use  of  gold  and  silver  among  them  by  Lysander, 
Other  changes  followed ;  the  national  character  gradually  disa 
peared;  and  the  Lacedaemonians,  more  and  more  shorn  of  theiJ 
strength,  except  during  one  reign  to  be  afterwards  mentioned,  no 
longer  accomplished  any  thing  very  remarkable  or  worthy  of  their 
previous  reputation. 

The  Athenians  also  had,  since  the  time  of  Cimon  and  Pericles, 
greatly  degenerated  from  their  pristine  vigor.  They  retained,  it 
is  true,  sufficient  courage  to  gain  many  laurels  during  the  Theban 
war,  and  sufficient  generosity  or  political  foresight  and  prudence 
to  act  as  auxiliaries  in  behalf  of  the  weaker  side,  that  is,  of  the 
Thebans  in  the  beginning,  and  of  the  Spartans  in  the  end  of  this 
protracted  conflict.  All  that  time,  the  Athenians  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  possessing  excellentofficersof  their  own  nation,  such  as 
Chabrias,  Iphicrates,  and  Timotheus,  the  son  of  the  illustrious 
Conon.     But  when  these  able  leaders  disappeared  from  the  busjf 

*  Acad.  QucBst.  1.  i,  n.  4. 

I  Sicuti  telo  si  prim  am  aciem  prsefregeris,  reliquo  ferro  vim  nocend: 
sustuleris ;  sic  illo,  velut  mucrone  teli,  ablato  duce  Thebanoruir,  re: 
quoque  publicae  vires  hebetatse  sunt;  xit  non  tam  ilium  amisisse,  quair 
cura  illo  ir.teriisse  omues  viderentur. — Justin,  b.  vii,  c  8. 


ICt' 


EELIGION  OF  THE  GREEKS.  201 

scene  of  life,  Athens  again  experienced  various  losses,  and  whilst 
its  inhabitants  indulged  more  than  ever  in  a  spirit  of  levity  and 
idleness,  several  cities  and  islands  subject  to  them  asserted  their 
independence. 

So  many  dissensions  and  wars  produced  their  disastrous  though 
natural  effect.  All  Greece  found  itself,  in  consequence  of  them, 
much  weakened,  distracted,  and  exposed  to  pass,  if  an  occasion 
presented  itself,  which  soon  happened,  under  the  control  of  some 
ambitious  and  powerful  neighbor. 


RELIGION,  MANNERS,  AND  INSTITUTIONS  OF 
GREECE. 

"We  have  thus  gone  through  the  most  interesting  period  of 
Greek  history;  a  period  comprising  nearly  a  century  and  a  half, 
from  the  year  B.  c.  500  to  the  year  b.  c.  360.     We  will  now  de- 

'  scribe,  in  a  few  words,  the  characteristic  fea^ares  of  a  country  and 
people  so  justly  celebrated  in  the  annals  of  antiquity.  Of  their 
political  and  social  character,  their  love  of  glory  and  liberty, 
their  valor  and  other  natural  endowments  and  qualifications,  the 
reader  may  have  already  formed  a  competent  idea  in  the  preced- 
ing pages.     Their  literary  character  and  wonderful  proficiency  in 

'  the  fine  arts  have  likewise  been  mentioned.  We  have  yet  to 
speak  of  their  religion,  national  manners,  institutions,  and  philo- 
sophical schools. 

§  I.  RELIGION  OF  THE  GREEKS.— ORACLES. 

^^^The  religion  of  the  Greeks  was  polytheism  or  a  belief  in  many 
'  gods,  with  its  usual  attendant,  idolatry  or  supreme  worship  paid 
'  to  idols ;  for,  as  we  learn  from  both  sacred  and  profane  authors,* 
the  Gentiles  believed  their  idols  to  be  animated  by  some  virtue, 
spirit,  or  divinity.  The  principal  deities,  whose  worship  the 
Greeks  received  from  the  Egyptians  and  Phenicians,  and  in  their 
turn  communicated  to  others,  were  Saturn,  the  father  of  Jupiter, 
Neptune,  and  Pluto ;  Jupiter,  supposed  to  be  the  greatest  god, 
the  god  of  Olympus  or  heaven,  and  the  principal  ruler  of  the 
earth ;  Neptune,  the  god  of  the  sea ;  Pluto,  the  god  of  Tartarus 
or  hell;  then  Mars,  the  god  of  war;   Apollo,  the  god  of  poetry; 

♦  Jercm.  ii,  27 ; — Daniel  xiv,  5,  23.  Diogen.  Laert.  in  Stilpony  - 
Pausanias,  b.  iii,  ch.  16;  and  others  quoted  by  St.  August.  De  Civu  V 
Dei,  lib.  viii,  c.  23,  24 


'202  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV. 

Mercuriiis,  the  god  of  eloquence,  etc.,  with  a  iLultitude  of  demi- 
gods, or  heroes  of  their  early  times.  To  all  these,  and,  under 
their  name,  to  personified  vices,  and  to  the  demon  himself,  the 
chief  author  of  so  deplorable  a  superstition,  did  the  heathens 
offer  sacrifice  and  adoration.  This  evil,  it  is  true,  was  common 
to  most  of  the  ancient  nations;  but  the  Greeks  were  the  first  to 
embellish  that,  absurd  system  with  all  the  brilliancy  of  imagina- 
tion and  all  the  charms  of  poetry.     . 

Another  peculiarity  of  their  religion  was  an  implicit  confi- 
dence in  oracles,  especially  that  of  Apollo  at  Delphi.  Here  a 
priestess  was  regularly  appointed  to  return  answers  in  behalf  of 
those  who  came  to  censult  the  Oracle,  though  she  could  not  do 
so,  unless  when  under  the  exciting  influence  of  a  certain  vapor 
which  came  forth  from  the  sanctuary  of  Apollo.  When  this 
happened,  her  hair  stood  erect;  her  look  was  ghastly;  she  foamed 
at  the  mouth ;  her  whole  body  was  agitated  by  violent  convul- 
sions; in  a  word,  she  evinced  all  the  symptoms  of  mania  and 
frenzy,  contrary  to  the  mild,  grave,  and  dignified  bearing  of  the 
true  prophets.  In  that  state,  she  uttered,  at  intervals,  some 
half-articulated  words,  which  the  attendants  carefully  collected 
and  arranged,  so  as  to  elicit  a  meaning, 

The  characteristic  feature  of  these  oracles,  at  least  in  reference 
to  future  events,  was  equivocation  and  obscurity ;  so  that  the 
same  answer  might  be  equally  applied  to  different  objects.  To 
use  the  words  of  an  illustrious  doctor  of  the  church,  S.  Jerora, 
in  his  comment  on  the  prophets :  "  If  it  appears  to  any  one  that 
many  things  were  predicted  by  the  idols,  let  him  boar  in  mind 
that  they  always  blended  lies  with  the  truth,  and  so  worded  their 
answers,  that,  whatever  should  happen,  whether  good  or  bad,  it 
might  be  said  with  equal  reason  to  have  been  foretold."*  By 
this  means,  the  evil  spirits,  who  cannot  have  a  certain  knowledge 
of  future  contingencies,  covered  their  own  ignorance,  and  im- 
posed on  the  credulity  of  their  deluded  worshippers. 

Thus,  when  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia  (see  p.  99),  consulted  the 
oracle  of  Delphi  about  the  result  of  his  intended  war  against 
Cyrus,  he  received  for  answer  that,  if  he  were  to  cross  the  river 
Halys,  he  would  ruin  a  great  empire : 

Croesus,  Halym  penetrans,  magnam  subvertet  opum  vim. 

Which  empire  ?  His  own  or  that  of  Cyrus  ?  This  was  left  to 
be  guessed  by  Croesus  himself.  He  naturally  gave  to  the  oracle 
the  construction  most  favorable  to  his  wishes ;  but  he  failed,  was 
conquered,  and  the  kingdom  of  Lydia  was  overthrown.     Still, 

*  S.  Jerom,  on  the  42d  eh.  of  Isaias.  W 


MANNERS    OF   THE   GREEKS.  208 

even  in  this  case,  the  assertion  was  right,  since  a  great  empire 
was  really  destroyed. 

The  same  must  be  said  of  the  answer  given  by  the  oracle  to 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus  : 

Aio  te,  iEacida,  Roinanos  vmcere  posse. 
Which  signifies  either  that  Pyrrhus  might  conquer  the  Komans, 
or  that  the  Romans  might  conquer  Pyrrhus ;  an  answer  that  re- 
quired no  aid  from  an  oracle. 

How  great  the  difference  between  these  ambiguous  oracles, 
and  the  clear,  unequivocal,  and  positive  predictions  of  the  inspired 
prophets,  Moses,  Isaias,  Jereraias,  Daniel,  etc.  !  God  himself 
has  deigned  to  mark  this  difference  in  Holy  Writ,  when  he  says : 

"  Bring  your  cause  near,  saith  the  Lord show  the  things 

that  are  to  come  hereafter ;  and  we  shall  know  that  ye  are  gods."* 
And  in  another  place  :  "  I  am  God,  and  there  is  no  God  beside, 
neither  is  there  the  like  to  me  :  who  show  from  the  beginning 
the  things  that  shall  be  at  last,  and  from  ancient  times  the 
things  that  as  yet  are  not  done,  saying :  My  counsel  shall  stand; 
and  all  my  will  «b:ill  be  done."f 

£  II.  NATIONAL  MANNERS  OF  THE  GREEKS.— SOLEMN  GAMES. 

The  Greeks,  notwithstanding  the  peculiarities  of  their  different 
states,  were  bound  together  by  many  social  ties,  which  produced 
and  maintained  among  them  a  deep  feeling  of  nationality.  Such 
were  the  natural  boundaries  of  Greece,  the  similarity  of  their 
government  and  laws,  their  equal  love  of  liberty,  the  council  of 
the  Amphictyons,  etc. 

Nothing,  perhaps,  contributed  more  effectually  to  strengthen 
these  ties  than  the  regular  celebration  of  public  and  solemn 
games  in  various  parts  of  Greece.  Games  of  this  kind  were, 
among  the  ancients,  a  part  of  the  public  worship ;  but,  among 
the  Greeks,  they  were,  moreover,  a  school  of  dexterity,  a  nursery 
of  courage,  a  means  of  emulation  in  every  bodily  exercise,  a 
theatre  for  the  display  of  mental  acquirements,  and  finally,  one 
of  the  prime  movers  of  their  social  life.  Bearing  thus  the 
character  of  both  religious  and  national  festivities,  and  being 
celebrated  with  the  utmost  magnificence,  they  attracted  from  all 
sides  an  immense  concourse  of  spectators;  and,  in  order  that 
they  might  'oe  carried  on  with  perfect  tranquillity,  there  was, 
during  the  time  of  their  celebration,  a  general  suspension  of 
arms  and  cessation  of  every  hostility  throughout  Greece. 
*  Isa.  xli,  21,  23.  |   Isa   dvi,  9,  10. 


204  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV. 

These  soicnm  games  were  four  in  number,  viz. :  the  Pythiany 
kept  at  Delphi  every  four  years,  in  honor  of  Apollo;  the  Nemeaiij 
so  called  from  the  town  of  Nemea  in  Peloponnesus,  and  kept 
every  other  year,  in  honor  of  Hercules ;  the  Isthmian,  from  the 
Corinthian  isthmus,  kept  every  four  years,  in  honor  of  Neptune : 
and  the  Olympic  games,  the  most  celebrated  of  all,  also  kept 
every  four  years,  at  Pisa  or  Olympia,  a  Peloponnesian  city,  ia 
honor  of  Jupiter. 

The  persons  destined  to  contend  in  these  games,  and  especially 
in  the  Olympic  games,  were  called  athlets.  Before  appearing  [is 
such,  they  had  to  undergo  severe  trials  and  preparations  :  their 
diet,  in  particular,  was  very  austere ;  they  lived  upon  dry  figs, 
walnuts,  soft  cheese  and  coarse  bread,  and  were  totally  forbidden 
the  use  of  wine.  The  other  requisite  qualifications  to  become 
an  athlet,  were  to  be  of  Grecian  extraction,  of  free  condition, 
and  irreproachable  manners. 

The  various  kinds  of  contests  used  in  the  G-recian  games,  were 
wrestling,  boxing  with  a  leather  gauntlet  armed  with  iron  or 
lead,  throwing  a  heavy  disk  of  lead  or  copper,  and  racing,  either 
on  horseback  or  on  foot,  or  in  chariots.  The  last  was  the  most 
conspicuous  of  these  exhibitions,  and  kings  themselves  contended 
in  it  for  the  prize.  The  most  dangerous  was  boxing  with  the 
gauntlet,  especially  when  combined  with  wrestling,  in  which  case 
it  took  the  name  oi  Fancrativm ;  in  effect,  these  violent  exercises 
frequently  ended  in  the  maiming,  and  sometimes  even  in  the 
death  of  the  combatants. 

The  conqueror  in  any  of  these  games  was  crowned,  as  it  were, 
in  the  sight  of  all  Greece.  He  was  reconducted  to  his  country 
with  great  pomp,  and  entered  his  city,  not  by  one  of  the  gates, 
but  through  a  breach  purposely  made  for  him  in  the  city  walk 
During  the  remainder  of  his  life,  he  was  free  from  taxes  and 
supported  at  the  expense  of  the  public;  finally,  his  name  was 
celebrated  by  poets,  and  statues  were  erected  in  his  honor. 

Could  there  be  more  flattering  rewards  than  these  for  men 
who  knew  no  other  praise  than  the  praise  of  men  ?  Hence,  they 
imagined  nothing  more  desirable  than  a  victory  won  at  the 
Olympic  games,  and  thought  it  impossible  for  man  to  obtain 
greater  honor.  Unhappy  people,  not  to  have  understood  that  all 
is  frivolous  which  passes  with  time,  and  that  only  those  crowns 
which  will  last  for  eternity,  are  worthy  of  man's  esteem,  desire 
and  constant  exeitions. 


I 


GRECIAN   INSTITUTIONS,  &c.  205 


I  III.  GRECL\N  INSTITUTIONS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  PHILOSOPHY. 

No  country  was  ever  more  remarkable  thaa  Greece  for  ita 
philosophical  institutions  and  schools.  It  abounded  with  men 
of  great  mental  powers,  who,  with  more  or  less .  sincerity,  more 
v>y  less  success,  made  open  profession  to  love  and  seek  the  truth; 
\v'uence  came  their  name  oi  philosophers, —  friends  of  wisdom. 
\y hatever  might  be  their  motives  and  their  earnestness  in  the 
study  of  philosophy,  one  thing  at  least  is  certain,  namely,  that 
there  was  scarcely  any  attainable  truth,  physical  or  moral,  which 
they  did  not  make  the  object  of  their  researches,  of  their  medi- 
tations, of  their  disputes,  and  frequently  of  their  sophisms  and 
contradictions. 

The  most  ancient  of  those  real  or  imaginary  sages  who  became 
the  founders  of  distinct  sects,  was  Thales,  a  native  of  Miletus, 
without  doubt  a  great  philosopher  and  astronomer  for  his  time, 
yet  imbued  with  most  strange  notions,  so  far  as  to  believe  and 
assert  that  water  is  the  principle  of  all  things.  Next  came  Py- 
thagoras, another  great  man  in  maiiy  respects,  but  who  spread 
throughout  Greece  and  southern  Italy  the  absurd  dogma  of 
metempsychosis,  that  is  transmigration  of  souls  into  different 
bodies  of  men  or  animals  during  the  space  of  three  thousand 
years.  At  a  later  period  lived  Epicurus,  and  his  ill-famed  school, 
placing  man's  sovereign  happiness  in  sensual  gratifications,  as  if 
men  were  no  better  than  swine :  ^^Epicuri  de  grege  porcus." 

Another  pretended  philosopher,  Diogenes,  was  justly  surnamed 
the  Cpiic  (dog-like),  on  account  of  the  boldness  with  which  he 
trampled  under  foot  every  rule  of  decorum ;  finally,  Pyrrho,  who 
affected  to  doubt  every  thing,  and  pretended  not  to  know  even 
whether  he  was  awake  or  asleep. 

Socrates,  and  Plato  his  disciple,  taught  a  philosophy  much 
more  worthy  of  reasonable  beings.  We  have  already  spoken  at 
Bonie  length  of  Socrates  and  of  his  doctrines  :  as  to  Plato,  he  not 
only  equalled,  but  even  surpassed  the  reputation  of  his  master. 
His  writings,  it  is  true,  contain  several  errors ;  but,  independently 
of  the  surprising  beauties  of  style,  they  also  show  forth  a  variety 
of  truths  so  grand,  so  sublime,  in  a  word,  so  conformable  in  some 
respects  to  divine  revelation,  that  there  is  much  reason  to  believe 
that  he  was  indebted  for  then  to  the  inspired  writings  of  the 
Hebrews,  with  which  he  had  probably  become  acquainted  during 
his  travels  in  the  east.  As  he  delivered  his  lectures  in  a  beautiful 
spot  situated  near  Athens,  and  called  the  Academy,  his  disciples 
took  on  that  account  the  name  of  Academics. 

18 


200  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

The  most  illustricus  of  Plato's  disciples  at.is  Aristotle,  whom 
Plato  himself  called  the  soul  and  the  gem  of  his  audience.  Aris- 
totle became  afterwards  the  founder  of  another  celebrated  school, 
viz  :  the  Pe7npatetics,  thus  named  from  a  walk  in  the  Lycaeum, 
a  beautiful  place  in  Athens  adorned  with  porticos  and  gardens, 
where  that  philosopher  gave  his  instructions.  Quintilian  says 
that  he  does  not  know  what  to  admire  most  in  Aristotle,  his  ex- 
tensive knowledge  and  profound  erudition,  his  penetration,  the 
agreeableness  of  his  style,  or  the  multitude  and  variety  of  his 
writings. 

Shortly  after  Aristotle,  Zeno,  another  renowned  philosopher, 
established  the  sect  of  the  Stoics,  whose  appellation  v/as  also  de- 
rived from  the  place  (a  portico)  in  which  they  assembled.  Of 
all  the  schools  of  Grecian  philosophy,  the  Stoic  school  seemed  to 
be  the  most  favorable  to  morality,  fortitude,  and  noble  feelings. 
For,  whilst  the  Academics  and  Peripatetics  set  a  real  though 
secondary  value  on  health,  honor  and  fortune  ;  Zeno  maintained 
that  men  should  give  their  undivided  esteem  and  affection  to  vir- 
tue, in  whatever  rank  or  circumstance  they  may  be  found.  This 
principle,  if  faithfully  carried  out,  could  not  fail  to  have  a  salu- 
tary influence  ;  hence,  the  Stoic  school,  notwithstanding  its  errorn. 
on  several  points,  produced  many  great  men,  such  as  Panetius, 
the  master  and  friend  of  Scipio  the  Younger ;  Cato  Uticensis ; 
Epictetus  ;  the  emperor  Marcus-iVurelius,  etc. 

Most  of  these  philosophers  knew  the  dogma  of  the  unity  of 
God,  the  supreme  Lord  and  Ruler  of  the  universe  ;  but  they  had 
not  the  courage  openly  to  profess  it,  and  to  labor  in  turning  men 
from  idolatry.  They  were,  moreover,  totally  unacquainted  with 
spiritual  and  supernatural  goods ;  and  in  the  natural  and  moral 
order,  they  proposed,  it  is  true,  many  beautiful  maxims,  but  fre- 
quently blended  with  fal^e  principles,  or  a  false  application  of  the 
general  truths.  So  faint  was  the  light  of  reason  left  to  itself, 
even  in  the  greatest  geniuses  of  antiquity  !  So  little  fitted  were 
they  to  dispel  the  spiritual  darkness  which  covered  the  face  of 
the  earth,  and  which  kept  all  nations,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Jews,  in  the  region  of  the  shadow  of  death  !*  The  fall  of  idolatry 
vtas,  indeed,  to  take  place  ;  but  this  great  work  could  be  effected 
only  by  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  by  the  ministry  of 
Apostles  very  different  from  these  sages  who  "  detained  the  truth 
of  God  in  injustice,'^  and  gave  not  glory  to  their  Creator.f 

♦Matt,  iv,  16.  fRom  i,  18,  21. 


B.C.  449-338.  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH  207 

THE  KOMAN  COMMONWEALTH: 

FROM    THE    EXPULSION   OF    THE    DECEMVIRI    TO    THE    ENTIRE    SUBJECTION 
OF   THE    LATINS. — B.  C.  449 — 338, 

CENSORS,  QU^STORS,  AND  MILITARY  TRIBUNES. 

At  Rome,  the  expulsion  of  the  Decemviri,  besidea  restoring 
the  consular  and  tribunitial  power,  was  soon  followed  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  new  magistracies,  made  necessary  by  the  increasing 
exigencies  of  the  state.  The  office  of  censor  was  one  of  these  new 
institution!i_(B.  c.  442).  The  Censors  were  invested  with  power 
to  take,  every  five  years,  the  census  of  the  Roman  people,  and  to 
strike  from  the  list  of  any  tribe  or  rank,  every  citizen,  knight  and 
even  senator,  who  had  given  considerable  subject  of  complaint 
by  the  irregularity  of  his  conduct.  For  this  reason,  the  Roman 
Censorship  became  one  of  the  most  important  offices  in  the  state. 
It  was  often  filled  by  men  of  great  merit,  such  as  Cato  the  Elder, 
Scipio  Nasica,  etc.,  and  proved,  for  a  long  time,  the  strongest 
support  of  the  laws,  and  the  best  guardian  of  justice,  morals  and 
public  decency. 

Shortly  after  the  institution  of  the  censorian  dignity,  the  num- 
ber of  Quaestors  or  treasurers  was  increased  from  two  to  four. 
The  functions  of  these  officers  had  hitherto  been  confined  within 
the  city  of  Rome  ;  by  the  increase  of  their  number,  the  sphere 
of  their  jurisdiction  was  enlarged.  Out  of  the  four  Quaestors, 
two  continued,  as  before,  to  reside  within  the  city  and  watch  over 
the  public  treasury,  revenue,  and  taxes ;  the  other  two  followed 
the  Roman  generals  and  consuls  at  the  head  of  the  troops,  to  have 
the  care  of  their  military  chest,  and  provide  for  the  subsistence 
of  their  armies. 

During  these  improvements  of  the  Roman  Constitution,  dis- 
putes continued  almost  without  intermission  between  the  two 
orders  of  the  state.  The  Plebeians  insisted  that  the  consuls  might 
be  chosen  from  their  own  order ;  the  Patricians  strongly  opposed 
this  motion,  yet  they  perceived  that  they  must  soon  yield  the 
point.  To  cover  their  perplexity  or  their  defeat,  they  themselves 
proposed  that,  instead  of  two  consuls,  three  military  tribunes, 
taken  from  either  order,  the  Patrician  or  the  Plebeian,  should  be- 
annually  appointed,  and  invested  with  consular  authority. 

The  people,  satisfied  with  their  advantage  and  the  acknow- 
ledgment of  their  claim,  acted  with  extreme  moderation.  Ac- 
knowledging in  their  turn,  that  superiority  of  talents  and  merit 
was  on  the  side  of  theii  opponents,  they  made  up  their  minds 


208  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

accordingly  in  tlio  clioice  of  the  military  tribunes,  and,  as  long  as 
ihis  new  form  of  magistracy  lasted  (b.  c.  444 — 366),  almost  in- 
variably gave  their  votes  to  the  Patricians.  ^^  Where/'  exclaims 
Livy,  ''  could  we  find  now  in  a  single  individual,  the  same  equity, 
modesty,  and  magnanimity,  which  were  then  found  in  a  whole 
nation  r"'* 

CONQUEST  OF  THE  CITIES  OF  VEII  AND  FALERIL 
B.  c.  396— 894.— CAMILLUS. 

It  was  under  the  military  tribunes  that  the  Koman  troops 
began  to  receive  a  salary  from  the  state.  As  this  regulation  had 
been  spontaneously  decreed  by  the  senate,  it  filled  the  people 
with  gratitude  and  joy.  Until  then,  the  soldiers  had  been 
obliged  to  provide  for  themselves,  and  to  subsist  at  their  own 
cost  during  every  campaign ;  and,  as  they  could  not  in  the  mean 
while  take  proper  care  of  their  farms,  this  onerous  service  was 
the  principal  cause  of  their  subsequent  debts  and  misery,  whenco 
arose  so  many  disturbances  threatening  the'safety  of  the  republic 
itself.  Moreover,  as  long  as  this  custom  lasted,  the  lionian 
armies,  might,  it  is  true,  gain  repeated  victories  over  their  sur- 
rounding foes,  but  they  could  not,  for  want  of  sufiicient  provisions, 
pursue  their  conquests  to  any  distance;  so  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  return  home  after  a  few  days,  or  at  most  a  few  weeks 
of  warfare. 

But  no  sooner  was  the  regular  pay  of  the  troops  established, 
than  military  expeditions  were  planned  upon  a  much  more  extensive 
scale,  and  such  as  could  not  be  thought  of  before.  The  first  un- 
dertaking of  this  kind  was  the  siege  of  Veil,  an  Etrurian  city 
and  the  capital  of  the  Veientes,  scarcely  inferior  to  Rome  itself 
in  extent,  population,  wealth  and  power.  On  this  occasion,  the 
Romans  used  a  mode  of  attack  hitherto  unheard  of  in  their  history. 
They  turned  the  siege  into  a  blockade,  having  drawn  two  lines 
of  intrenchments  round  the  city,  the  one  of  contravallation, 
against  the  sallies  of  the  garrison,  and  the  other  of  circumvallation, 
against  any  attempt  that  might  be  made  by  the  neighboring  tribes 
in  behalf  of  the  besieged.  Notwithstanding  these  precautions, 
and  in  spite  of  all  their  exertions  and  hardships  under  the  walls 
of  Yeii,  the  Romans  found  themselves  as  little  advanced  after 
the  lapse  of  nine  years,  as  they  were  at  the  commencement  of 
this  protracted  siege. 

Ultimate  success  might  have  proved  hopeless,  had  not  Furius 

*  Hanc  modesliam,  sequitatem,  et  altitudinem  anirai,  ubi  nunc  in  uno 
inveueris,  quae  tunc  j^opuli  universi  fuit  ? — Llvy,  b.  iv  c.  7. 


B.  0. 449-  338.  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH.  2o9 

Camillus  been  appoinled  to  the  piipreme  office  of  dictator  This 
illustrious  Roman  was  distinguished  alike  for  his  valor,  his  skill, 
and  the  experience  which  he  had  acquired  in  inferior  employments. 
As  soon  as  he  assumed  the  command  of  the  troops,  he  revived 
courage  and  discipline  among  them,  increased  the  fortifications 
of  their  camp,  defeated  the  allies  of  the  Veientes,  and  pressed  the 
dioge  of  Veii  more  than  ever.  Still,  as  he  perceived  the  great 
difficulty  of  taking  so  strong  a  city  by  storm,  he  caused  a  mine 
to  be  dug  by  his  troops,  extending  from  the  Roman  camp  to  the 
enemy's  citadel.  When  it  was  completed,  he  ordered  a  general 
assault  on  the  place.  Whilst  the  Veientes,  not  aware  of  their 
real  danger,  ran  to  the  different  parts  of  the  wall  in  order  to  repel 
the  assailants,  a  body  of  choice  soldiers  entered,  by  order  of  Ca- 
millus, the  subterranean  passage,  penetrated  into  the  citadel,  and 
thence  spread  through  the  city.  Some  attacked  the  garrison  from 
behind,  some  began  to  fire  the  houses,  whilst  others  hastened  to 
open  the  gates  of  the  town  to  their  fellow-soldiers.  In  a  few  mo- 
ments, this  mighty  capital  was  entirely  in  the  power  of  the  Ro- 
mans. The  quantity  of  spoils  which  they  found  in  it  was  beyond 
description,  and  the  dictator,  loaded  with  glory,  enjoyed  triumphal 
honors  suitable  to  the  importance  of  his  conquest  (b.  c.  396). 

Two  years  later,  the  same  Camillus  laid  siege  to  Falerii,  the 
capital  city  of  the  Falisci.  Here  he  effijcted  by  his  justice  and 
generosity,  what  ho  had  efi"ected  at  Veii  by  his  prudence  and 
valor.  One  day,  a  schoolmaster,  who  had  under  his  charge  the 
children  of  all  the  chief  families  in  Falerii,  led  them,  under  pre- 
tence of  exercise,  to  a  certain  distance  from  the  city,  and  be- 
trayed them  into  the  hands  of  the  Roman  general.  Camillus, 
fired  with  indignation  at  this  base  conduct,  exclaimed  :  "  Have 
we,  then,  taken  up  arms  against  children,  whom  we  spare  even 
in  the  storming  of  cities,  and  not  rather  against  men  who  have 
provoked  our  resentment,  and  who,  moreover,  can  defend  them- 
selves ?  God  forbid  that  I  should  avail  myself  of  this  base  offer 
of  a  traitor,  to  conquer  the  Falisci  I"  Having  said  this,  he  dis- 
missed the  perfidious  master,  and  obliged  him  to  return  to  the 
town,  with  his  hands  tied  behind  him,  and  under  the  incessant 
lashes  of  his  young  pupils.  This  act  of  humanity  and  justice  so 
moved  the  Falisci,  that  they  no  longer  hesitated  to  surrender  to 
BO  generous  an  enemy. 

Although  Camillus  had  already  achieved  so  much  for  the 
service  of  his  country,  he  was  accused  by  a  plebeian  tribune  of 
having  converted  to  his  own  use  a  part  of  the  spoils  taken  at 
Veii.  The  charge  was  groundless;  still  the  people  were  highly 
incensed  against  him.     Aware  of  the  danger,  Camillus,  rathei 

18* 


210  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  IV 

than  undergo  the  ignominy  of  an  unjust  condemnation,  went  into 
voluntary  exile,  and  retired  to  Ardea,  a  city  not  far  distant  from 
Rome.  His  mind,  on  this  occasion,  was  so  painfully  affected  by 
the  ingratitude  of  the  citizens,  that  he  expressed  a  wish  that 
some  great  misfortune  might  befall  them,  calculated  to  make 
them  regret  his  absence;  a  wish  far  less  noble  and  generous 
than  that  of  Aristides,  who,  on  a  similar  occasion,  prayed  to 
heaven  that  nothing  might  happen  to  the  Athenians  which 
might  cause  them  to  need  his  return  and  services. 


ROME  TAKEN  BY  THE  GAULS.— b.  c.  390. 


X* 


Camillus  had  scarcely  gone  into  exile,  when  the  inhabitants 
of  Clusium,  an  Etrurian  city,  being  besieged  by  a  formidable 
army  of  Gauls,  applied  to  the  Romans  for  succor.  Instead  of 
troops,  ambassadors  were  despatched  from  Rome,  for  the  purpose 
of  interceding  with  the  Gauls  in  behalf  of  the  besieged.  But 
these  deputies,  all  of  them  young  men  of  a  warlike  disposition, 
not  satisfied  with  their  pacific  commission,  began  to  fight  on  the 
side  of  the  Clusians,  and  in  a  sally  killed  a  Gaulish  chieftain. 
The  Gauls  were  highly  exasperated  by  this  violation  of  professed 
neutrality;  not  receiving  satisfaction,  they  abandoned  the  siege 
of  Clusium,  and  marched  towards  Rome  with  threats  of  ven- 
geance. They  met  the  Roman  army,  which  consisted  of  forty 
thousand  men,  near  the  small  river  Allia.  This  army,  com- 
manded by  unskilful  generals,  and  terrified  by  the  yells,  the 
stature  and  the  multitude  of  these  new  foes,  whose  number 
amounted  to  more  than  seventy  thousand,  did  not  sustain  even 
their  first  attack.  Both  officers  and  soldiers  fled  in  every  direc- 
tion. It  was  rather  a  rout  than  a  combat ;  a  rout  not  less  dis- 
astrous than  shameful,  on  account  of  the  great  slaughter  which 
was  made  of  the  fugitives. 

The  victorious  Gauls,  instead  of  closely  pursuing  their  advan- 
tage, spent  three  daj^sin  gathering  the  spoilsand  taking  unneces- 
sary precautious  against  imaginary  dangers.  This  delay  saved 
the  Roman  power  from  utter  destruction.  Those  who  were  able 
to  fight  had  time  to  withdraw  into  the  citadel,  with  a  supply  of 
arms  and  provisions ;  others  made  their  escape  to  the  neighbor- 
ing towns ;  and  there  remained  in  Rome  only  eighty  senators 
or  patrfcians,  far  advanced  in  vears,  who  devoted  themselves  as 
so  many  victims  to  be  immolated  for  their  country,  and  whom, 
in  fact,  the  Gauls  put  to  the  sword,  when  they  entered  the  city. 
Afterwards,  these  barbarians  fired  the  houses,  and  reduced  them 
to  ashes;  finally,  they  endeavored  to  storm  the  citadel. 


B.  c.  449—338.  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH.  211 

Being  repulsed  in  the  first  assault,  they  made  a  second  attack 
iduring  the  night,  and  were  so  far  successful  that  some  of  their 
number  reached  the  top  of  the  battlements,  without  being  heard 
by  the  sentinels,  or  even  bj  the  watch-dogs.  Had  the  Gauls 
remained  undiscovered  one  moment  longer,  the  ruin  of  the 
Romans  might  then  have  been  complete.  In  this  extreme  danger, 
the  sudden  gabbling  of  some  geese  and  the  flapping  of  their 
wings  awoke  Manlius,  a  patrician  of  consular  dignity  and  extra- 
ordinary courage ;  in  an  instant  he  sounded  the  alarm,  ran  to 
the  rampart,  and  drove  off  the  first  barbarians  whom  he  found 
ready  to  enter  the  citadel.  The  other  Romans  arrived,  and 
easily  overthrew  the  rest  of  the  assailants,  by  precipitating  them 
Irom  the  rock  on  which  the  citadel  was  built  into  the  precipice 
below. 

i  Still  this  transient  advantage  could  not  have  delivered  the 
country  from  its  invaders,  without  the  patriotic  exertions  of 
Camillus.  This  great  man,  now  an  exile,  but  generously  pre- 
vailing upon  himself  to  overcome  his  resentment  and  overlook  the 
wrongs  which  he  had  suffered,  hastened  to  assemble  troops, 
whether  Romans  or  allies,  to  fight  the  invaders.  He  came  to 
the  relief  of  the  capitol  at  a  very  critical  moment.  The  besieged, 
much  weakened  by  famine,  the  natural  consequence  of  a  block- 
ade of  six  months,  had  finally  agreed  to  treat  with  the  Gauls, 
and  were  actually  about  to  pay  a  considerable  sum  for  the 
preservation  of  their  liberty.  Before  this  transaction  was  com- 
pleted, Camillus  arrived,  and  perceiving  the  present  disgraceful 

I  state  of  things,  cried  out  that  by  steel  alone,  and  not  by  gold, 
was  Rome  to  be  recovered  from  the  hands  of  its  enemies.  He 
then  charged  with  great  vigor  the  astonished  Gauls,  obliged 
them  to  abandon  their  prey,  and  shortly  after,  in  a  decisive 
battle  fought  at  a  short  distance  from  Rome,  amply  revenged 

I  the  disaster  that  his  countrymen  had  suffered  on  the  banks  of 
the  AUia.* 

By  this  sudden  change  of  fortune,  the  Roman  power,  which 
appeared  on  the  point  of  being  extinguished  for  ever,  was  re- 

^  *  The  above  narrative  is  taken  from  Livy  (b.  v,  c.  49),  and  Plutarch 
I  (in  Camill.)  These  are  grave  authorities.  Still,  the  latter  part  of  their 
account  is  diflterently  related  by  the  learned  and  judicious  historian 
Poly  bins  (b.  i,  c.  1),  whose  testimony  in  this  particular  is  corroborated 
by  that  of  Justin  (b.  xliii,  c.  5).  According  to  Polybius,  the  agreement 
between  the  besiegers  and  the  besieged  was  fulfilled;  the  Romans  ac- 
tually gave  a  considerable  sum  for  their  ransom,  and  the  Gauls,  Avith 
the  money  in  their  possession,  returned  safely  to  their  own  territory. 
Livy  himself  acknowledges  (b.  vi,  c.  1)  that  the  early  history  of  Rome, 
till  the  Gaulish  invasion,  is  involved  in  great  obscui-ity. 


212  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  PaetIV 

vived,  as  it  were,  in  a  moment,  and  resumed  its  former  course 
of  success  and  prosperity.  Camillus  now  received  from  the 
gratitude  of  his  citizens  the  praise  which  he  deserved,  of  being 
the  father  of  his  country  and  the  second  founder  of  Kome.  By 
his  eloquent  exhortations,  added  to  the  power  of  religious  mo- 
tives, he  succeeded  in  diverting  the  people  from  removing  th^ir 
residence  to  Yeii,  and  the  Koman  city  was  rebuilt  on  the  spot 
it  had  formerly  occupied. 

PLEBEIAN  CONSULS.— PATRICIAN  ^DILES.— PR.ETORS. 

Rome  had  scarcely  emerged  from  its  ruins,  when  its  military 
strength  was  revived.  The  neighboring  states  vainly  endeavored 
to  take  advantage  of  its  recent  humiliation;  they  all  experienced 
again  the  superiority  of  its  arms,  particularly  when  the  lloman 
legions  were  led  to  the  field  by  the  great  Camillus.  They  were 
truly  invincible  under  him.  He  never  fought  a  battle  without 
coming  off  victorious,  and  never  besieged  a  city  without  making 
himself  master  of  it.  After  having  been  appointed  dictator  no 
fewer  than  five  times,  this  illustrious  lloman  died  at  a  very  ad- 
vanced age,  and  was  universally  regretted  (b.  c.  365). 

In  the  mean  while,  the  commonwealth  had  continued  to  be 
much  distracted  at  home  by  the  disputes  between  the  senate  and 
the  people.  For  a  long  time,  the  plebeians  asked,  through  their 
tribunes,  to  be  admitted  with  the  patricians  to  the  highest  offices 
in  the  state ;  they  at  length  carried  their  point,  and  were  con- 
sequently  allowed  to  be  candidates  for  the  dictatorial,  consular,  and 
censorian  dignity.  It  is  true  that,  in  order  to  indemnify  the  pa- 
tricians for  this  partial  loss  of  their  priveleges,  two  new  offices 
were  established  in  their  favor,  that  of  Praetor,  for  the  admin- 
istration of  justice,  and  that  of  Patrician  -^dite,  for  a  better 
superintendence  of  the  public  shows  and  buildings;  but  even 
these  offices  became,  in  the  course  of  time,  common  to  both 
orders  of  the  state. 

From  the  time  of  this  important  victory  of  the  people  wit) 
regard  to  the  first  magistracies  in  the  government,  the  consula 
was  revived,  and  the  military  tribuneship  abolished  for  eve: 
The  condescension  of  the  patricians  on  these  points  produced  at 
least  one  good  effect  —  it  restored,  in  some  measure,  civil  har- 
mony between  the  two  parties,  and  permitted  them  to  combine 
their  efforts  more  vigorously  than  ever  for  now  and  foreign  con* 
ruests. 


i 


i.e.  449- -3  38.  ROMAN  CO  MMONTVEALTII.  213 


I'INAL  AND   COMPLETE  SUBJECTION  OP    THE  LATIN  TRIBES 
TO  THE  ROMAN  POWER.— b.  c.  340—338. 

?  One  of  the  greatest  enterprises  that  now  claimed  the  attention 
of  the  Romans,  was  the  reduction  of  the  whole  country  in  their 
neighborhood,  called  Latium.*  Its  inhabitants  had  been,  for 
more  than  a  hundred  years,  the  allies  or  rather  the  vassals  of 
Home.  At  length,  wearied  with  a  state  of  inferiority  which  they 
looked  upon  as  degrading  to  their  nation,  they  laid  claim^  an 
equal  share  of  honor  and  authority  with  Rome  herself,  and 
boldly  demanded,  as  the  price  of  peace,  that  one  of  the  two 
consuls  and  one  half  of  the  senators  should  be  chosen  from 
among  the  Latin  people. 

To  these  haughty  proposals  no  other  answer  was  returned 
than  a  declaration  of  war.  The  two  consuls,  Manlius  Torquatus 
and  Decius  Mus,  immediately  took  the  field  at  the  head  of  their 
legions,  and  reached  the  neighborhood  of  Capua,  where  the 
Latins  and  their  allies  had  already  assembled.  As  the  two  armies 
were  nearly  equal  in  valor,  discipline  and  the  use  of  their 
weapons,  the  utmost  precautions  were  deemed  indispensable  by 
the  consuls  to  meet  so  critical  an  emergency;  they  forbade, 
under  penalty  of  death,  any  one  in  the  army,  under  any  pretence 
whatever,  to  fight  out  of  his  rank  and  without  their  permission. 

It  happened,  however,  that  the  son  of  Manlius,  being  chal- 
lenged by  a  Latin  warrior,  could  not  refrain  from  rushing  to 
the  conflict.  He  fought  and  conquered.  Returning  in  triumph 
to  his  father,  he  expected  to  receive  praise ;  but  Manlius  viewed 
this  conduct  of  his  son  in  a  very  difi'erent  light,  that  of  a  flagrant 
breach  of  obedience  and  military  discipline.  As  a  father,  he 
grieved  at  his  fate;  as  a  magistrate,  he  judged  and  condemned 
him  without  mercy,  and  caused  him  to  be  beheaded  on  the  spot 
in  presence  of  the  whole  army.  Such  was  the  specimen  of  un- 
flinching rigor  given  by  one  of  the  consuls  in  the  person  of  his 
son.  The  other,  soon  after,  displayed  an  equally  unbending 
,  patriotism  in  his  own  person. 

J  Decius  said  he  had  a  dream,  in  which  he  was  told  that  victory 
i  would  belong  to  the  party  whose  general  would  devote  himself 
j  to  death  during  the  combat.  He  therefore  agreed  with  his  col- 
'  league,  that  either  of  the  two  whose  troops  would  show  less 
courage  or  obtain  less  success,  should  become  the  devoted  victim. 
The  battle  was  fought  near  Mount  Vesuvius.     So  great  were  the 

*  The  Samnite  war  also  began  about  this  time.  As  it  lasted  long, 
and  for  the  most  part  belongs  to  the  following  epoch,  the  whole 
account  of  it  will  be  more  properly  given  in  another  place. 


Ji  L4  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pxai- 17 

courage  and  animosity  on  both  sides,  that  victory  remained  a 
long  time  doubtful ;  till,  after  vigorous  exertions,  the  left  wing 
of  the  Romans,  commanded  by  Decius,  was  unable  to  resist  any 
longer  the  violent  attack  of  the  Latins,  and  began  to  give  way. 
In  this  pressing  danger,  Decius  recollected  his  dream  and  his 
promise,  nor  did  he  hesitate  a  single  instant  to  act  accordingly. 
After  asking,  with  a  loud  voice,  that  the  wrath  of  the  gods  might 
be  diverted  from  the  Romans  and  fall  only  on  himself  and  the 
enemies  of  the  republic,  he  rushed  into  the  thickest  of  the  Latin 
battalions,  and  fell  covered  with  wounds. 

The  change  produced  in  the  state  of  the  battle  by  this  act  of 
devotedness  was  almost  instantaneous.  The  same  superstitioua 
motive  which  led  to  the  consul's  voluntary  death,  had  also  an 
extraordinary  effect  on  the  troops,  spreading  renewed  vigor  among 
the  Romans,  and  terror  among  the  enemy.  The  former  returned 
to  the  charge  with  such  determined  courage,  and  by  the  skilful 
dispositions  of  the  other  consul  in  so  admirable  order,  that  the 
Latins  were  at  last  entirely  defeated,  and  lost  three-fourths  of 
their  army  (b.  c.  340).  This  terrible  overthrow  was  followed 
by  other  defeats,  and  soon  after,  by  the  surrender  of  all  the  Latin 
cities  and  territory  to  the  Romans  (b.  c.  338). 

AFFAIRS   OF   SICILY  AND  CARTHAOE^I^ 
B.  c.  410—337.  y 

Sicily  had  also  continued  to  be  a  theatre  of  important  events. 
The  previous  losses  of  the  Carthaginians  had  not  extinguished 
their  desire  to  become  masters  of  that  rich  and  fertile  island ; 
they  again  made  powerful  and  vigorous  efforts  to  accomplish  this 
object  towards  the  year  B.  C.  410.  The  cities  of  Selinuntcs, 
Himera,  and  G-ela  successively  fell  into  their  hands.  Even  Agri- 
gentum,  a  still  more  important  place,  and  a  city  famous  for  its 
wealth,  its  fortifications,  and  its  population  of  two  hundred  thou- 
sand inhabitants,  was  taken  by  the  invaders  after  a  brave  and 
protracted  resistance. 

The  Carthaginians,  emboldened  by  their  success,  at  last  under- 
took the  conquest  of  Syracuse.  Not  daunted  by  the  terrible  dis- 
aster which  had  lately  befallen  the  Athenians  in  a  similar  attempt 
upon  that  city,  in  the  year  B.  c.  896  they  attacked  it  with  a 
fleet  of  three  or  four  hundred  vessels,  and  a  land  army  of  about 
three  hundred  thousand  men.  They  seemed  the  more  entitled 
to  hope  for  a  happy  result,  as  this  powerful  armament  was  under 
the  command  of  Himilco,  the  same  general  who  had  taken  Agri- 
gentum  a  few  years  before. 


j.c.  ilO-337.  CARTHAGE   AND   SICILY.  215 

Syracuse  was  then  under  the  sway  of  Dionysius  surnamed  the 
lor,  a  usurper  and  a  tyrant,  still  a  man  of  remarkable  skill  iu 
\v  and  government,  joined  to  boundless  ambition.     For  some 
irs  previous  to  the  conflict,  he  had  made  extraordinary  sup- 
plies of  ammunition,  arms,  troops  and  vessels.     Yet,  at  the  ap- 
I roach  of  the  amazing  force  of  Himilco,  he  thought  it  more  pru- 
ilcnt  to  retire  from  the  open  field,  and  concentrate  his  strength 
»?ithin  his  capital  city. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Carthaginian  leader,  elated  by  the 
ul  vantage  which  he  had  already  gained  and  looking  upon  Syra- 
uso  as  an  assured  prey,  encamped  in  its  neighborhood,  and 
i\<2;an  to  hiy  waste  all  the  country  round,  sparing  neither  the 
•  inplcs  nor  the  tombs  within  his  reach,  nor  even  the  splendid 
Kuusoleum  of  King  Gelo.  His  pride  and  fierceness  did  not  long 
remain  unpunished :  a  pestilence  broke  out  in  his  camp,  and 
fioon  made  incredible  ravages  among  his  troops.  Dionysius,  on 
his  part,  did  not  lose  so  favorable  an  opportunity  of  attacking 
them  both  by  sea  and  land.  The  success  of  the  attack  exceeded 
his  most  sanguine  expectations;  the  enemy's  fieet  was  nearly  all 
burnt  or  captured,  and  their  land  army  almost  totally  destroyed; 
only  forty  vessels  and  the  renmaiit  of  the  native  Carthaginian 
troops  returned  to  Carthage,  wnere  the  news  of  so  unexpected  a 
disaster  spread  the  utmost  consternation.  As  to  Himilco,  their 
general,  who  had  returned  with  them,  he  no  sooner  entered  the 
city  than  he  repaired  to  his  house,  and,  without  seeing  any  one 
of  his  family,  killed  himself  in  despair. 

The  Carthaginians,  although  intensely  grieved,  still  were  not 
discouraged  by  their  late  disaster.  After  a  short  interval,  they 
continued  their  attacks  upon  Si^y,  though,  at  first,  without 
much  success ;  Mago,  their  general  and  one  of  the  chief  magis- 
itrates  of  Carthage,  lost  a  great  battle  together  with  his  life. 
iThis  new  disaster  compelled  the  surviving  leaders*  to  sue  for 
'peace,  which,  was  granted  on  condition  that,  besides  defraying 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  they  should  evacuate  all  Sicily.  They 
pretended  to  accept  the  proffered  conditions,  but  representing 
that  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  deliver  up  the  cities  without 
first  obtaining  an  order  from  their  republic,  they  obtained  a  truce 
long  enough  to  make  the  state  of  affairs  fully  known  and  under- 
stood at  Carthage.  The  Carthaginians  instantly  raised  fresh 
troops,  and  placed  them  under  the  command  of  another  Mago, 
the  son  of  the  one  lately  killed.  The  new  general  was  young, 
but  possessed  of  great  abilities  and  renown ;  he  landed  in  Sicily, 
and  at  the  expiration  of  the  truce,  gave  battle  to  Dionysius,  in 
which  the  Syracusans  were  signally  defeated,  with  the  loss  (»f 


i 


'216  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IT 

fourteen  thousand  men.  This  ^-ictory  enabled  the  Carthaginians 
to  conclude  an  honorable  peace.  They  not  only  retained  their 
Sicilian  possessions,  but  even  obtained  some  increase  of  territory, 
and  instead  of  paying,  were  themselves  paid  for  the  expenses  of 
the  war 

The  death  of  Dionysius  the  elder  (b.  c.  368)  was  followed  by 
great  disturbances  in  Sicily.  His  son  and  successor,  the  younger 
Dionysius,  after  being  compelled  to  leave  Syracuse,  succeeded  by 
open  force  in  re-entering  the  city  and  regaining  his  power,  which 
he  used  again  in  tyrannizing  over  his  subjects.  The  Carthagi- 
nians, ever  ready  to  seize  any  occasion  favorable  to  their  views, 
deemed  the  present  a  most  advantageous  circumstance,  and 
equipped  a  numerous  fleet  for  a  new  invasion  of  Sicily.  Their 
army,  as  usual,  made  at  first  rapid  and  considerable  progress,  so 
far  as  to  take  possession  of  the  harbor  of  Syracuse.  In  this 
extreme  danger,  the  Syracusans  applied  for  assistance  to  the 
Corinthians,  whose  descendants  they  were,  and  obtained  from 
them  a  body  of  about  one  thousand  soldiers,  under  the  conduct' 
of  an  able  leader  called  Timoleon  :  this  force  seemed  very  incon- 
siderable for  so  great  an  enterprise ;  but  the  bravery  of  the  men 
and  the  abilities  of  their  cominmjler  made  them  equivalent  to  a 
numerous  army  (b.  c.  345). 

When  this  little  band  reached  the  Sicilian  shores,  the  Syra- 
cusans were  in  the  most  critical  situation.  Whilst  the  Cartha- 
ginians were  masters  of  their  harbor,  Icetas,  king  of  Leontium,  a 
false  and  treacherous  friend,  was  master  of  their  city,  and  Dio- 
nysius still  occupied  the  citadel.  Very  happily,  this  prince  con- 
sented to  deliver  up  to  Timoleon  both  that  fortress,  together  with 
the  arms  which  it  contained,  and  the  remainder  of  his  troops, 
amounting  to  two  thousand  men.*  This  transaction  and  the  fear 
of  new  disappointments  induced  the  Carthaginian  leader  to  set 
sail  for  Carthage.  Here,  he  was  tried  and  condemned  to  death 
for  his  dastardly  conduct,  and  two  other  generals  were  appointed 
in  his  place,  to  lead  another  expedition  into  Sicily;  it  consisted 
of  two  hundred  ships  of  war,  besides  an  incredible  multitude  of 
smaller  vessels  or  transports,  and  an  army  of  seventy  thousan 
soldiers. 

To  this  multitude  of  the  enemy,  Timoleon,  although  now  in' 
full  possession  of  Syracuse,  could  oppose  no  more  than  six  thou- 
sand warriors.  Yet,  trusting  in  the  courage  of  his  little  array, 
he  did  not  hesitate  to  go  forward,  and  attack  the  Carthaginians 

*  Dionysius,  having  executed  his  design,  embarked  for  Corinth, 
where,  according  to  some  authors,  he  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life 
In  the  capacity  of  a  schoolmaster. 


% 


i 


^;6(V— 386.  REIGN   OF   PHILIP.  217 

n  the  banks  ot  a  small  river  called  Crimessus.  The  event  jusii- 
!'l  his  views  and  expectations:  the  Carthaginians  were  routed, 
?i(]  lost  ten  thousand  men,  whilst  as  many  were  taken  prisoners; 
u  ir  camp  also  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy,  who  found  in 
i  immense  riches. 

This  brilliant  victory  of  Timoleon  was  followed  by  other  signal 
ilvantages,  which  secured  the  liberties  not  only  of  Syracuse,  but 
wise  of  other  parts  of  Sicily.  The  Carthaginians  were  con- 
;  within  their  ancient  possessions;  usurpation  and  tyranny 
-  utpeared;  peace  and  prosperity  took  the  place  of  disorder  and 
Kirchy.  Having  done  so  much  for  the  Sicilians,  Timoleon 
tinned  his  authority,  and  retired  to  a  private  life  in  Syracuse. 
iit  honor  accompanied  him  in  his  retreat;  for  the  Syracusans 
-Tcr  ceased  to  revere  him  as  their  father  and  their  deliverer, 
111  paid  him  every  kind  of  respect  both  in  public  and  private. 
t  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  year  B.  c.  337,  his  mortal 
mains  were  accompanied  to  the  grave  by  all  the  citizens,  who 
auifested  b}"  abundant  tears  their  feelings  of  gratitude,  aflection, 
id  sorrow.  Finally,  such  was  the  esteem  universally  entertained 
<Y  Timoleon,  that  solemn  games  of  various  sorts,  to  be  annually 
Icbrated,  were  instituted  in  his  honor. 


MACEDONIAN   KINGDOM. 
REIGN   OF  PHILIP.— B.  c.  360—336. 

During  these  transactions  in  the  west  and  south  of  Europe, 
lere  was  arising  in  the  east  a  power  destined  by  Divine  Provi- 
3nce  to  have  the  greatest  influence  on  the  civilized  world.  This 
as  the  Macedonian  empire,  the  third,  in  order  of  time,  among 
le  four  great  empires  of  antiquity. 

The  kingdom  of  Macedon,  situated  at  the  north  of  Greece,  had 
leen  founded  by  the  Corinthians  or  the  Argives,  nearly  eight 
undred  years  before  the  coming  of  Christ.  Its  history  offers 
othing  remarkable  until  the  reign  of  Philip,  who  was  the  father 
f  Alexander  the  Great,  and  who  had  been,  in  his  youth,  a  dis- 
pie  of  the  illustrious  Theban  leader  Epaminondas.  Philip 
iscued  Macedon  from  its  previous  obscurity,  and  succeeded, 
ithin  a  few  years,  in  raising  it  to  a  marked  pre-eminence  over 
11  the  neighboring  nations.  The  means  which  he  employed  for 
lis  purpose  were  not,  it  is  true,  always  of  the  most  honorable 
ind :  cunning,  intrigue  and  bribery  were  as  readily  used  by 
im  for  the  promotion  of  his  designs  as  fair  negotiation  or  open 
^ar;  and  he  himself  would  say  that  he  considered  no  fortress 

19 


218  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Paet  IV 

impregnable  which  could  be  reached  by  a  mule  loaded  with  gold 
Yet  it  cannot  be  denied,  and  the  whole  of  his  reign  amply  testi 
fies,  that  he  was  both  an  excellent  general  and  an  able  monarch, 
and  was  indebted  for  nearly  all  his  success  to  his  own  skilful 
exertions. 

Although  Philip,  at  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
was  no  more  than  twenty-four  years  of  age,  he  knew  how  to  put 
a  speedy  end  to  the  disturbances  and  civil  feuds  by  which  the 
country  had  long  been  distracted.  He  repelled  domestic  rivals, 
defeated  foreign  enemies,  and  not  only  preserved  his  hereditary 
kingdom  in  its  full  extent,  but  even  greatly  enlarged  it  by  his 
valor.  Besides  his  conquests  over  the  Thracians  and  Illyrians, 
he  skilfully  took  advantage  of  the  protracted  disputes  which, 
under  the  name  of  sacred  icars,  broke  out  among  the  Grreeka 
about  the  territory  of  the  Delphian  temple  of  Apollo,  to  obtain 
a  solid  footing  and  ascendency  in  Greece.  Under  the  plea  of 
vindicating  the  honor  of  this  famous  temple,  he  poured  his  army 
into  the  country  of  the  Phocians  where  Delphi  was  situated, 
secured  the  possession  of  the  passes  of  Thermopylae,  and  took 
the  important  city  of  Elatea,  which  commanded  the  whole  pro- 
vince. 

Philip,  however,  did  not  gain  so  many  advantages  without 
experiencing  much  opposition,  especially  on  the  part  of  the 
Athenian  people.  His  career  of  victory  and  conquest  was  repeat- 
edly checked  by  their  excellent  leader  Phocion,  a  man  worthy 
of  better  times,  and  who,  on  account  of  a  rare  assemblage  of 
great  talents  and  great  virtues  never  after  witnessed  in  Athens, 
might  be  as  justly  surnamed  the  last  of  the  Athenians,  as  the 
famous  patrician  ^tius  was,  at  a  later  period,  styled  the  last  of 
the  Romans.  The  merit  of  Phocion  had  gained  him  public 
esteem  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  was  appointed  to  command  the 
troops  no  fewer  than  forty-five  times,  and  each  time  during  his 
absence  from  the  public  assemblies.  The  great  fault  of  the 
Athenians  was  that  they  did  not  place  him  once  more  at  their 
head,  at  the  time  of  their  last  effort  against  Philip. 

But  the  Macedonian  king  found  a  still  more  powerful  obstacle 
against  his  views  of  aggrandizement,  in  the  patriotism,  zeal  and 
eloquence  of  Demosthenes.  This  illustrious  man,  who  was  at 
the  same  time  a  profound  politician  and  a  perfect  orator,  ceased 
not  to  exert  his  talents,  and  to  give  the  most  energetic  as  well 
as  wholesome  counsels,  in  order  to  avert  the  storm  which  threat- 
ened the  liberties  of  his  nation.  No  sooner  was  the  loss  of  Elatea 
made  known,  than  he  prevailed,  by  the  mere  power  of  his  elo- 
quence, upon  the  Athenians  on  the  one  side,  and  the  Thebanu 


m 


6. 0.  360— 33G.  REIGN  OF  rillLTP.  219 

nn  the  other,  to  forget  their  private  animosities,  ar/d  unite  for 
Lhcir  common  defence. 

Philip,  not  having  been  able  by  negotiation  to  prevent  th« 
conclusion  of  this  league  against  his  interests,  determined  to 
I  rush  it  on  the  field  of  battle.  He  entered  the  Boeotian  terri- 
tory at  the  head  of  thirty-two  thousand  men,  and  met  near 
'  lu^ronea  the  army  of  the  confederates,  amounting  to  nearly  the 
vime  number.  Having  taken  the  command  of  the  right  wing  in 
torson,  he  placed  the  left  under  his  son,  Alexander,  then  a  youth 
xiventoen  years  of  age.  The  Athenians  were  opposed  to  Philip, 
the  Thebans  to  Alexander. 

The  shock,  as  might  be  expected,  was  terrible  between  two 
warlike,  brave  and  rival  parties,  one  of  which  fought  to  maintain 
its  former  success,  the  other,  to  preserve  its  freedom.  After  the 
battle  had  continued  for  a  long  time,  Alexander,  already  dis- 
[ilaying  the  skill  of  a  general  and  the  intrepidity  of  a  warrior, 
broke  the  ranks  of  the  sacred  band  and  of  the  rest  of  the  Thebans, 
and  put  them  to  flight.  Philip,  for  some  moments,  was  not  so 
successful;  a  part  of  his  troops  began  to  give  way,  and  Lysicles, 
the  Athenian  general,  was  heard  to  exclaim:  ''Come,  let  us 
pursue  them  into  Macedon."  The  king,  in  the  meanwhile,  was 
attentively  watching  the  movements  of  both  armies.  Seeing  the 
enemy  too  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  some  fugitive  troops,  and  not 
improving  their  advantage  by  attacking  his  main  body  in  flank, 
he  calmly  said  to  those  around  him:  ''The  Athenians  know  not 
how  to  conquer."  Immediately  he  commanded  his  phalanx"^  to 
wheel  about,  and  attacking  his  imprudent  foes  both  in  the  flank 
and  rear,  threw  them  into  such  disorder  as  very  soon  ended  in 
their  total  defeat  (b.  c.  338). 

Philip  made  a  generous  use  of  his  victory.  He  dismisses)  all 
the  Athenian  captives  without  ransom,  and  granted  peace  to  the 
two  republics.  The  year  following,  he  caused  a  general  assembly 
of  the  G-reeks  to  be  held  at  Corinth,  and  was,  according  to  his 
earnest  desire,  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  their  forces 
against  Persia;  for  he  now  seriously  thought  of  undertaking  the 
conquest  of  that  empire.  The  troops  promised  to  him  for  this 
great  attempt,  were  to  consist  of  two  hundred  thousand  infan  ry, 
and  fifteen  thousand  cavalry.  But  death  surprised  him  in  the 
midst  of  these  vast  preparations,  and  the  prospect  of  affairs  in 
Greece  was  once  more  changed,  at  least  for  a  time. 

The  refusal  to  give  satisfaction  to  a  young  Macedonian  lord, 

*  The  Macedonian  phalanx  was  a  close  and  compact  body  of  h3avy- 
armed  infantry,  whose  liuinber  amounted  to  about  sixteen  thousan/' 
men 


ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV. 

who  had  been  grossly  insulted  by  one  of  the  favorites  of  th« 
courtj  cost  Philip  his  life;  the  young  man,  in  a  paroxysm  of 
fury,  stabbed  him  during  the  celebration  of  a  festivity.  Philip 
had  lived  forty-seven  years,  during  twenty-four  of  which  he  had 
occupied  the  throne  of  Macedon  with  great  fame  and  prosperity. 
He  fell  the  victim  of  his  own  imprudent  partiality  to  a  subject, 
and  at  the  very  time  when  he  was  about  to  reap,  in  the  conquesi 
of  Persia,  the  long-desired  fruit  of  his  ambitious  and  hitherto 
successful  career. 

During  one  of  his  wars,  he  had  lost  an  eye  in  a  very  strange 
manner.  Whilst  he  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Methone,  a 
small  Thracian  city,  a  certain  man  called  Aster,  of  Amphipolis, 
offered  himself  to  serve  in  his  army  in  quality  of  marksman, 
saying  he  was  so  skilful  in  this  respect,  that  he  could  bring  down 
birds  in  their  most  rapid  flight.  Philip  replied  that,  since  such 
was  the  case  with  Aster,  he  would  take  him  into  his  service, 
when  he  would  wage  war  against  starlings.  This  answer  deeply 
wounded  the  feelings  of  the  archer.  Having  thrown  himself 
into  the  besieged  town,  he  shot  an  arrow  on  which  was  written, 
^^To  l^hilip's  right  eye,^^  and  which  actually  pierced  the  right 
eye  of  that  prince.  The  king  sent  him  back  the  same  arrow 
with  this  inscription  :  "  If  Philip  takes  Methone,  he  will  hang 
Aster;"  and  so  he  really  did,  as  soon  as  the  city  fell  into  his 
power.  A  satirical  and  malicious  repartee  often  costs  its  author 
very  dear,  as  both  Philip  and  Aster  sadly  experienced  on  this 
occasion. 

Philip  is  likewise  reproached  with  other  faults  of  a  serious 
nature,  and  also  with  vulgarity.  On  the  oth;  r  hand,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  there  were  in  him  many  excellent  qualities  worthy 
of  a  great  monarch.  He  kept  a  man  in  his  service,  to  say  to  him 
every  day,  before  he  gave  audience:  "Philip,  remember  that 
thou  art  mortal."  As  he  was  rising  one  day  from  a  repast  at 
which  he  had  remained  several  hours,  a  woman  applied  to  him 
to  obtain  justice,  but  failed  to  persuade  him  of  the  strength  and 
validity  of  her  reasons.  He  therefore  gave  judgment  against 
her.  ''I  appeal,"  she  exclaimed.  ''Why?"  said  Philip,  "you 
appeal  from  your  sovereign  !  and  to  whom  ?"  "  To  Philip  in 
his  sober  senses,"  was  the  answer.  The  remark  struck  the 
moEarch;  he  reconsidered  the  affair,  acknowledged  his  mistake, 
and  reversed  the  sentence  which  he  had  too  precipitately  pro- 
nounced. 

Another  distressed  woman  frequently  appeared  before  him, 
begging  an  audience  to  terminate  her  lavfsuit,  but  Philip 
alwaj^s  answered  that  he  had  not  lime  to  comply  with  her  re- 


DEMOSTHENES  AND  .ESCHINES.  221 

quest.  Boing  very  much  annoyed  by  these  refusals,  she  one 
day  replied  with  emotion :  "  If  you  have  no  time  to  do  me  jus- 
tice, cease  to  be  king."  Philip  felt  keenly  the  rebuke,  which  a 
just  indignation  had  extorted  from  the  poor  woman,  and  far  from 
being  offended,  immediately  satisfied  her  claims,  and  was  after- 
wards more  punctual  in  giving  audience. 

Although  Philip  availed  himself  of  the  treasonable  practices 
of  others  for  his  own  purposes,  he  heartily  despised  and  abhorred 
the  traitors.  Having  bribed  two  citizens  of  Olynthus  to  betray 
their  city  into  his  hands,  he  took  an  early  opportunity  to  mani- 
fest his  supreme  contempt  for  them.  Every  one,  even  the  com- 
mon soldiers  of  the  Macedonian  army,  reproached  these  men 
with  their  perfidy.  They  complained  to  the  king,  who  contented 
himself  with  giving  them  the  following  ironical  answer,  which 
was,  indeed,  far  severer  than  the  reproach  itself:  "Do  not  mind 
what  may  be  said  by  vulgar  people,  who  call  every  thing  by  its 
real  name." 

With  all  his  warlike  habits  and  the  agitation  of  his  life,  Philip 
was  possessed  of  great  literary  merit ;  to  him  might  be  justly 
applied  what  was  afterwards  said  of  Julius  Cassar,  that  he  wag 
not  less  skilful  in  using  the  pen  than  in  wielding  the  sword.  He 
wrote  and  addressed  to  the  Athenians,  his  most  constant  enemies, 
a  long  letter,  vindicating  his  political  conduct  and  passing  stric- 
tures  on  their  policy  :  that  letter  is  considered  a  masterpiece 
for  vigor  of  thought,  strength  of  reasoning,  and  nobleness,  con- 
ciseness and  elegance  of  style.  Being  thus  truly  eloquent  him- 
self, Philip  entertained  the  highest  idea  of  the  eloquence  of 
Demosthenes;  he  feared  it  more  than  he  feared  all  the  Athenian 
troops  and  vessels.  Even  after  his  victory  at  Chaeronea,  he 
shuddered  at  the  bare  recollection  of  the  danger  to  which  the 
prodigious  power  of  that  orator  had  exposed  his  empire  and  his 
life.  He  even  candidly  acknowledged  that,  if  he  had  been  pre- 
sent at  the  public  assemblies  of  the  Athenian  people,  his  mind 
would  have  been  convinced,  like  theirs,  by  the  powerful  reasons 
of  Demosthenes,  and  he  would  have  come,  first  of  all,  to  the 
conclusion  that  war  was  to  be  declared  against  the  Macedonians. 

DEMOSTHENES-  AND  ^SCHINES. 

Since  Demosthenes  exercised  such  influence  and  enjoyed  so 
great  a  reputation,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  add  a  few  more  parti- 
culars on  this  extraordinary  man.     He  was  the  son  of  one  of  the 
i ,  principal  citizens  of  Athens,  also  called  Demosthenes,  who  left 
i    aim  a  coosiderable  fortune.     But,  being  only  seven  years  of  ago 

19» 


222  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

when  his  father  died,  he  had  the  great  misfortune  to  fail  into 
the  hands  of  covetous  and  faithless  gu9,rdians,  who  converted  a 
part  of  his  property  to  their  own  use,  suffered  the  rest  to  lie 
neglected,  and  were  vile  enough  to  defraud  his  tutors  of  their 
salaries ;  so  that  he  did  not  obtain  those  advantages  of  education 
to  which  he  was  entitled. 

Although  there  were  so  many  obstacles  thrown  in  his  way, 
the  natural  talent  of  Demosthenes  appeared  to  great  advantage 
as  soon  as  an  occasion  called  for  its  display.  At  the  age  of  six- 
teen, he  heard  the  orator  Callistratus  plead  with  great  applause 
and  success ;  this  fired  him  with  a  spirit  of  emulation.  From 
that  time,  he  gave  up  his  other  studies  and  exercises,  and  assidu- 
ously applied  himself  to  the  art  of  declaiming,  in  hopes  of  being 
one  day  numbered  among  the  orators.  He  took  lessons  of  elo- 
quence from  Isaius,  and  is  believed  to  have  likewise  studied  under 
Plato,  and  to  have  been  greatly  assisted  by  him  in  preparing  to 
speak  in  public. 

He  began  to  appear  at  the  bar  as  an  orator,  shortly  after  his- 
minority  had  expired.  The  first  cause  which  he  pleaded,  and 
with  success,  was  his  own  cause  against  his  unfaithful  guardians, 
from  whom  he  recovered  a  portion  of  his  patrimony.  His  first 
addresses  to  the  people  were  not  so  successful ;  certain  defects  in 
his  appearance,  voice  and  delivery,  caused  him  to  be  laughed  at 
and  interrupted.  This  treatment  greatly  distressed  him,  and  he 
might  have  given  up  his  profession  in  despair,  had  not  the  advice 
of  some  experienced  persons,  who  perceived  his  talents  for 
oratory,  encouraged  him  to  persevere  in  the  study  of  eloquence, 
and  by  correcting  his  natural  defects  of  pronunciation  and  deli- 
very, confidently  pursue  the  course  which  he  had  adopted. 

Demosthenes  followed  this  advice.  He  caused  a  small  chamber 
to  be  built  under  ground;  here  he  frequently  occupied  himself 
in  study  for  two  or  three  months  in  succession,  shaving  one  side 
of  his  head,  that  the  shame  of  appearing  in  this  condition  might 
prevent  him  from  leaving  his  retreat.*  Here,  by  the  light  of  a 
lamp,  he  composed  the  admirable  orations,  which  were  said  by 
those  who  envied  him,  to  smell  of  oil  ^  "  Yours,'^  he  would  reply 
on  such  occasions,  ^'  most  assuredly  did  not  cost  you  so  much  \ 
trouble.^'  He  rose  very  early,  and  used  to  say,  that  he  was  very 
gorry  when  any  workman  was  at  work  before  him."|*  We  may 
judge  of  his  extraordinary  efforts  to  excel  in  his  art,  from  the 
fact  of  his  copying  the  History  of  Thucydides  eight  times  with 

*  Plutarch  in  Dcmosth. 

f  Dolere  se  aieliat,  si  quando  opificum  antclucana  victus  e&set  indua- 
triS,.     Cicer.  Tu&c  Qucust.  b.  iv,  n.  41. 


DEMOSTHENES  AND  iESClIINES.  228 

his  own  haiid,  in  order  to  become  familiar  with  the  style  of  this 


great  historian. 


Demosthenes  attended  as  carefully  to  his  action  and  voice,  as 
io  the  composition  of  his  harangues;  To  correct  a  natural  im- 
))ediment  in  his  speech,  he  would  pronounce  several  verses  with- 
out interruption,  with  pebbles  in  his  mouth,  whilst  walking  in 
-locp  and  difficult  places.  By  his  constant  exertions,  he  at 
length  overcame  every  difficulty,  and  was  able  to  pronounce 
ith  ease  the  longest  periods.     lie  used  also  to  declaim  on  the 

a-shore,  in  the  midst  of  the  roaring  and  violent  agitation  of  the 
waves,  in  order  to  accustom  himself  to  the  tumultuous  move- 
ments and  clamors  of  the  people  in  their  assemblies. 

80  many  cares  and  precautions  were  amply  rewarded ; .  for  it 
was  by  these  various  means  that  Demosthenes  carried  the  art  of 
speech  to  the  highest  degree  of  perfection  of  which  it  is  natu- 
rally capable.  He  had  a  glorious  subject  for  the  display  of  his 
eloquence,  the  defence  of  Grecian  liberty  against  the  ambition 
and  continual  encroachments  of  Philip.  He  defended  that  cause 
in  a  manner  worthy  of  its  object  and  of  his  lofty  genius,  so  as  to 
be  esteemed  and  feared  by  Philip  himself,  highly  honored  by 
the  king  of  Persia,  and  admired  by  all  the  Greeks,  who  flocked 
to  Athens  in  order  to  hear  him.  And  this  extraordinary  renown 
of  Demosthenes  was  no  more  than  he  deserved.  He  united  in 
himself  the  various  qualities  of  an  accomplished  orator,  and  in 
point  of  animation,  energy  and  vehemence,  transcended  all  the 
orators  of  any  age  or  country. 

In  some  respects,  however,  and  in  his  own  time,  Demosthenes 
met  with  successful  rivals.  Such  were  Demades,  who  even  sur- 
passed him  in  extemporaneous  speaking;  Phocion,  whom  Demos- 
thenes called  a  liatchet  that  destroyed  the  effect  of  his  words ; 
and  particularly  ^schines,  his  most  constant  antagonist  in  the 
arena  of  politics. 

The  opposite  views  and  interests  of  these  two  great  oratora 
gave  rise  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  trials  that  ever  took 
place.  Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Chaeronea,  Demosthenes 
bad  been  charged  by  the  Athenians  to  repair  the  walls  and  for- 
dfieatioDs  of  their  city.  He  nobly  acquitted  himself  of  this  com- 
mission, so  far  as  to  give  considerable  sums  of  money  out  of  his 
own  estate,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  work,  and  make  up  fur 
the  deficiency  of  the  public  treasury.  At  the  request  of  an  influ- 
ential citizen,  called  Ctesiphon,  a  crown  of  gold  was  decreed  to 
bim  as  a  reward  for  his  zeal  and  generous  patriotism ;  jEschines 
attacked  this  decree  as  contrary  to  law,  and  though  he  pretended 


224  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV 

to  accuse  Ctesipbon,  mauifestly  directed  his  charge  against  De. 
mosthenes. 

This  cause  excited  the  greatest  curiosity,  and  was  conducted 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  and  before  a  vast  concourse  of 
people.  It  was,  indeed,  a  grand  spectacle  to  behold  the  two 
greatest  orators  of  Greece  arraying  against  each  other  all  the 
powers  of  eloquence.  The  harangues  which  they  delivered  on 
this  occasion  have  always  ben  considered  as  the  most  brilliant 
efforts  of  ancient  oratory,  especially  that  of  Demosthenes: 
^schincs  lost  his  cause,  and  was,  for  his  rash  accusation,  sen- 
tenced to  banishment,  or  perhaps  condemned  himself  to  it  in 
consequence  of  his  failure ;  he  retired  to  Rhodes,  where  he  esta- 
blished a  school  of  eloquence,  the  fame  and  glory  of  which  con- 
tinued for  several  ages.  He  began  his  lectures  with  the  two 
speeches  that  had  occasioned  his  banishment.  The  assembly 
greatly  admired  his  own  production ;  but  when  they  heard  the 
harangue  of-  Demosthenes,  the  plaudits  and  acclamations  were 
redoubled.  Then  it  was  that  he  spoke  these  words,  so  praise- 
worthy in  the  mouth  of  an  enemy  and  a  rival :  ''  What  applause 
would  you  not  have  bestowed,  had  you  heard  Demosthenes  de- 
liver his  harangue  himself  V 

Demosthenes,  on  his  part,  made  a  very  noble  use  of  his  vic- 
tory. When  ^schines  left  Athens  to  embark  for  Rhodes,  he 
ran  after  him,  and  obliged  him  to  accept  a  large  sum  of  money. 
iEschines  was  greatly  moved  by  this  unexpected  offer,  and  is  said 
to  have  exclaimed  :  '^  How  will  it  be  possible  for  me  not  to  re- 
gret a  country,  in  which  I  leave  an  enemy  far  more  generous 
than  any  friends  that  I  can  hope  to  find  elsewhere  r' 

POLITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIR:E. 

Whilst  Demosthenes  continually  warned  the  Athenians  to 
guard  against  the  ambition  of  Philip,  and  oppose  it  with  all  their 
strength,  he  exhorted  them,  on  the  other  hand,  to  seek  for  the 
alliance  of  the  king  of  Persia — an  act  of  prudent  policy,  since 
Athens  at  that  time  had  every  thing  to  fear  from  Philip,  but  m 
nothing  from  the  Persian  monarch;  for,  although  the  Persian  I 
empire  still  displayed  great  splendor  and  riches,  and  in  this 
respect  might  afford  muuh  assistance  to  an  ally,  yet  there  was  no 
nation  in  the  world  more  feeble  in  reality,  and  more  rapidly  tot- 
tering to  its  fall.  This  unhappy  state  of  Persia  was  owing 
chiefly  to  the  degeneracy  of  Persian  manners,  the  frequent  re- 
volts occasioued  by  the  malversation  of  governors  in  provinces 


PERSIAN  EMPIRE  225 

distant  from  the  court,  and  (he  almost  incessant  intrigues,  ani- 
mosities and  conspiracies  whinh  distracied  the  court  itself. 

These  different  evils  had  iaibittered  the  days  of  King  Artax- 

xes  Mnemon,  especially  towards  the  end  of  his  reign.     They 

mtinued  under  his  successor  Ochus,  or  Artaxerxes  III.     The 

Jiitter  sovereign,  it  is  true,  suppressed  most  of  the  rebellions  that 

Mcurred  under  him  ;  but  his  indolence  and  effeminacy  rather 

creased  the  disorders  which  prevailed  at  court,  and,  at  the 

me  time,  his  many  cruelties  rendered  his  government  extremely 
lious.  After  a  reign  of  twenty-one  years,  he  died  by  poison 
-iven  to  him  by  his  chief  minister,  the  Egyptian  Bagoas.  The 
same  wicked  officer  also  put  to  death  all  the  sons  of  the  king, 
except  the  youngest,  called  Arses,  whom  he  pretended  to  place 
on  the  throne,  whilst  he  retained  the  whole  power  of  sovereignty 
in  his  own  hands. 

Arses  did  not  long  enjoy  the  honors  of  royalty,  and  the  empty 
title  of  king.  This  young  monrirch,  filled  with  horror  at  the 
crimes  of  Ba^;oas,  had  not  taken  sufficient  care  to  conceal  his 
'real  sentiments,  and  his  intention  to  punish  that  monster  of 
cruelty.  Bagoas  did  not  allow  him  to  execute  his  project,  but 
prevented  it  by  putting  Arses  himself  and  his  children  to  death. 
As  there  remained,  in  consequence  of  these  murders,  no  direct 
successors  to  the  crown,  it  devolved  on  Codomanus,  a  prince  of 
royal  descent  by  a  collateral  line ;  he  took  the  name  of  Darius, 
and  was  the  thirteenth  and  last  king  of  Persia. 

This  prince  had  proved  himself  worthy  of  the  high  station  to 
which  he  was  called.  In  a  late  war  against  the  Cadusians,  a 
warrior  of  that  nation  challenged  the  whole  Persian  army  to  pro- 
duce a  champion  capable  of  fighting  against  him ;  after  all  the 
other  Persians  had  refused,  Codomanus  accepted  the  challenge, 
and  slew  the  barbarian.  This  exploit  was  rewarded  with  the 
government  of  Armenia,  which  he  retained  until  he  received  the 
news  of  his  elevation  to  the  Persian  throne. 

Bagoas  soon  perceived  that  he  had  placed  a  master  over  himself. 
He  resolved  to  make  him  share  the  fate  of  the  two  preceding 
monarchs ;  but  Darius,  informed  of  his  design,  forced  this  abomi- 
nable man  to  drink  the  fatal  cup  which  he  had  prepared  for  his 
sovereign,  and  so  remained  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  crown. 

History  represents  Darius  Codomanus,  in  the  general  tenor  of 
his  life,  as  a  brave,  kind,  and  generous  prince.  He  might,  in 
ordinary  tim^  and  circumstances,  have  done  great  honor  to 
Persia.  It  was  his  misfortune  to  have  to  contend  against  an 
enemy  of  far  superior  abilities,  Alexander  the  Great,  who  began 
to  reign  exactly  in  the  same  year  with  himself,  B.  c.  336 


11 


ANCIENT  IirSTORY.  Pabt  IV 

ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 

B.  c.  336—824.* 

I.  HIS  ACCESSION  TO  THE  THRONE,  AND  FIRST  K.     L0IT8. 
B.  c.  336—334. 


AleXz\.nder,  afterwards  surnamed  the  Great,  was  born  at 
Pella,  the  capital  of  Macedon,  in  the  year  B.  c.  356.  His  father 
Philip,  who  shortly  before  had  achieved  important  conquests, 
5  received  three  joyful  tidings  on  the  same  day  :  the  first  informed 
2^  him  that  Parmenio,  one  of  his  generals,  had  gained  a  signal  vic- 
.^  tory  over  the  Illyrians ;  the  second,  that  his  race-horse  had  won 
^  the  prize  at  the  Olympic  games ;  and  the  third,  tliat  his  wife 
^5^  Olympias  was  delivered  of  a  son.  He  feared  that  this  extra- 
s' ordinary  prosperity  might  be  the  forerunner  of  impending  cala- 
-i^  mities,  and,  in  order  to  avert  them,  he  cried  out :  ^'  Great  Jupiter, 
^  in  return  for  so  many  blessings,  send  me  some  slight  misfortunQ 
'^'^^  as  soon  as  possible.'^ 

I  ^         Philip  showed  his  wisdom  and  paternal  affection  in  the  great 
[^     care  which  he  took  of  the  education  of  his  son.     He  chose  the 
^     celebrated  philosopher  Aristotle  to  be  Alexander's  preceptor,  and, 
^     on  that  occasion,  wrote  to  him  in  the  following  terms :  ^'  I  in- 
5^     form  you  that  Heaven  has  favored  me  with  the  birth  of  a  son.     J 
^     return  thanks  to  the  gods,  not  so  much  for  having  given  him  to 
J»     me,  as  for  having  given  him  during  the  life  of  Aristotle  ,•  I  can 
"  ■     justly  promise  myself  that  you  will  render  him  a  successor  wor- 
thy of  me,  and  a  king  worthy  of  Macedon."  Never,  indeed,  were 
lofty  hopes  more  fully  realized. 

Even  from  his  early  years,  Alexander  evinced  uncommon  quali- 
fications of  body  and  mind.  Possessed  of  admirable  sagacity, 
elevated  genius,  great  strength  of  judgment  and  generosity  of 
soul,  he  improved  these  natural  endowments  under  excellent 
tutors,  and  particularly  Aristotle,  to  whom  he  thought  himself 
no  less  indebted  than  to  his  father  Philip.  By  the  care  of  so 
great  a  master  and  his  own  application,  he  made  rapid  progress 
in  every  branch  of  knowledge,  acquired  a  manly  eloquence,  and 
imbibed  such  a  relish  for  all  the  fine  arts,  that  they  found  in  hira 
%  constant  admirer  and  a  munificent  patron.  Among  the  cele- 
brated sculptors  and  painters  of  that  age,  he  set  the  highest  value 

•  See  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Alexander ; — Avrian,  in  his  seven  books 
^f  Alexander's  expeditions  ; — Quintr.s  Curtius,  De  rebus  geslis  Alexandri 
Magni; — Justin,  Hist.  b.  xi  et  xii ; — RoUin's  Ancient  History,  vol.  n;— 
Gerard,  vol.  x,  lettre  66 ;  etc. 


I 


D.  0.  836—324.  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  227 

on  the  talents  of  Ljsippus  and  Apcllos;  the  former  alone  had 
Ins  permission  to  represent   him  in  marble,  and  the  latter  on 

avas. 

Uut,  unfortunately  for  the  tranquillity  of  the  world,  the  pre- 
dominant disposition  of  Alexander's  mind  was  an  insatiable  thirst 
for  glory  and  conquest.  This  he  manifested  on  every  occasion. 
Whenever  news  was  brought  that  Philip  had  taken  some  strong 
city,  or  been  victorious  in  a  great  battle,  the  young  man,  instead 
I't'  appearing  delighted  with  it,  exclaimed  with  sadness  in  the 
midst  of  his  companions:  "Alas!  my  father  will  make  every 
conquest,  and  leave  us  nothing  to  do." 

lie  was  no  sooner  admitted  to  a  share  in  the  command  of 
armies,  than  he  began  to  display  the  intrepidity  of  a  warrior  and 
the  skill  of  a  general :  it  was  in  this  twofold  capacity  that  he 
ciunalized  himself  at  the  famous  battle  of  Chteronea,  by  being 
the  first  who  broke  the  sacred  band  of  the  Thebans.  Even  before 
that  period,  he  had  given  a  signal  specimen  of  what  the  world 
might  expect  from  him.  When  only  sixteen  years  of  age,  his 
ftither  Philip,  going  upon  an  expedition  against  Byzantium  in 
Thrace,  appointed  him  regent  of  Macedon,  with  vary  extensive 
powers.  'J'he  Medari  Or  Maedi,  a  neighboring  tribe,  rebelling 
during  his  regency,  he  attacked  and  overthrew  them,  took  their 
city,  expelled  the  barbarians,  i)lanted  there  a  colony  of  people 
collected  from  various  parts,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Alexan- 
dropolis. 

A  still  more  extended  field  opened  before  Alexander  for  the 
display  of  his  abilities  and  his  ambition,  when,  at  the  age  of 
twenty,  he  succeeded  his  father  on  the  throne.  His  first  care  was 
to  punish  the  murderers  of  Philip,  and  celebrate  his  obsequies 
with  all  possible  magnificence.  He  then  set  out  at  the  head  of 
an  army  against  the  barbarians,  who  were  endeavoring,  on  all 
sides,  to  shake  off  the  yoke  imposed  on  them  by  the  late  king. 
He  defeated  the  Triballians  in  a  great  battle  near  the  Danube, 
made  the  Getse  fly  at  his  approach,  subdued  several  other  tribes, 
some  by  force  of  arms,  others  by  the  terror  of  his  name ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  bold  assertion  of  some  among  their  ambassa- 
dors that  the  only  fear  they  had,  was  lest  the  heavens  and  stars 
should  fall  upon  them,  caused  them  all  to  dread  or  at  least  to 
respect  his  power.  A  few  months  were  sufficient  for  this  young 
conqueror  to  vanquish  so  many  enemies  and  win  so  many  laurels. 

Whilst  Alexander  was  thus  engaged  at  a  distance  against  the 
barbarians,  news  was  brought  to  him  that  several  Grecian  cities 
had  adopted  measures  the  most  contrary  to  his  interests.  The 
Thebans,  especially,  had  proceeded  to  take  up  arms  against  liim 


228  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

witb  a  boldness  that  far  surpassed  their  strength,  and  Demosthenes 
was  iricessantl}^  urging  the  Athenians  to  follow  the  same  course. 
The  king,  in  the  mean  while,  had  begun  to  .advance  rapidly 
towards  Greece.  When  he  had  passed  the  Thermopyl?©,  he  said 
to  his  followers  :  "  Demosthenes  in  his  speeches  callechme  a  child, 
whilst  I  was  among  the  Triballians  and  Illyrians ;  he  called  me  a 
youth,  when  I  was  in  Thessaly;  and  I  must  now  show  him,  near 
the  walls  of  Athens,  that  I  am  a  grown  man/'  Having  surprised 
the  Thebans  by  the  rapidity  of  his  march,  he  defeated  them  with 
great  slaughter,  levelled  their  city  to  the  ground,  and  sold  the 
surviving  inhabitants  as  slaves,  to  the  number  of  thirty  thousand. 
This  example  of  severity,  which  Alexander  himself  afterwards 
deemed  excessive,  spread  terror  among  all  the  neighboring  cities, 
and  particularly  among  the  Athenians;  they  hastened  to  make 
their  submission,  sued  for  peace,  and  were  happy  enough  to  ob- 
tain it  under  moderate  conditions. 

Having  thus  fully  restored  the  Macedonian  influence  through- 
out Greece,  Alexander  convened  a  general  assembly  to  be  held  at 
the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  and  here  he  was,  as  his  father  Philip 
had  been,  unanimously  elected  commander-in-chief  of  the  Greeka 
against  the  Persians.  As  many  distinguished  persons  came  to 
congratulate  him  on  the  occasion,  he  hoped  that  Diogenes  of  Si- 
nope,  who  then  lived  at  Corinth,  would  be  of  the  number.  Find- 
ing himself  disappointed,  he  went  to  see  that  philosopher  in  a 
part  of  the  suburbs  called  Cranium.  Diogenes  happened,  at  that 
moment,  to  be  lying  in  the  sun ;  and  seeing  a  large  concourse  of 
people  approach  him,  he  raised  himself  a  little,  and  fixed  his  eyes 
on  Alexander.  The  king  addressed  him  in  a  courteous  manner, 
and  asked  him  whether  he  stood  in  need  of  any  service;  '-'Only 
stand  a  little  out  of  the  sunshine,'^  said  Diogenes.  Alexander, 
we  are  told,  was  struck  and  surprised  to  such  a  degree  at  finding 
himself  so  little  regarded,  and  saw  in  that  indifference  (if  not 
rather  philosophical  pride  and  pedantry),  something  so  extraor- 
dinary, that  while  his  courtiers  were  ridiculing  the  philosopher, 
he  said  :  "  I  could  wish  to  be  Diogenes,  if  I  were  not  Alexander." 

But,  whatever  may  have  been  his  conditional  wish,  this  prince 
certsimly  pre/erred  to  be  Alexander  rather  than  Diogenes.  He 
then  thought  of  nothing  except  the  conquest  of  Asia,  and  having 
obtained  from  the  Greeks  what  he  most  desired,  he  hastened  his 
return  to  Macedon,  in  order  to  make  his  immediate  preparations 
foi  the  momentous  enterpiise. 


B  0.  886—824.  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  229 


J  II.  ALEXANDER  UNDERTAKES  THE  CONQUEST  OF  ASIA.— 
FALL  OF  THE  PERSIAN  EMPIRE.— b.  c.  334—330. 

Alexander  appointed  Antipater,  one  of  his  best  generals,  to 
govern  Macedon  in  his  absence,  and  gave  him  a  sufficient  number 
of  troops  to  watch  efTectually  over  the  interests  of  that  kingdom 
and  the  tranquillity  of  Greece.  He  himself  embarked  for  his 
expedition  with  an  army  of  about  thirty-five  thousand  men.  This 
number,  when  compared  to  the  greatness  of  the  attempt,  might 
be  deemed  a  very  inconsiderable  force ;  but  Alexander's  troops 
were  all  chosen,  intrepid  and  experienced  warriors,  having  at  their 
head,  besides  himself,  excellent  generals,  such  as  Parmenio  for 
the  infantry,  and  Philotas,  the  son  of  Parmenio,  for  the  cavalry. 
This  army  was  furnished  with  neither  a  great  quantity  of  provi- 
sions, nor  a  large  amount  of  money  for  the  necessary  expenses; 
Alexander  relied,  for  the  future,  on  the  strength  of  his  sword, 
and  the  weakness  of  the  enemy  whom  he  was  preparing  to  attack. 

His  calculations  were  correct.  The  Persians  could  bring  to  the 
field  vast  multitudes  of  men,  but  only  a  few  warriors;  and  among 
these,  not  one  good  general,  except  Memnon  the  Rhodian,  whose 
valor  and  prudence  were  equalled  only  by  his  fidelity  to  Darius. 
This  able  leader  suggested  the  best  measures  to  defend  the  em- 
pire against  its  invaders ;  but  either  his  advice  was  disregarded 
by  the  Persian  satraps,  or  a  premature  death  prevented  him  from 
carrying  his  excellent  views  into  execution.  This  accident  deliv- 
ered Alexander  from  a  formidable  rival,  and  the  only  commander 
who  could  have  opposed  him  with  success. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  the  Macedonian  hero  had  already 
entered  upon  his  course  of  rapid  conquests,  whilst  Memnon  was 
yet  alive.  Having  crossed  the  Hellespont  vrithout  any  difficulty, 
he  encountered  the  first  Persian  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Grani- 
3US,  a  river  of  Phrygia.  It  was  a  perilous  attempt  to  ford  it  in 
presence  of  an  hostile  force  of  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand 
men,  who,  from  the  other  shore,  were  ready  to  oppose  his  pas- 
sage; yet,  so  many  obstacles  did  not  make  y\.lexander  hesitate  for  a 
single  moment.  Throwing  himself  with  the  cavalry  into  the 
stream,  he  rushed  at  their  head  against  the  Persians,  even  at  the 
risk  of  his  life.  A  battle-axe,  brandished  by  a  vigorous  hand, 
broke  his  helmet,  and  a  second  and  deadly  stroke  was  about  to 
follow,  when  Clitus,  one  of  his  officers,  saved  his  life  by  cutting 
•  »fi"  the  hand  of  the  Persian  warrior. 

The  Macedonians,  greatly  excited  by  the  perilous  situation  of 
ihcii*  louder,  rushed  forward  with  the  most  desperate  courage, 

20 


280  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paex  17. 

until  the  two  wings  of  the  enemy's  horse  were  at  length  put  to 
flight.  The  Persian  infantry  offered  still  less  resistance.  Being 
attacked  at  the  same  time  by  the  phalanx,  which  had  now  crossed 
the  river,  and  by  the  victorious  cavalry  of  the  Macedonians,  they 
dispersed,  and  after  a  chosen  body  of  Grecian  auxiliaries  had  also 
been  defeated,  left  Alexander  absolute  master  of  the  field  (b.  c. 
334).  The  loss  of  the  Persians,  according  to  the  more  com- 
mon report,  amounted  to  twenty  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand 
five  hundred  horse ;  whereas  the  whole  number  of  slain  on  the 
side  of  the  Macedonians  did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  thirty. 

The  victory  at  the  Granicus  had  all  the  happy  consequences 
that  Alexander  could  reasonably  expect.  Among  the  chief  citiea 
of  Lesser  Asia,  it  induced  many,  for  instance,  Sardis,  Ephesus, 
Magnesia,  etc.,  to  make  an  immediate  surrender  into  his  hands; 
and  it  helped  him  to  subdue  others,  such  as  Miletus  and  Halicar- 
nassus,  notwithstanding  their  vigorous  and  protracted  resistance. 

After  these  conquests,  Alexander  reached  the  city  of  Tarsus  in 
Cilicia.  When  he  arrived  there,  being  all  covered  with  dust  and 
sweat  in  consequence  of  the  excessive  heat  of  the  day,  and  in- 
vited by  the  cool  and  limpid  waters  of  the  Oydnus,  he  hp,d  the 
imprudence  to  throw  himself  into  that  river.  He  was  immediately 
benumbed  with  cold,  and  carried  back  half  dead  to  his  tent.  As 
soon  as  he  had  recovered  the  use  of  his  senses,  he  desired  his 
physicians  to  give  him  quick,  strong,  and  even,  if  necessary, 
violent  remedies,  because,  aware  of  the  approach  of  a  Persian 
army  under  the  command  of  Darius,  he  preferred  a  speedy  death 
to  a  slow  cure.  This  impatience  of  the  king  alarmed  every  one, 
and  the  physicians  were  unwilling  to  undertake  so  perilous  a  case. 
One  of  them,  however,  called  Philip,  much  attached  to  Alexan- 
der whom  he  had  attended  from  his  tender  years,  thought  it  the 
highest  ingratitude,  when  he  now  beheld  him  in  so  much  danger, 
not  to  risk  something  with  him  in  exhausting  all  the  art  of  medi- 
cine for  his  relief.  He  therefore  attempted  the  cure,  and  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  have  sufiicient  time  to  make  all  necessary 
preparation,  promised  a  powerful  and  sure  remedy. 

In  the  interval,  the  king  received  from  Parmenio,  his  most 
trusty  general,  a  note  stating  that  Philip  had  been  bribed  by  the 
Persians  to  poison  his  sovereign.     When,  at  the  appointed  time, 
the  physician  entered  the  chamber,  holding  a  cup  with  the  raedi-j 
cine  which  he  had  prepared,  Alexander  gave  him  the  letter  tc 
read,  and,  at  the  same  instant,  taking  the  cup  from  his  hands,! 
swallowed  the  whole  draught  without  hesitation.     Philip  showed! 
nacre  indignation  than  fear  at  the  charge  contained  in  the  letter;! 
*'  My  lord/'  said  he,  '^your  recovery  will  soon  place  m}  innooem 


B.  0.  886—824.  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  281 

m  the  clcarcfjt  light.''  Within  the  short  space  of  three  days, 
Alexander  was  restored  to  health,  and  showed  himself  again  to 
his  troops,  whose  joy  was  proportioned  to  the  danger  to  which 
fhoy  had  been  exposed  of  losing  their  leader. 

In  the  mean  time,  King  Darius  was  advancing  with  an  almost 
countless  force  against  Alexander.*  He  had  been  advised  to 
station  himself  in  the  vast  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  where  he 
might  indeed  have  used  all  his  forces  to  the  best  advantage,  and 
so  direct  the  movements  of  the  numerous  squadrons  of  his  cavalry, 
as  to  hem  in  on  all  sides  the  small  army  of  the  Macedonians.  But 
the  Persian  monarch  would  not  listen  to  this  salutary  advice,  and 
advanced  as  far  as  the  small  town  of  Issus,  amidst  the  narrow 
passes  of  Cilicia  (b.  c.  333). 

The  spot  could  not  possibly  be  more  unfavorable  to  him,  nor 
more  advantageous  to  Alexander,  who,  being  protected  on  the 
one  side  by  the  mountains,  on  the  other  by  the  sea,  was  not  in 
danger  of  being  surrounded.  Hence  the  issue  of  the  battle  was 
not  long  uncertain,  except  perhaps  in  the  centre  of  both  armies, 
where  the  Grecian  auxiliaries  for  Persia  opposed  the  Macedonian 
phalanx.  To  speak  in  general,  although  several  bodies  of  the 
Persian  troops  fought  at  first  with  great  courage,  their  two  wings, 
as  likewise  their  centre,  were  broken,  routed,  driven  from  the 
field,  and,  owing  to  both  the  narrowness  of  the  place  and  the 
closeness  of  the  pursuit,  experienced  a  dreadful  slaughter.  They 
lost  from  one  hundred  thousand  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  thoU' 
sand  men,  together  with  their  camp,  their  treasures,  and  a  large 
number  of  prisoners.  Among  the  captives  were  the  mother  and 
other  persons  of  Darius'  family,  all  of  whom  Alexander  treated 
with  the  utmost  courtesy  and  respect.  As  to  Darius  himself,  as 
soon  as  he  saw  himself  in  danger,  he  was  seized  with  terror, 
threw  off"  the  insignia  of  royalty,  and  gave  to  those  around  him 
the  example  of  a  precipitate  flight. 

The  best  fruit  of  this  great  victory  for  the  conqueror,  was  to 
render  him  master  of  Syria  and  Phenicia.  One  city,  however, 
in  the  latter  country,  the  famous  and  powerful  city  of  Tyre, 
closed  its  gates  against  him.  He,  indeed,  succeeded  in  taking  it 
by  storm,  but  not  till  after  a  siege  of  seven  months'  duration, 

*  The  number  of  men  who  composed  the  Persian  army  is  diflFerently 
stated  by  various  historians.  Quintus  Curtius  (b.  iii,  c.  2,  n.  4)  makes 
it  amount  to  about  three  hundred  thousand  soldiers  of  different  nations. 
According  to  Justin  (b.  xi,  c.  9),  it  consisted  of  one  hundred  thousand 
cavalry  and  four  hundred  thousand  infantry ;  and  Plutarch  (m  Alex.) 
makes  the  total  number  not  less  than  six  hundred  thousand. 


H 


282  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  IV 

wbicli  cost  him  and  his  whole  army  incredible  dangers  and  hard- 
ships. 

Tyre  was  situated  on  a  small  island,  the  whole. extent  of  whicb 
it  occupied,  at  the  distance  of  about  half  a  mile  from  the  conti- 
nent. Thus  surrounded  by  the  sea,  it  could  not  be  besieged  in 
the  ordinary  manner  like  other  towns,  and,  independently  of  its 
numerous  fortifications  and  means  of  defence,  it  appeared  per- 
fectly sheltered  against  the  peril  of  a  regular  assault.  To  over- 
come this  difiiculty,  Alexander  undertook  to  join  the  city  with 
the  main  land,  by  raising  a  mole  across  the  strait  which  sepa- 
rated them.  This  astonishing  work,  the  greatest  proof  perhap? 
of  the  indomitable  energy  of  his  mind,  was  effected  by  dint  ol 
patience  and  efforts,  in  spite  of  winds,  waves,  tempests,  and  tho 
incessant  attacks  of  the  besieged.  No  sooner  was  it  completed, 
than  the  Macedonians  began  to  assault  the  city  both  by  land 
and  sea.  Yet  the  Tyrians  did  not  lose  courage;  their  ardor 
seemed  rather  to  increase ;  with  their  navy,  their  machines,  and 
the  various  resources  of  personal  valor,  they  continued  to  offer  a 
most  vigorous  and  undaunted  opposition  to  all  the  exertions  oi 
the  enemy.  Even  after  the  outward  fortifications  of  the  place 
were  ruined  or  carried  by  storm,  they  still  defended  the  avenuea 
and  streets  with  incredible  obstinacy. 

Alexander,  on  his  part,  rendered  furious  by  their  resistance, 
visited  it  with  a  dreadful  retaliation.  By  his  orders,  almost  all 
the  inhabitants  of  Tyre  were  either  put  to  the  sword  or  sold  at 
auction ;  and,  as  if  this  were  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  his  fury,  he 
caused  two  thousand  men,  his  prisoners,  to  be  crucified  along  the 
shore.  He  exercised  similar  cruelties  against  the  governor,  the 
garrison  and  the  citizens  of  Gaza,  in  Palestine,  to  pjinish  them 
for  having,  by  the  vigor  of  their  defence,  detained  his  army  be- 
fore their  walls  during  the  space  of  two  months.  Thus  early  had 
prosperity  begun  to  inflate  his  pride,  and  turn  his  former  gene- 
rosity into  the  worst  form  of  anger,  revenge  and  fierceness. 

This  terrible  conqueror  intended  likewise  to  treat  the  Jews 
with  great  severity,  on  account  of  their  attachment  and  fidelity 
to  the  Persian  king.  For  this  purpose,  he  had  no  sooner  subdued  , 
Tyre  than  he  marched  against  Jerusalem,  with  the  determination  ' 
to  inflict  on  it  the  most  rigorous  punishments ;  but,  through  a 
special  providence  of  God  over  his  chosen  people,  the  heart  of 
Alexander  was  suddenly  changed,  and  his  anger  appeased  at  the 
sight  of  the  High-priest  Jaddus,  who  had  come  in  great  pomp  to 
meet  him  out  of  the  city.  The  king  recognised  in  that  pontiff  a 
venerable  personage  who  had  appeared  to  him  in  his  sleep,  whilst 
he  was  in  Macedon,  and  had  promised  him  the  conquest  and 


•.  c.  886-n24.  ALEXANDER  THE   GREAI.  2S3 

empire  of  Asia.  His  admiration  increased  when  lie  was  shown, 
in  the  book  of  Daniel's  prophecies,  the  predictions  which  con- 
corned  himself  and  expressly  foretold  that  a  Grecian  king  would 
overthrow  the  Persian  empire.*  Alexander,  exceedingly  struck 
with  the  occurrence  and  pleased  with  the  prediction,  showed  the 
greatest  respect  to  Jaddus,  adored  the  true  God  whose  minister 
he  was,  and,  instead  of  punishing  the  Jews,  conferred  on  them  a 
variety  of  benefits  and  favors.  This  interesting  fact  is  related 
by  the  historian  Josephus.f 

Alexander  then  advanced  towards  Egypt,  a  considerable, 
though  disaffected  part  of  his  enemy's  empire.  Here,  aided  by 
the  aversion  of  the  natives  against  the  Persian  government,  he 
subjected  the  whole  country  to  his  power  without  any  opposition. 
The  favorable  situation  of  a  part  of  the  northern  coast  induced 
him  to  lay  on  that  spot  the  foundation  of  a  city,  which  was  called 
after  his  own  name,  Alexandria ;  it  became  and  remained  for 
several  ages  the  greatest  emporium  in  the  world.  At  this  period, 
also,  giving  full  scope  to  the  pride  of  his  heart,  he  undertook  to 
make  himself  pass  for  a  god.  Full  of  this  extravagant  idea,  he 
proceeded  across  the  Lybian  sands  and  deserts,  to  the  temple  of 
Jupiter-x\mmon,  and  the  priests  of  that  temple,  bribed  by  his 
presents,  declared  him  the  son  of  Jupiter. 

After  having  gratified  his  foolish  vanity,  Alexander  returned 
to  Egypt.  He  revisited  his  rising  city  of  Alexandria,  granted 
many  privileges  to  the  inhabitants,  and  settled  the  government 
both  military  and  civil  of  the  whole  country.  He  then  set  out 
for  Palestine  and  Phenicia,  in  order  to  give  his  undivided  atten- 
tion to  the^affairs  of  the  east.  About  this  time,  he  received  a 
letter  from  Darius,  in  which  that  prince  proposed,  on  condition 
of  a  pacification  and  future  friendship,  to  pay  him  ten  thousand 
talents  (about  ten  millions  of  dollars)  for  the  ransom  of  the  pri 
soners,  to  cede  to  him  all  the  countries  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Euphrates,  and  to  give  him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Parmenio^ 
to  whom  these  proposals  were  communicated,  was  of  opinion  that 
they  should  be  received.  ^^  I  would  accept  them,''  said  he,  "  if 
I  were  Alexander."  *' So  would  I,"  replied  Alexander,  "if  I 
were  Parmenio ;"  thus  fully  implying  that  he  despised  whatever 
might  satisfy  ordinary  ambition,  and  would  be  contented  with 
nothing  less  than  the  possession  of  the  whole  world. 

In  consequence  of  this  answer,  Darius  lost  all  hopes  of  an 
accommodation,  and  again  prepared  for  war.     Alexander,  on  his 

tt,  advanced  towards   the    Euphrates,  which   he  crossed   by 


j-  Jewish  Antiquities,  b.  xi,  oh.  8. 
20* 


234  ANCIENT   BLSTORY.  Part  IV. 

means  of  a  bridge,  and  continuing  his  journey,  soon  reached  the 
banks  of  the  Tigris.  Here,  for  want  of  the  same  convenience, 
and  in  consequence  of  the  impetuosity  of  the  stream,  the  crossing 
of  this  river  was  far  more  difficult,  and  would  most  probably  have 
been  fatal  to  the  Macedonians,  if  the  orders  of  the  Persian  king 
had  been  executed.  Maz^eus,  one  of  his  chief  officers,  with  a 
numerous  body  of  cavalry,  was  directed  to  oppose  and  prevent 
the  passage ;  but  this  general  arrived  too  late,  and  only  at  the 
time  when  Alexander  had  already,  though  with  much  peril  and 
trouble,  conveyed  all  his  troops  to  the  Persian  bank  of  the  river. 
They  might  have  been  destroyed,  says  Q.  Curtius,  if  an  enemy 
had  been  in  readiness  to  conquer  them,  while  they  struggled 
against  the  natural  difficulty  of  the  attempt.*  A  few  days  later, 
the  armies  came  in  sight  near  the  village  of  Gaugamela,  in  an 
open  plain,  at  the  distance  of  at  least  forty  miles  from  Arbela, 
which  latter  place,  being  a  much  more  considerable  town  than 
Gaugamela,  gave  its  name  to  the  battle. 

There  was  a  vast  difference  between  the  two  armies,  both  in 
number  and  courage.  The  troops  of  Darius  consisted,  if  not  of 
a  million  of  men,  as  Plutarch  admits,  at  least  of  six  hundred 
thousand  infantry  and  forty  thousand  cavalry.  The  forces  of 
Alexander  amounted  only  to  forty  thousand  foot,  and  seven  or 
eight  thousand  horse.  But  the  latter  army  was  full  of  vigor  and 
strength ;  whereas  that  of  the  Persians,  with  the  exception  of 
some  bodies  of  cavalry  and  the  Grecian  auxiliaries,  was,  as  usual, 
rather  a  prodigious  and  confused  multitude  of  men,  than  a  band 
of  real  warriors. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  Alexander  slept  so  soundly  that 
his  chief  officers  were  obliged  to  wake  him,  in  order  to  receive 
his  instructions ;  he  never  appeared  so  resolute,  so  cheerful,  and 
so  confident  of  victory.  His  presence  of  mind,  as  well  as  his 
bravery,  mostly  contributed  to  turn  the  scale  in  his  favor.  Having 
first  broken  and  routed  the  left  wing  of  the  Persians,  he  was  eager 
to  improve  his  advantage  by  falling,  with  redoubled  energy,  upon 
their  centre,  where  Darius  had  taken  his  position.  The  presence 
of  the  two  kings  inspired  their  respective  troops  with  new  vigor. 
Darius  was  mounted  on  a  chariot,  and  Alexander  on  horsebackj 
both  surrounded  by  their  bravest  officers  and  warriors,  whosfl 
only  aim  was  to  protect  the  lives  of  their  sovereigns,  even  at  the 
risk  of  their  own. 

After  a  furious  and  bloody  conflict,  Alexander  came  so  near 
the  chariot  of  the  Persian  king,  that  he  killed  his  driver,  who 

*  Deleri  potuit  exercitus,  si  qiiis  ausus  esset  vincere. — B  iv,  c  ix, 
n.  38. 


8. 0. 836— a2i.  ALEXANDER   THE   GREAT.  285 

Stood  before  him,  with  a  javelin.  Both  the  Macedonians  and 
Persians  imagined  that  it  was  Darius  himself  who  hud  been 
slain,  and  the  Persians,  in  the  utmost  consternation,  began  to 
(juit  their  ranks  and  to  give  way  in  almost  every  direction. 
J^ven  the  monarch,  believing  that  all  was  lost,  fled  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  army.  Up  to  this  moment,  he  had  displayed, 
(luring  the  battle,  a  judgment  and  valor  truly  worthy  of  praise; 
and,  whilst  withdrawing  from  that  scene  of  carnage,  evinced  a 
feeling  of  humanity  still  more  honorable  to  his  character.  Being 
advised  by  some  persons  to  break  down  the  bridge  of  a  river,  in 
order  to  retard  the  enemy's  pursuit,  he  refused,  and  said  that  he 
would  never  seek  to  save  his- life  at  the  risk  of  so  many  thou- 
sands of  his  subjects,  who  had  the  same  right  with  himself  to 
provide  for  their  safety. 

Until  the  defeat  of  both  the  left  wing  and  centre  of  the  Per- 
sian army,  nothing  of  importance  had  been  done  in  other  parts 
of  the  field.  From  the  beginning  of  the  combat,  a  detachment 
of  Cadusian  and  Scythian  cavalry  in  the  service  of  Darius  had 
attacked  and  begun  to  plunder  the  camp  of  the  Macedonians. 
The  news  of  this  attack  was  brought  to  Alexander;  still,  not  to 
weaken  the  main  bodies  of  his  troops,  he  with  difficulty  con- 
sented to  send  any  assistance,  hoping  that  victory,  if  it  could  be 
secured,  would  amply  compensate  every  previous  loss.  But  that 
was  not  the  only  nor  the  greatest  difficulty  to  be  encountered. 

Parmenio,  who  commanded,  as  usual,  the  left  wing  of  the 
Macedonians,  found  himself  in  imminent  danger  of  being 
totall}^  defeated ;  Mazseus,  the  general  of  the  Persian  cavalry, 
pressed  very  hard  on  that  side,  and,  extending  his  gallan"; 
squadrons,  began  to  surround  his  opponents  by  superiority  of 
number.  No  sooner  was  Alexander  informed  of  this  new  peril, 
than  he  desisted  from  the  pursuit  of  Darius,  and  returned  in 
haste  to  protect  his  left  wing.  When  he  arrived,  the  danger 
was  past.  The  Persians  had  been  suddenly  dispirited  by  the 
sad  tidings  from  other  parts  of  the  field ;  Parmenio  had  revived 
the  courage  of  his  men,  recovered  his  ground,  and  put  the  enemy 
to  flight. 

By  this  additional  success,  the  victory  of  the  Macedonians  and 
the  defeat  of  the  Persians  were  complete.  According  to  Arrian, 
the  battle  of  Arbela  cost  the  vanquished  three  hundred  thousand 
men,  independently  of  prisoners;  it  certainly  gave  to  Alexander 
the  empire  of  Asia  (b.  c.  331),  for  it  was  soon  followed  by  thf* 
surrender  of  Arbela,  Babylon,  Susa,  Pasagarda,  Persepolis, 
und  Ecbatnna,  that  is,  of  all  the  chief  cities  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire; and,  together  with  them,  the  conqueror  received  an  amount 


i 


236  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pam  IV. 

of  treasures  and  riches  equal  in  value  to  one  hundred  and 
eighty  thousand  talents  of  silver  (nearly  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars),  with  which  he  purposed  partly  to  bestow  magnificent 
rewards  on  his  officers  and  soldiers,  partly  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war. 

On  the  other  hand,  no  misfortune,  no  distress,  can  be  ima- 
gined more  deplorable  than  that  of  Darius  on  this  occasion. 
He  had  hitherto  used  every  possible  means,  nay  sometimes  base 
expedients,  to  arrest  the  course  of  his  mighty  rival,  but  had 
constantly  failed ;  in  particular,  he  had  often  tried  the  chances 
of  war,  and  was  invariably  overcome.  After  his  late  disaster, 
he  fled  as  far  as  Ecbatana,  the  capital  of  Media.  Nor  could  he 
be  safe  there ;  the  approach  of  Alexander  obliged  him  to  leave 
that  city,  and  retire  to  a  greater  distance.  In  this  continued 
flight,  he  was  still  followed  by  a  respectable  body  of  troops;  but 
during  their  further  march,  Bessus,  one  of  his  generals,  having 
bribed  most  of  them,  made  himself  master  of  the  person  of  the 
king,  whom  he  loaded  with  chains.  When  this  traitor  learned 
that  the  Macedonians  were  fast  approaching,  both  he  and  his 
accomplices  pierced  Darius  with  their  arrows,  and  left  him 
covered  with  wounds,  though  still  alive,  at  a  short  distance  from  the 
road.  The  unfortunate  monarch  was  found  in  this  sad  condition 
by  a  Macedonian  called  Polystrates,  of'  whom  he  asked  a  drink 
of  water.  Having  received  and  taken  it,  he  expressed  his  lively 
gratitude  for  the  boon,  and  pressing  the  soldier's  hand  in  his 
own,  requested  him  to  thank  Alexander  in  his  name  for  the 
great  kindness  he  had  shown  to  his  family,  and  to  recommend  to 
the  justice  of  that  prince  the  punishment  of  a  monster  of  ingra- 
titude and  cruelty,  who,  by  putting  his  king  and  benefactor  to 
death,  had  outraged  all  sovereigns  in  his  person.  Having  said 
chis,  he  breathed  his  last.  Alexander  arrived  a  few  moments 
after  he  had  expired,  and,  weeping  over  him,  caused  his  funeral 
obsequies  to  be  performed  with  royal  magnificence,  and  his  body 
to  be  interred  in  the  sepulchre  of  the  kings  his  predecessors 
(B.  c.  330).* 

*  Q  he  great  facility  with  which  the  Macedonians  overthrew  Darius 
and  his  empire,  is  thus  described  by  the  eloquent  Bishop  of  Meaux: 

*'  Alexander,  at  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the  throne,  found  the 
Macedonians  not  only  inured  to  warfare,  but  also  victorious  over  all 
their  enemies,  and  nearly  as  superior  to  the  other  Greeks  in  valor  and 
discipline,  as  the  Greeks  were  superior  to  the  Persians  and  the  other 
nations  of  the  east. 

"  Darius  Codomanus,  who  began  at  the  same  time  to  reign  in  Persia, 
was  just,  brave,  generous,  beloved  by  his  subjects,  and  by  no  means 
deficient  either  in  ability  or  courage.     But,  if  we  compare  him  with 


I 


B.  0.  830—324.  ALEX  INDER  THE  GREAT.  2^7 

With  Darius  Codomanus  ended  the  great  Peruian  empire, 
after  it  bad  lasted  two  hundred  and  six  years,  from  the  time 
when  Cyrus,  its  founder,  began  to  reign  over  the  united  king- 
doms of  Persia  proper,  Media  and  Babylonia.  Shortly  after, 
Bessus  paid  the  just  forfeit  of  his  parricide.  Being  himself  be- 
trayed by  his  officers,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  Alexander,  and 
was  condemned  to  be  quartered,  both  as  a  chastisement  of  his 
crime,  and  a  warning  to  all  imitators  of  his  cruel  perfidy^-^ 

I  III.  DISTURBzVNCES  IN  GREECE— FURTHER  CONQUESTS  OP 
ALEXANDER  IN  ASIA— HIS  RE'tURN  TO  BABYLON,  DEATH 
AND  CHARACTER.— B.  c.  330—324. 

Alexander  was  careful  to  show  his  satisfaction  for  past 
success,  not  only  to  those  who  actually  followed  his  standard 
;ind  were  the  instrument  of  his  victories,  but  likewise  to  the 
(1  reeks  at  large,  who  had  chosen  him  to  be  their  common  leader 
against  the  Persians.  He  ordered  by  letters,  that  every  usur- 
pation and  tyranny  should  be  abolished  throughout  Greece,  and 
freedom  restored  to  all  the  towns.  In  behalf  of  the  Plataeans, 
in  particular,  he  directed  that  their  city  should  be  rebuilt,  as  a 
reward  of  the  zeal  and  courage  which  their  ancestors  had  evinced 
during  the  period  of  the  Persian  invasion. 

Whilst  Alexander  showed  so  much  concern  for  the  liberty  of 
Greece,  there  were  not  wanting,  among  its  inhabitants,  those 
who  dreaded  the  increase  of  his  power,  and  who  strove,  by  every 
means,  to  arrest  or  prevent  its  influence  among  them.      Most 

Alexander ;  his  ability  with  that  bold  and  mighty  genius ;  his  courage 
with  that  unconquerable  valor  which  obstacles  and  dangers  only  served 
to  animate;  his  zeal  for  the  defence  of  his  empire,  with  that  unquench- 
able thirst  of  glory  which  counted  the  greatest  hardships  as  nothing, 
and  faced  death  a  thousand  times ;  or  with  that  boundless  ambition 
which  wept  at  the  idea  of  not  being  able  to  conquer  more  than  one 
world ;  or,  in  fine,  with  that  unbounded  confidence  which,  filling  Alex- 
ander's mind,  convinced  him  that  all  must  yield  to  his  arms,  a  confi- 
dence which  he  communicated  to  his  oflBcers,  nay  to  all  his  soldiers, 
in  such  a  degree  as  to  raise  them,  by  this  means,  not  only  above  diffi- 
culties, but  even  above  themselves :  if  we  thus  carry  on'the  comparison 
between  Alexander  and  Darius,  it  will  be  easy  to  judge  with  which  of 
'  e  two  victory  must  have  sided. 

Furthermore,  if  to  this  discrepancy  of  personal  character  between 
_  two  sovereigns,  be  added  the  difference  of  their  military  resources, 
«nd  the  vast  superiority,  in  courage  and  discipline,  of  the  Macedonians 
and  Greeks  over  their  enemies,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  Per- 
sian empire,  attacked  by  soldiers  like  these*  and  by  such  a  hero  as 
Alexander  was,  could  not  fail  to  be  overthrown." — I3ossuet, Z'lscoMrse 
on  Universal  Hutory,  part  iii.  ch.  5. 


bet 

i 


2S8  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

of  the  Peloponnesian  cities  formed  a  league  for  this  purpose, 
and  calling  into  the  field  their  bravest  warriors,  mustered  i,u 
army  of  twenty  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse.  The 
Athenians,  on  whom  Alexander  had  lavished  many  marks  of 
esteem,  had  no  share  in  this  insurrection  agaiist  his  authority  j 
the  Lacedaemonians,  on  the  contrary,  took  the  lead  in  it,  and 
pretended  to  assume  to  themselves  the  defence  of  Grecian  free-, 
dom. 

They  might  hope  to  derive  advantage  from  the  absence  of 
Alexander,  but  they  had  not  sufficiently  considered  the  abilities 
and  activity  of  his  lieutenant.  As  soon  as  Antipater,  the  gover- 
nor of  Macedon,  was  informed  of  the  hostile  confederacy  formed 
m  southern  Greece,  he  led  the  troops  left  at  his  disposal  in  that 
direction,  and,  increasing  their  number  from  the  contributions  of 
those  states  which  had  remained  faithful  to  the  Macedonian 
party,  he  entered  Peloponnesus  at  the  head  of  forty  thousand 
men.  A  furious  and  most  obstinate  battle  was  fought  near 
Megalopolis,  in  Arcadia.  The  Lacedasmonians  behaved  with  a 
courage  worthy  of  their  former  renown ;  but,  having  to  contend 
against  a  general  superior  in  skill  as  well  as  in  the  number  of 
his  forces,  they  were  at  last  completely  routed  and  driven  from 
the  field,  with  the  loss  of  their  intrepid  king,  Agis,  and  upM^ards 
of  five  thousand  other  combatants.  The  Macedonians  did  not 
lose  more  than  a  thousand  soldiers;  however  nearly  all  the  rest 
were  wounded.  This  decisive  action  baffled  all  the  hopes,  and 
weakened  more  than  ever  the  strength  of  Sparta. 

Antipater  immediately  sent  an  account  of  his  victory  to  Alex- 
ander; still,  as  a  prudent  courtier,  he  did  not  pretend  to  decide 
by  himself  the  fate  of  the  vanquished,  but  merely  directed  them 
to  send  deputies  to  the  king  for  the  purpose  of  imploring  for- 
giveness and  peace,  which  were  granted  on  moderate  terms. 
That  general  used  this  caution  and  reserve,  not  to  wound  the 
well  known  susceptibility  of  his  sovereign,  and  yet  he  could 
(scarcely  avoid  displeasing  him.  Alexander  considered  all  glory 
acquired  by  others  as  a  diminution  of  his  own.  He  rejoiced 
that  the  Lacedaemonians  were  conquered,  but  regretted  that  they 
had  been  conquered  by  any  one  but  himself.  Hence,  no  pre- 
caution of  modesty  and  prudence  could  prevent  him  from  utter- 
ing expressions  which  betrayed  his  jealousy,  as  when  he  said 
that  the  battle  of  Megalopolis,  compared  with  his  own  achieve- 
ments, was  nothing  more  than  a  battle  of  rats.*     Such  was  the 

*  Accepto  victorice  nuntio,  suis  operibus   id  discrimen  comparans 
murium  earn  puguam  fuisse  cavillatus  est — Q.  Curtius,  b.  yi,  c.  i,  n.  L 


B.  c.  880—824.  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  239 

■  lo  of  this  conqueror;  he  would  be  the  sole  possessoi  of  mili- 

y  fame,  sole  master  of  the  world. 

Still,  in  his  personal  career  of  success,  there  was  assuredly 
rnough  to  satisfy  the  utmost  craving  of  human  ambition.  The 
Jirce  or  four  years  which  followed  the  battle  of  Arbela,wrre  for 
ill  in  one  continued  series  of  new  victories  and  conquests:  the 
Piangians,  Margians,  Hircanians,  Bactrians,  Sogdians,  and  other 
•  :!>cs,  yielded  successively  to  his  victorious  arms;  even  the 
thians,  that  warlike  and  undaunted  people  of  the  north  of 
.\-ia,  were  conquered  by  him  in  a  great  battle  near  the  river 
-laxartes.  His  troops,  incessantly  animated  by  his  example,  and 
Inivried  on,  as  it  were,  by  his  martial  spirit  and  indefatigable 
ardor,  subdued  fortresses,  cities,  and  countries,  within  a  shorter 
tiiuo  than  it  would  take  an  ordinary  traveller  to  visit  them.'  Ho 
vvoidd  frequently  pursue  an  enemy  for  whole  days  and  nights, 
giving  himself  and  his  soldiers  scarcely  any  rest.  By  this 
a.Ntonishing  rapidity,  he  came  suddenly  upon  nations,  who 
tliought  him  at  a  great  distance,  and  conquered  them  before 
they  had  time  to  provide  against  his  attacks.  This  was  the 
very  idea  which  the  Sacred  Scripture  had  given  of  Alexander 
long  before  his  birth,  by  representing  him  as  a  leopard  and  a  he- 
goat,  rushing  forward  with  so  much  swiftness  that  his  feet, 
seemed  not  to  touch  the  ground.* 

What  must  appear  most  astonishing,  is  that  Alexander  could 
find  troops  hardy  enough  to  fellow  him  through  that  series  of 
toilsome  expeditions.  Such,  however,  was  his  good  fortune  :  he 
knew  how  to  conciliate  in  the  highest  degree  the  affection,  de- 
votedness  and  obedience  of  his  soldiers,  and  had  such  power  over 
their  minds  and  hearts  as  to  obtain  from  them  whatever  he  de- 
sired. Besides  their  just  confidence  in  his  abilities,  the  means 
by  which  he  secured  this  influence  over  them,  were  his  gracious 
manners  and  kindness  in  their  regard,  his  assiduous  care  to  con- 
fer on  them  merited  praises  or  rewards,  and  his  readiness  to  share 
iu  all  their  dangers  and  fatigues.  Seeing,  one  day,  a  poor  Mace- 
donian driving  a  mule  laden  with  the  king's  money,  and  striving 
to  relieve  the  wearied  beast  by  taking  the  load  on  himself,  he 
cried  out  to  him  :  "  Hold  on,  my  friend,  the  rest  of  the  wny,  and 
carry  the  burden  to  your  own  tent ;  for  the  sum  is  yours,  I  give 
it  to  you.''  At  the  time  of  a  diflicult  aiid  harassing  march  through 
dreary  places,  some  Macedonians,  seeing  the  king  greatly  dis- 
tressed with  heat  and  thirst,  presented  him  some  water  in  a 
helmet.     Alexander  took  the  helmet,  but  observing  that  those 


I 


*  Daniel  vii,  G,  and  viii,  5. 


240  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

around  him  were  suffering  like  himself,  and  that  there  was  not  water 
enough  for  all,  he  refused  to  drink,  in  order  to  encourage  them 
to  bear  their  sufferings  more  cheerfully.  At  the  sight  of  this 
generous  self-denial  and  magnanimity,  the  cavalry  who  accom- 
panied him,  cried  out  that  he  might  lead  them  withersoever  he 
pleased ;  that  they  were  neither  weary  nor  thirsty ;  and  that  they 
should  hardly  think  themselves  mortal,  whilst  under  the  guidance 
of  such  a  king.  By  means  like  these,  did  he  endear  himself  to  his 
soldiers,  and  secure  their  ready  services  on  every  occasion. 

Alexander  might  be  said  to  have,  at  that  period,  reached  the 
height  of  human  glory;  but  about  this  time  he  plunged  into  an 
abyss  of  degrading  excesses,  and  his  uninterrupted  success,  which 
bad  commenced  to  blind  his  heart  after  the  battle  of  Issus,  wrought 
a  fatal  change  in  his  moral  character.  Not  satisfied  with  imitat- 
ing the  Persian  splendor  and  manners,  he  required  adoration  to 
be  paid  to  him,  at  least  by  his  new  subjects.  He  began  to  indulge 
in  intemperance  and  debauchery,  and,  in  the  paroxysms  of  his 
anger,  often  proved  as  formidable  to  his  friends  as  he  was  in  bat- 
tle to  his  enemies.  He  put  to  death,  on  a  slight  suspicion  of 
conspiracy,  his  most  distinguished  generals,  Philotas,  the  son  of 
Parmenio,  and  Parmenio  himself,  whom  he  had  lately  appointed 
commander  in  Media.  He  caused  the  virtuous  philosopher  Cal- 
listhenes,  who  had  rebuked  his  pride,  to  expire  in  the  midst  of 
torments ;  and  once,  when  heated  with  wine,  he  killed  with  his 
own  hand  Clitus,  the  same  officer  that  hUd  saved  his  life  in  the 
battle  of  Granicus.  Thus  did  a  prince  who  aimed  at  the  empire 
of  the  universe,  often  become  the  voluntary  slave  of  his  unruly 
passions,  and  thus  did  he,  who  wished  to  be  considered  and  ho- 
nored even  as  a  god,  place  himself  beneath  the  condition  of  a 
reasonable  creature. 

Still,  as  ambition  continued  his  predominant  vice  until  death, 
and  as  he  saw  that  his  Macedonian  veterans  were  much  displeased 
at  his  new  manner  of  life,  he  marched  towards  India,  both  to  oc- 
cupy their  attention,  and  to  add  this  celebrated  country  to  his 
empire.  In  proportion  as  he  advanced  towards  the  river  Indus, 
he  besieged  and  took,  though  frequently  at  the  risk  of  his  life, 
cities  and  fortresses  which  seemed  impregnable.  When  he  had 
crossed  that  river,  the  terror  of  his  name  spreading  far  and  wide, 
induced  the  various  kings  of  the  neighborhood  to  make  their 
submission ;  only  one  of  them,  called  Porus,  ventured  to  resist 
him  and  impede  his  progress.  Having  assembled  a  gallant  army, 
this  prince  stationed  himself  on  the  banks  of  the  Hydaspes,  a 
deep,  broad  and  rapid  stream,  and  held  himself  in  readiness  to 
tlttack  tlie  Macedonians,  as  soon  as  they  should  attempt  a  passage. 


1. 0. 830—324.  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  241 

Alexander  very  soon  perceived  that  lie  would  never  succeed, 
h\  open  force,  in  so  difficult  an  attempt.  He  had  tnerefore  re- 
course to  stratagem;  and  having,  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  made 
preparations  to  cross  the  river  in  a  certain  place,  passed  over  it 
by  night  in  another,  during  a  frightful  storm,  the  very  violence 
r)f  which  fjivored  the  prosecution  of  his  designs.  A  regular  and 
jutched  battle  was  the  inevitable  consequence.  It  was  well  con- 
tested ;  but,  like  every  other  fought  by  Alexander  in  person, 
terminated  in  the  total  defeat  of  the  enemy.  The  Indians  lost, 
besides  their  numerous  elephants  and  chariots,  twenty-three 
thousand  men,  with  all  their  chief  officers,  among  whom  were 
two  sons  of  Porus;  and  that  monarch  himself,  after  having  given 
to  the  end,  proofs  of  the  most  extraordinary  courage,  fell,  into 
the  hands  of  his  conqueror.  He  appeared  before  him  with  a  dig- 
iiiiied  countenance,  and  when  asked  how  he  wished  to  be  treated, 
nobly  answered  :  '^  Like  a  king."  Alexander,  moved  by  this 
magnanimity  of  the  Indian  prince,  did  not  permit  himself  to  be 
^^ul•passed  in  generous  feelings  ;  he  not  only  reinstated  him  in  his 
kingdom,  but  even  added  to  it  several  other  provinces  (b.  c.  327). 

It  was  the  intention  of  Alexander  to  proceed  still  farther 
through  the  east,  and  even  to  cross  the  Ganges,  the  greatest  river 
of  India,  for  the  purpose  of  enlarging  still  more  the  boundaries 
of  his  empire.  But  the  complaints,  tears  and  entreaties  of  his 
army,  naturally  wearied  with  so  many  painful  expeditions,  in- 
duced him  to  retrace  his  steps  towards  the  west.  His  return  was 
marked  by  new  adventures,  hardships,  dangers,  battles  and  con- 
quests. When  he  arrived  in  Babylon,  he  had  the  pbasure  to 
liud  there  ambassadors  from  nearly  all  parts  of  the  world,  who 
luul  come  to  pay  him  homage ;  he  gave  them  audience  with  a 
dignity  worthy  of  a  great  monarch,  and,  at  the  same  time,  with 
the  affability  of  a  prince  desirous  of  winning  universal  affection. 
In  the  mean  while,  his  mind  was  occupied  with  new  enterprises, 
the  conquest  of  Arabia,  the  circumnavigation  of  Africa,  the  war 
against  Carthage,  and  the  subjugation  of  Europe.  Death,  how- 
ever, did  not  allow  him  to  execute  any  of  these  gigantic  projects: 
at  the  close  of  a  banquet  in  which  he  drank  to  excess,  he  was 
seized  with  a  violent  fever,  and  in  a  few  days  was  reduced  to  the 
last?  extremity.  As  a  last  mark  of  affection,  he  presented  his 
hand  to  kiss  to  his  soldiers,  and  shortly  after  expired,  at  the  age 
of  nearly  thirty-three,  after  a  reign  of  twelve  years  (b.  c.  324).* 

The  death  of  this  great  conqueror,  obliterating,  as  it  were,  the 

^'  Justin  asserts  (b.  xiii,  c.  13,  14.)  that  Alexander  died  by  poison,  and 
Q.  Curtius  (b.  x.  c.  4,  n,  11)  seems  much  inclined  to  admit  the  assertioa 
oi'  Justin.     But  Arvian  and  Plutarch  are  of  a  different  opiuiou.     The 

21 


242  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  IV. 

recollection  of  his  faults,  was  equally  lamented  by  his  ancient  and 
by  his  new  subjects.  The  Macedonians  called  to  mind  his  glory 
and  magnificence ;  the  Persians,  his  equity  and  mildness  in  their 
regard.  At  the  news  of  this  last  misfortune,  Sysigambis,  the 
mother  of  Darius,  shed  a  torrent  of  tears ;  and  that  princess,  who 
had  borne  with  patience  the  sad  fate  of  her  son  and  the  ruin  of 
her  family,  could  not  endure  the  loss  of  Alexander.  She  refused 
to  take  food,  and,  in  order  not  to  survive  what  she  considered  the 
greatest  of  her  calamities,  voluntarily  died  of  starvation. 

It  is  certain  that  Alexander  possessed,  with  talents  of  the 
highest  order,  many  noble  and  brilliant  qualities,  invincible 
courage,  inexhaustible  liberality,  generosity,  kindness,  etc.  Still 
it  is  equally  true,  that  his  virtue  was  not  steadfast  enough  to  stand 
the  test  of  extraordinary  prosperity,  and  that  his  moral  qualities 
were,  towards  the  end  of  his  life,  more  than  counterbalanced  by 
a  variety  of  disgraceful  excesses. 

As  to  his  exploits,  they  certainly  were,  both  in  magnitude  and 
rapidity,  of  the  most  brilliant  description,  and,  if  these  suffice  to 
deserve  the  appellation  of  Great,  no  prince  deserved  it  more  than 
AJexander.  For,  what  conqueror  ever  accomplished  as  much  in 
so  short  a  time  ?  Who,  like  Alexander,  subdued  in  person  so 
many  nations,  tribes,  and  countries,  and  in  less  than  twelve  years, 
founded  one  of  the  most  extensive  empires  that  ever  existed? 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  when  we  consider  the  motive  of  so  many 
achievements :  when  we  reflect  that  they  originated  in  ambition 
and  a  thirst  after  military  fame,  and  that  no  reasonable  principle 
could  prompt  him  to  attack  numberless  nations  who  had  never 
done  him  any  injury,  and  to  carry  ah  the  terrors  of  war,  misery, 
desolation  and  bloodshed,  into  almost  every  part  of  the  known 
world ;  then  our  admiration  at  the  exploits  of  Alexander  is  con- 
siderably diminished,  and,  if  we  cannot  deny  that  he  was  a  great 
conqueror,  we  are  forced  to  admit  that  he  was  a  great  scourge  to 
mankind. 

latter,  in  particular,  gives  several  good  reasoug  for  believing  the  story  crf 
the  poison  to  be  a  mere  fable. 


V 

I 


PART  V. 

PEIOM  THR  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT  (b,  C.  324),  TC  THK  END  OP 
THE  rrNIC  WARS  ANJ)  OF  GRECIAN  INDEPENDENCE,  OR  THE  DESTRUCTION 
OF  CARTHAGE  AND  CORINTH  (b.  C.  14G). 


DISMEMBERMENT  AND  TARTITION  OF  ALEXANDER'S  EMPIRE 
B.  c.  324—301. 

The  worst  effect  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander  was  to  inspire 
his  generals  with  the  same  spirit  of  ambition  by  which  he  had 
been  himself  constantly  actuated.  We  may  justly  ascribe  to  his 
knowledge  of  their  dispositions  in  this  respect,  his  refusal,  whilst 
yet  alive,  to  designate  any  one  in  particular  to  succeed  him  in  the 
empire :  he  contented  himself  with  confirming  or  at  least  with 
leaving  hia  chief  officers  in  the  government  of  the  various  pro- 
vinces for  which  they  had  been  already  appointed,  and  foretold 
that  his  friends  would  celebrate  his  obsequies  with  many  bloody 
battles.*  This  measure  of  the  dying  conqueror  was  fully  equiva- 
lent to  a  division  of  his  kingdom  among  them,  as  the  first  book  of 
Machabees  expresses  it;*!"  while  his  prediction  was  too  soon  and 
too  fatally  verified. 

The  first  years  subsequent  to  the  death  of  Alexander  presented 
little  else  than  a  series  of  dissensions,  usurpations,  and  wars 
among  his  first  successors.  In  order  to  render  themselves  per- 
fectly independent  in  their  respective  governments,  they  began 
very  soon  to  set  aside — some  of  them  went  so  far  as  to  destroy — 
the  family  of  their  ancient  master.  In  the  mean  time,  they  had 
bloody  conflicts  among  themselves,  each  endeavoring  to  obtain 
and  secure  a  pre-eminence  over  the  others.  The  only  one 
among  them  who  showed  genuine  loyalty,  disinterestedness,  and 
affection  for  the  royal  family,  was  Eumenes,  the  governor  of 
Cappadocla.  Unfortunately,  this  brave  general,  after  a  multitude 
of  splendid  exploits,  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Antigonus, 

*  Q.  Cm-tius,  b   X,  cap.  5,  n.  12.  f  1  Mach.  i,  7. 

243 


^44  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

who  yielding  to  the  impulse  of  ambition,  put  him  to  death  in 
the  year  b.  c.  315,  although  ihey  had  formerly  been  on  terms  of 
friendship. 

This  Antigonus,  having  acquired  great  influence  in  all  western 
Asia,  provoked  the  fears  or  distrust  of  the  other  governors  through- 
out the  empire.  These  vrere  l^toleray  in  Egypt,  Seleucus  in  Ba- 
bylonia, Cassander,  the  son  of  Antipater,  in  Macedonia,  and 
Lysimachus  in  Thrace.  At  the  suggestion  of  Seleucus,  they  all 
entered  into  a  confederacy  against  Antigonus  as  a  common  ene- 
my, and  promised  to  co-operate  with  each  other  in  checking  his 
ambitious  career. 

Antigonus,  on  his  part,  prepared  to  withstand  the  attack  of  so 
many  opponents.  Although  ho  could  not  prevent  the  formation 
of  their  league  against  him,  still  he  vigorously  opposed  their 
united  eiforts,  being  ably  seconded  by  his  son  Demetrius,  sur- 
named  Poliorcetes.  This  young  prince  was  remarkable  for  his 
noble  appearance,  and  still  more  for  his  genius,  activity  and 
courage :  when  occupied  with  some  military  enterprise,  he  spoke 
and  acted  like  a  hero;  in  the  other  circumstances  of  life,  he 
seemed  the  personification  of  effeminacy  and  luxury.  This  diver- 
sity in  his  character  and  conduct  appeared  likewise  in  his  for- 
tunes, and  rendered  his  whole  life  an  alternation  of  extraordinary 
prosperity  and  signal  disasters. 

When  Demetrius  began  to  command  armies,  he  was  only 
twenty-two  years  of  age.  He  lost  a  first  battle  at  Gaza,  near 
the  Egyptian  frontier,  but  shortly  after  was  victorious  in  a 
second,  and  secured  to  his  father,  at  least  for  a  time,  the  possess- 
sion  of  the  neighboring  provinces,  Phenicia,  Palestine,  and  Coclo- 
Syria.  Afterwards,  passing  over  to  the  continent  of  Greece,  he 
made  himself  master  of  Athens,  then  governed  by  Cassander 
(b.  c.  306),  and  the  same  year,  gained  a  complete  victory  at  sea 
over  Ptolemy.  The  engagement  took  place  near  the  shores  of 
the  island  of  Cyprus.  Poliorcetes,  having  given  proper  direc- 
tions to  his  officers,  bore  down  upon  the  Egyptian  fleet  with  so 
much  vigor  and  impetuosity,  that  one-half  of  it  was  destroyed 
and  sunk,  and  nearly  all  the  other  vessels  were  captured,  toge- 
ther with  the  transports,  ammunition,  provisions,  military  chest, 
and  a  large  number  of  prisoners.  Of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
vessels,  not  more  than  eight  made  their  escape  with  Ptolemy. 

This  achievement,  so  splendid  in  itself,  became  still  more 
honorable  to  the  conqueror,  from  the  noble  use  he  made  of  his 
advantage,  and  the  feelings  of  kindness  and  humanity  evinced 
by  him  on  the  occasion.  He  caused  magnificent  obsequies  to  be 
performed  for  the  slain.     He  received  most  of  the  prisoners 


B.  c.  824—301.  DISMEMBERMENT,  ETC.  245 

among  his  own  troops,  and  as  to  the  brother  and  the  son  of 
Ptolemy,  who  were  among  the  captives,  he  generously  set  them 
at  liberty,  and  dismissed  them  without  ransom,  together  with 
their  friends,  their  attendants,  and  all  their  baggage,  as  a  token 
of  his  gratitude,  and  in  return  for  the  like  generous  kindness 
experienced  by  himself  from  Ptolemy  at  the  battle  of  Gaza. 

At  this  period,  Antigonus  and  Demetrius,  emboldened  by  suc- 
cess, assumed  the  title  of  kings ;  the  leaders  of  the  opposite  party 
did  the  same,  and  notwithstanding  their  losses,  determined  to 

rry  on  the  contest  with  renewed  vigor.  This  resolution  was  a 
uiree  of  new  calamities  for  the  many  countries  destined  to  be 
the  theatres  of  the  war. 

Demetrius,  being  now  master  of  Cyprus,  directed  his  efforts 
against  the  island  and  city  of  Rhodes,  whose  inhabitants  had 
provoked  his  resentment  by  refusing  to  join  him  in  the  late  war 
against  the  Egyptians.  He  attacked  them  with  a  fleet  of  two 
hundred  sail,  besides  a  very  great  number  of  transports,  and  an 
army  of  about  forty  thousand  men,  not  including  the  cavalry. 
But  the  Ehodians  w^ere  dismayed  neither  by  the  force  nor  by  the 
reputation  of  their  enemy:  being  themselves  a  brave  and  warlike 
people,  and  well  skilled  in  naval  tactics,  they  made  every  pre- 
paration to  repel  the  attack  of  the  besiegers. 

If  the  attack  was  vigorous,  the  resistance  was  not  less  spirited. 
If  on  the  one  side  Demetrius,  who  possessed  an  inventive  genius, 
contrived  a  variety  of  machines  to  throw  darts  and  stones,  and  to 
batter  the  walls  and  ramparts  of  the  city;  the  besieged,  on  their 
part,  contrived  every  means-  to  injure  or  even  destroy  these  formi- 
dable engines,  and  succeeded  in  rendering  many  of  them  harmless. 
The  indefatigable  Demetrius  invented  and  built  new  ones  of 
various  sizes,  among  others,  a  wooden  tower  called  Helepolis, 
which  was  at  least  one  hundred  feet,  or  nine  stories  high,  and, 
although  admirably  constructed  and  made  to  roll  on  large 
wheels,  required  three  thousand  four  hundred  robust  men  to  put 

•in  motion. 
This  amazing  tower,  filled  with  smaller  engines,  missiles  and 
mbatants,  seemed  to  forebode  the  approaching  fall  of  the  city. 
The  Rhodians,  unable  to  destroy  it  by  fire,  had  recourse,  it  is 
said,  to  another  expedient,  which  proved  more  successful :  they 
undermine i  the  ground  over  which  the  Helepolis  had  to  pass  in 
its  approach  to  the  walls ;  when  it  reached  that  place,  the  earth 
gave  way  beneath  it,  and  the  whole  machine  sank  so  deep,  that 
no  exertion  of  the  besiegers  could  raise  it  again.  This  accident, 
very  probably,  as  well  as  other  disappointments  of  a  similar  na- 

I,  without  damping  the  courage  of  Demetrius,  rendered  him 
21* 
■ 


246  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

more  tractable.  The  Rhodians,  too,  were  eqL.ally  weary  of  a 
siege  which  threatened  a  fatal  result  to  their  capital,  and  were 
equally  desirous  of  peace.  The  two  parties,  therefore,  were 
easily  induced  to  come  to  an  agreement.  Through  the  media- 
tion of  the  Athenians,  it  was  concluded  on  terms  honorable  and 
advantageous  to  both,  viz.  that  the  Ilhodian  republic,  and  all  its 
citizens,  should  retain  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  privileges 
and  liberty,  without  being  subjected  to  any  power  whatever; 
that  their  former  alliance  with  Antigonus  should  be  confirmed 
and  renewed,  with  an  obligation  on  their  part  to  take  up  arms 
for  him  in  all  future  wars,  except  against  Ptolemy;  finally,  that 
the  city  should  deliver  a  hundred  hostages  to  Demetrius  for  the 
security  of  the  stipulated  articles.  As  soon  as  the  hostages  were 
given,  the  besiegers  evacuated  the  island. 

Demetrius,  wishing  to  give  before  his  departure  a  mark  of  his 
esteem  to  the  Rhodians,  ma'de  them  a  present  of  the  military  en- 
gines hitherto  employed  in  the  siege  of  their  city.  They  sold 
these  machines,  and  the  produce  of  the  sale  was  spent  in  erecting 
the  famous  Colossus,  or  brazen  statue  of  the  sun,  between  -v^hose 
feet  vessels  had  to  pass  when  entering  or  leaving  the  harbor. 
This  colossus,  being  soon  after  overthrown  by  an  earthquake,  lay 
on  the  ground  till  the  seventh  century  of  the  Christian  era,  when 
the  Saracens,  having  subdued  the  island  of  Cyprus,  sold  it  to  a 
Jewish  merchant,  who  loaded  with  it  nine  hundred  camels.  (See 
Modern  History,  p.  173.) 

During  the  siege  of  Rhodes,  Demetrius  gave  a  signal  proof  of 
his  relish  for  the  fine  arts.  There  lived  in  the  suburbs  of  that 
city  the  celebrated  painter  Protogenes,  a  native  of  Caria ;  neither 
the  presence  of  the  enemies  who  surrounded  him,  nor  the  tumult 
of  arms,  could  induce  him  to  quit  his  habitation  or  discontinue 
his  work.  Being  asked  the  reasons,  he  replied:  "Because  I 
know  that  Demetrius  has  declared  war  against  the  Rhodians,  and 
not  against  the  arts.''  Nor  was  he  deceived  in  his  opinion;  for 
Deiftetrius  actually  showed  himself  his  greatest  protector.  He 
placed  a  guard  round  the  house  of  Protogenes  in  order  that  the 
artist  might  enjoy  tranquillity,  or  at  least  be  secure  from  danger 
amidst  the  ravages  of  war ;  nay,  he  frequently  went  to  see  him 
at  work,  and  never  could  sufficiently  admire  the  talent  and  the 
amplication  of  this  great  painter. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Athenians  called  Demetrius  to  their 
assistance  against  Cassander,  who  was  besieging  their  city.  In 
compliance  with  this  request,  he  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  three  hun- 
dred and  thirty  ships,  and  a  numerous  body  of  land  forces. 
With  these  he  not  only  drove  Cassander  out  of  Attica,  but  en- 


t 


B.C.  824-301.  DISMEMBERMENT,  ETC.  247 

tirely  defeated  him  near  ThermopjlMc,  and  returning  to  the  south, 
L^iined  other  advantages  and  took  a  large  number  of  cities 
Having  in  this  manner  crushed  the  party  of  his  opponents  in 
(ireece,  he  set  out  for  Asia,  to  join  his  father  Antigonus  and  ad- 
vance with  him,  at  the  head  of  their  joint  forces,  against  the 
'iof  army  of   the  confederates,  commanded  by  Seleucus  and 

simachus.  The  former  had  more  than  seventy  thousand  foot, 
nil  thousand  horse,  and  seventy-five  elephants.  The  infantry  of 
the  latter  consisted  of  sixty-four  thousand  men,  their  cavalry  of 
ten  thousand  five  hundred;  they  had  four  hundred  elephants,  and 
one  hundred  and  twenty  armed  chariots.  Thus  the  two  armies 
wci'Q  nearly  equal  in  number  and  strength.  They  came  in  sight 
n.  ar  the  city  of  Ipsus  in  Phrygia,  where  they  soon  engaged  in 
the  bloody  conflict  which  was  to  decide  the  partition  of  Alex- 
ander's empire. 

At  the  very  commencement  of  the  battle,  Demetrius,  with  his 
best  cavalry,  fell  upon  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Seleucus,  and 
fought  with  so  much  valor  that  he  put  the  enemy  to  flight. 
Uut  having,  through  a  vain  desire  of  glory,  rashly  continued  the 
pursuit  of  the  vanquished,  he  lost  a  victory  that  was  decidedly 
his,  if  he  had  known  how  to  improve  his  first  advantage;  when 
he  returned  from  the  pursuit,  he  found  the  field  completely  oc- 
cupied and  the  passage  obstructed  by  the  elephants  of  Seleucus, 
absolutely  preventing  him  from  rejoining  his  own  army.  This 
accident  occasioned  another  still  more  disastrous,  the  surrender 
of  his  infantry  to  the  confederates,  whilst  a  strong  detachment 
of  their  troops  rushed  against  Antigonus,  who  was  vainly  expect- 
ing the  return  of  his  son.  The  old  king  maintained  for  a  time 
the  unequal  contest,  and  fought  with  desperate  courage;  but  he 
fell  at  last  under  a  shower  of  darts.  Demetrius,  seeing  every 
thing  lost,  collected  nine  thousand  soldiers,  and  fled  with  them 
to  Ephesus,  whence  he  shortly  after  returned  to  Greece  (b.  c. 
301.) 

The  battle  of  Ipsus  produced  the  final  partition  of  the  empire 
of  Alexander.  The  four  allied  princes  distributed  among  them- 
selves the  dominions  of  their  vanquished  enemy,  and  added  them 
to  their  own.  Egypt,  Libya,  Phenicia,  Ccelo-Syria  and  Pales- 
tine were  allotted  to  Ptolemy ;  Macedon  and  Greece,  to  Cassan- 
der;  Thrace  and  Bithynia,  with  a  few  more  districts,  to  Lysiraa- 
chus ;  and  all  the  other  provinces  to  Seleucus,  who  thus  greatly 
surpassed  his  allies  in  extent  of  territory.  His  kingdom  gene- 
rally went  by  the  name  of  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  because  it  was 
in  Syria  that  he  established  his  chief  residence,  and  built  on  the 
lank?  of  the  Orontes  his  capital  city,  Antioch,  so  called  after 


248  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pakt  V 

his  son  or  his  father  Antiochus.  But  his  Syrian  ])rovinces  were 
far  fron.  being  the  whole  or  even  the  main  part  of  his  monarchy; 
it  comprised,  moreover,  all  those  rich  and  extensive  countries 
lying  between  the  river  Indus  and  the  Euphrates^  which  properly 
constituted  the  Persian  empire. 

Thus  was  literally  and  fully  accomplished  the  prophecy  of 
Daniel,  written  upwards  of  two  hundred  years  before,  that  the 
empire  of  Alexander  would  be  divided  into  four  kingdoms,  among 
persons,  not  of  his  posterity,  but  of  his  nation,  and  that  none  of 
them  would  be  equal  to  him  in  strength  and  power.*  As  the 
history  of  these  kingdoms  generally  does  not  offer  much  interest, 
we  will  present  to  the  reader  merely  a  rapid  sketch  of  thera, 
down  to  the  time  in  which  both  their  national  transactions  and 
the  affairs  of  Greece  began  to  be  closely  connected  with  those  of 
the  Romans. 

KINGDOM  OF  EGYPT.— b.  c.  301—221. 

Egypt,  as  has  been  already  mentioned,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Ptolemy  son  of  Lagus,  and  surnamed  Soter  or  deliverer,  a  sur- 
name given  him  by  the  llhodians,  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
signal  services  which  he  had  conferred  on  them  in  their  greatest 
dangers.  He  reigned  about  forty  years,  if  we  reckon  from  the 
death  of  Alexander,  and  sixteen  from  the  battle  of  Ipsus.  This 
prince  was  the  ablest  as  well  as  the  best  sovereign  of  his  dynasty, 
and  left  many  examples  of  virtue  which  very  few  of  his  succes- 
sors took  the  trouble  to  im.itate.  He  displayed,  whilst  on  the 
throne,  the  same  plainness  and  modesty  which  characterized  him 
before  his  accession ;  and,  when  told  that  his  dignity  required 
greater  pomp  and  splendor,  he  answered  that  a  king  ought  to 
make  his  true  greatness  copsist,  not  in  being  rich  himself,  but  in 
enriching  others. 

Ptolemy  was  a  patron  of  learning.  He  did  much  to  promote 
its  progress  in  his  kingdom,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Alex- 
andrian library,  so  justly  famed  for  the  number  of  its  volumes, 
which  amounted  in  the  course  of  time  to  no  fewer  than  seven 
hundred  thousand. 

Ptolemy  Lagus  had  for  his  successor  Ptolemy  IF,  or  PMladel 
phus,  (that  is,  friend  of  Jiis  hroihers),  thus  ironically  surnamed, 
because  he  had,  under  the  plea  of  self-defence,  put  two  of  his 
brothers  to  death.  This  prince  inherited  from  his  father  a  great 
estet^im  and  relish  for  the  fine  arts^  sciences,  and  learned  men. 

'^  Daniel  viii,  21,  22;  and  xi,  3,  4. 


B.  c  301—221.  KINGDOM  CF  EGYPT.  249 

Ifc  completed,  in  tlic  first  year  of  his  reign,  the  building  of  the 
lighthouse  of  Phiiros,  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world ;  it 
was  a  square  and  lofty  tower  of  white  marble,  bearing  on  its 
punimit  a  perpetual  light,  to  guide  during  the  night  vessels  ap- 
proaching the  shores  of  Egypt.  The  king  made  also  valuable 
a  Ulitions  to  the  library  founded  by  his  predecessor,  and  enriched 
it  with  a  translation  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
from  the  Hebrew  into  Greek  —  this  is  the  version  known  under 
the  name  of  the  S'^ptuafjint,  or  version  of  the  seventy  interpret- 
fy<.  This  work  is  supposed  to  have  been  executed  at  the  sug- 
tion  of  Demetrius  Phalereus,  who,  after  having  governed 
.J.. hens  with  great  wisdom  for  ten  years,  had  withdrawn  into 
Egypt,  and  become  the  superintendent  of  the  Alexandrian  library. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  devoted  his  chief  care  to  the  improve- 
ment of  commerce  in  his  kingdom.  To  effect  his  purpose,  ho 
pocured  excellent  harbors  on  the  north  and  east  of  Egypt,  equip' 
pod  an  immense  number  of  vessels  of  every  size,  and  established, 
by  means  of  a  canal  and  the  river  Nile,  an  easy  communication 
between  the  Red  and  Mediterranean  seas.  By  these  means,  he 
phiced  nearly  all  the  trade  of  the  Oriental  nations  in  the  handa 
of  his  subjects,  and  rendered  Alexandria  the  general  emporium 
of  the  then  known  world,  of  which  it  occupied,  as  it  were,  the 
centre.  That  city,  shortly  after  its  origin,  increased  most  rapidly, 
and  rose  in  a  few  years  to  an  astonishing  degree  of  splendor  and 
prosperity.  It  not  only  remained  the  capital  of  Egypt  undei 
all  the  Ptolemcean  kings,  but  even  continued,  for  a  long  time 
after,  the  chief  city  of  the  whole  eastern  continent. 

The  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  lasted  thirty-eight  years, 
from  B.  c.  285  to  247.  The  next  sovereign  of  Egypt  was 
Ptolemy  III,  or  Everyetcs,  that  is,  the  hcncjicent^  a  title  bestowed 
on  him  by  the  gratitude  of  his  subjects.  He  had  scarcely 
ascended  the  throne,  when  he  undertook  to  avenge  the  death  of 
his  sister  Berenice,  queen  of  Syria,  whom  her  rival,  Laodice, 
had  caused  to  be  cruelly  murdered.  A  powerful  army,  sup- 
ported by  numerous  auxiliaries,  enabled  him  to  make  the  Syrian 
court  feel  all  the  weight  of  his  indignation.  Not  satisfied  with 
putting  Laodice  to  death,  he  overran  all  the  provinces  of  that 
monarchy  on  the  western  side  of  the  Tigris,  and,  besides  taking 
a  prodigious  number  of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  carried  away  the 
enormous  sum  of  forty  thousand  talents  (between  forty  and  fifty 
millions  of  dollars). 

On  his  return,  Evergetes  passed  through  Jerusalem,  where  he 
offered  many  sacrifices  to  the  true  God  in  thanksgiving  for  his 
victories  over  the  Syrians      He  died  in  the  year  B.  c.  221,  after 


250  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

a  reign  of  twenty-six  years^  and  was  the  last  prince  of  his  dy. 
nasty  who  showed  some  moderation  and  virtue  ;  most  of  those 
who  came  after  him,  whilst  they  assumed  magnificent  appellations 
or  surnames,  were  monsters  of  wickedness  and  profligacy. 

KINGDOM  OF  SYRIA.— b.  c.  301—223. 

The  same  remark  may  be  applied  to  the  contemporary  kings 
of  Syria,  with  the  exception  of  a  few,  among  whom  must  be  chiefly 
reekoned  Seleucus  Nicanor  or  conqueror,  and  the  founder  of  thia 
monarchy.  Although  his  good  qualities  were  occasionally  tainted 
by  ambition,  still  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  was  a  brave,  active, 
magnanimous,  and  truly  able  sovereign.  Besides  Antioch,  hia 
capital,  he  built  throughout  his  dominions  many  other  considerable 
cities,  such  as  Apamea,  Laodicea,  Seleucia  near  Antioch,  and 
another  Seleucia  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris.  The  situation  and 
magnificence  of  the  latter,  by  attracting  the  inhabitants  of  Babylon, 
greatly  contributed  to  the  utter  decay  of  this  once  superb  capital 
of  the  Chaldeans. 

Seleucus  had  hitherto  been  on  terms  of  friendly  alliance  with 
Lysimachus,  king  of  Thrace ;  but  towards  the  close  of  their  life, 
and  when  both  were  more  than  eighty  years  old,  they  became 
enemies.  Seleucus  invaded  the  districts  belonging  to  his  oppo- 
nent in  Asia  Minor,  and  when  the  latter  advanced  to  impede  his 
progress,  defeated  and  slew  him  in  a  battle  fought  in  Phrygia 
(b  .  c.  281 ).  With  Lysimachus  fell  the  kingdom  of  Thrace,  after 
a  short  duration  of  about  twenty  years :  being  now  dismembered, 
it  was  made  the  prey  of  several  occupants,  and  its  Asiatic  pro- 
vinces, in  particular,  formed  the  small  kingdoms  of  Pergamus 
and  Bith3mia. 

As  to  Seleucus,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  himself  the  only 
surviving  general  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  conqueror  of  the 
conquerors  of  the  world.  But  his  joy  and  triumph  did  not  last 
long;  only  seven  months  after  his  victory  over  Lysimachus,  he 
was  basely  assassinated  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  an  Egyptian 
prince,  whom  he  had  kindly  received  at  his  court  and  loaded 
with  benefits. 

Antiochus  Soter,  the  son  of  Seleucus  Nicanor,  reigned  after 
him  during  nineteen  years  (B.C.  280 — 261).  He  did  nothing  very 
remarkable,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  Antiochus  II,  impiously 
surnamed  Theos,  or  god.  The  reign  of  this  pretended  god  was 
most  unhappy.  Whilst  he  was  engaged  in  a  war  against  Egypt, 
the  Parthians,  provoked  by  the  wickedness  and  profligacy  of  their 
governor,  began  to  shake  off  the  Syrian  yoke,  and  took  for  their 


I 


■.0.  801— 220.  KINGDOM  OF  MACEDON.  261 

leader  Arsaces,  a  man  of  obscure  birth,  but  of  grvat  valor  and 
ability  (b.  C.  250);  tliis  was  the  origin  of  the  I'arthiau  empire, 
afterwards  so  formidable  even  to  the  Roman  power.  The  ex- 
ample of  insurrection  set  by  the  Parthians  was  followed  by  other 
nations  in  their  neighborhood,  and  the  proud  monarch  of  Syria 
Idst  all  his  provinces  beyond  the  Tigris. 

This  same  Antiochus  Theos,  by  his  successive  marriage  with 
two  rival  queens,  brought  upon  Syria  the  many  disasters  which 
li;ive  been  already  mentioned  in  the  history  of  the  Egyptian 
kings.  It  is  true,  however,  that  most  of  these  evils,  of  which 
Antiochus  himself  was  the  first  victim,  cannot  be  imputed  to  him, 
but  to  his  first  wife  Laodice  and  their  son  Seleucus  Callinicus, 
both  of  them  the  real  contrivers  of  the  cruel  death  inflicted  on 
King  Ptolemy's  sister.  This  Seleucus  had  an  inglorious  reign  of 
about  twenty  years  (b.  c.  246 — 226),  and  died  a  prisoner  among 
the  Parthians.  The  next  sovereign,  Seleucus  Ceraunus,  was 
equally  insignificant.  He  held  the  Syrian  sceptre  for  a  short 
time  only,  and  was  succeeded  (b.  c.  223)  by  his  brother  Anti- 
ochus the  Great,  whose  reign,  of  which  we  shall  speak  fully 
hereafter,  was  much  more  conspicuous  in  every  respect,  and  last- 
ed thirty-six  years. 

KINGDOM   OF    MACEDON,  b.  c.  301-220.— SPARTA   UNDER   THE 
CONTEMPORARY  KINGS  AGIS  AND  CLEOMENES. 

Cassander,  one  of  the  four  allied  princes  who  had  destroyed 
the  power  of  Antigonus  in  Asia,  remained  undisturbed  possessor 
of  the  Macedonian  kingdom.  After  his  decease,  in  the  year  b.  c. 
298,  his  two  sons  commenced  against  each  other,  about  their 
succession  to  the  throne,  an  unnatural  struggle,  which  terminated 
in  the  death  of  the  one  and  the  expulsion  of  the  other.  During 
that  interval,  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  had  continued,  notwithstand- 
ing his  defeat  at  Ipsus,  to  wage  war  against  various  opponents  and 
with  varied  success;  at  the  news  of  these  dissensions  between  the 
two  brothers,  he  hastened  to  interfere,  and  turning  every  thing  to 
his  own  profit,  was  himself  declared  king  of  Macedon. 

When  he  saw  his  power  sufiiciently  established  in  that  country, 
he  began  to  devise  new  schemes  of  conquest.  He  aimed  at  nothing 
less  than  the  recovery  of  all  his  father's  dominions,  and  was  al- 
ready making,  throughout  Greece,  stupendous  preparations  for 
this  purpose,  when  information  was  given  him  that  his  affuirs  were 
considerably  on  the  decline  in  Macedon;  moreover,  mcst  of  the 
numerous  troops  that  he  had  mustered,  deserted  his  party  for  that 
of  a  new  competitor,  the  famous  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus.     In 


252  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

this  sudden  reverse  of  fortune,  Demetrius  resolved  to  set  sail  for 
Asia,  in  quest  of  new  adventures.  Here  also,  disappointment 
followed  disappointment.  Finding  himself  gradually  stripped  of 
all  his  resources,  and  deprived  of  nearly  all  his  soldiers  by  de- 
sertion or  the  hardships  of  warfare,  he  at  last  delivered  himself 
into  the  hands  of  Seleucus,  the  king  of  Syria.  This  prince  treat- 
ed the  illustrious  captive  with  much  kindness,  and  in  a  manner 
suitable  to  his  rank;  Demetrius,  however,  never  recovered  his 
liberty,  but  died  after  a  captivity  of  three  years,  at  the  age  of 
fifty-four,  of  a  distemper  occasioned  by  long  inactivity  and  exces- 
sive indulgence  of  his  appetite  (b.  c.  283). 

During  his  captivity,  Antigonus  Gonatas,  his  son,  had  evinced 
the  most  sincere  and  touching  sentiments  of  filial  affection.  He 
wrote  to  the  other  kings,  and  to  Seleucus  himself,  to  obtain  the 
release  of  his  father,  offering  whatever  he  possessed,  even  his  own 
person  and  liberty,  for  the  ransom  of  Demetrius.  In  recompense, 
as  it  were,  for  this  heroic  filial  piety,  Antigonus  Gonatas  obtained 
the  Macedonian  throne;  he  occupied  it  thirty -four  years  (b.  c.  276 
— 242),  and  transmitted  it  to  his  posterity,  in  whose  possession 
it  remained  whilst  Macedon  continued  an  independent  kingdom. 

The  first  successor  of  Gonatas  was  Demetrius  II,  who  reigned 
ten  years,  and  made  the  conquest  of  Cyrenaica  and  all  Lybia. 
The  reign  of  the  next  king,  Antigonus  Doto,  was  still  more  re- 
markable, on  account  of  the  great  share  he  took  in  the  affairs  of 
Sparta  and  other  Peloponnesian  cities. 

Sparta,  or  Lacedaemon,  was  no  longer  that  mighty  and  influen- 
tial republic  which  it  had  been  during  many  previous  ages.  A 
succession  of  enemies,  provoked  by  its  haughtiness,  restlessness  and 
ambition,  had  vied,  as  it  were,  with  one  another  in  the  attempt  to 
lower  it  in  the  scale  of  nations;  but  it  had  gradually  undergone 
a  still  greater  and  more  fatal  change  in  its  manners,  its  institutions, 
and  its  morals.  Contempt  of  riches  and  austerity  of  life  were  now 
replaced  by  avarice  and  luxury.  Men  of  fortune  sought  by  every 
means,  lawful  or  unlawful,  to  increase  their  possessions,  whilst 
the  rest  of  the  city  was  filled  with  an  insignificant  rabble,  without 
property  or  honor,  who  had  neither  heart  nor  spirit  to  defend  their 
country  against  wars  abroad,  and  who  were  always  watching  an 
opportunity  for  changes  and  revolutions  at  home. 

For  these  reasons.  King  x\gis  V  thought  it  a  noble  undertaking 
to  reform  the  manners  of  the  people,  and  revive  the  laws  of  Ly- 
curgus.  In  so  delicate  a  matter,  he  sounded,  first,  the  inclinations 
of  his  subjects.  The  young  men  listened  to  him  with  a  readiness 
beyond  his  expectation,  and  with  him  adopted  the  cause  of  virtue; 
but  most  of  those  far  advanced  in  age,  being  also  too  far  gone  in 


B.  0.  801-220.  KINGDOM  OF  MACEDO?^-  258 

vice^  were  as  much  afraid,  says  Plutarch,  of  the  name  of  Lycurgus, 
as  a  fugitive  slave,  when  brought  back,  is  of  that  of  his  master. 
They  inveighed,  therefore,  against  Agis  for  his  being  displeased  at 
the  present  state  of  things,  and  desirous  to  restore  the  former  dig- 
nity of  Sparta.  He  was  opposed,  betrayed,  and  persecuted  by  tho 
very  magistrates  who  should  have  been  the  most  zealous  in  pro-  • 
moting  his  noble  attempt,  and  a  sentence  of  the  ephori  condemned 
to  a  cruel  and  ignominious  death  the  most  virtuous  prince  that  La-  / 
ceda3mon  had  possessed  for  a  long  period  (about  the  year  B.  c.  240).  D   -^ 

As  Agis  was  going  to  execution,  he  perceived  one  of  the  officers 
lamenting  his  fate  with  tears:  "My  friend, '^said  he  to  him,  "cease 
to  weep  over  me ;  since  I  suffer  innocently,  I  am  in  a  better  con- 
dition than  those  who  condemn  me  contrary  to  law  and  justice." 
Having  said  this,  he  cheerfully  offered  his  neck  to  the  executioner. 
His  mother  Agesistrata  and  his  grandmother  Archidamia,  for 
having  countenanced  the  schemes  of  the  young  king,  suffered 
the  same  punishment  with  him,  and  in  the  same  dungeon.  Ar- 
chidamia was  executed  first,  without  any  regard  to  her  rank,  her 
virtues,  and  her  very  advanced  age.  Agesistrata  was  then  in- 
troduced into  the  prison.  Beholding  her  son  extended  on  the 
ground,  and  her  mother  hanging  by  the  neck,  she  exclaimed : 
'*My  son,  your  excessive  moderation  and  lenity  have  ruined  both 
you  and  us."  She  then  showed  herself  ready  to  meet  her  fate,  and 
said,  with  a  sigh  for  her  country:  "May  all  this  be  for  the  good 
of  Sparta !"  When  these  events  were  reported  in  the  city,  and 
the  three  bodies  were  carried  out,  the  melancholy  spectacle  filled 
the  people  with  grief,  terror  and  indignation;  they  were  persuaded 
that  there  had  not  been  such  an  exhibition  of  villany  and  impiety 
in  Sparta,  since  the  Dorians  first  inhabited  Peloponnesus.* 

Cleomencs,  who  reigned  shortly  after  him,  was  not  dismayed 
by  the  unhappy  fate  of  his  predecessor.  With  great  energy  of 
mind,  language,  and  action,  which  he  even  carried  at  first  to  vio- 
lence and  despotism,  he  set  about  the  work  of  social  reformation, 
and  having,  in  one  way  or  another,  removed  all  the  influential 
persons  who  opposed  his  views,  he  saw  his  exertions  attended  with 
much  greater  success  than  the  mildness  of  Agis  had  been  able  to 
obtain.  Unfortunately  both  for  him  and  his  country,  he  engaged 
in  a  war  against  the  Achceans,  who  were  then  the  most  powerful 
people  of  Peloponnesus.     The  final  result  of  this  war,  the  begin- 

*  Plutarch  in  Agi  i.  The  life  of  Agis  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  among 
the  lives  wrftten  by  Plutarch,  and  is  not  encumbered  with  that  multitude 
of  superstitious  tales,  omens,  dreams,  etc.  which  often  disfigure  the 
narrative  of  that  otherwise  judicious  historian. 

22 


254  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

ning  of  whicli  was  very  auspicious,  blasted  for  ever  the  hopes  and 
promising  aspect  of  the  affairs  of  Sparta,  and  ruined  Cleomenea 
himself. 

Cleomenes,  although  still  young,  showed  that  he  was  possessed 
of  great  military  skill  as  well  as  courage.  With  only  a  small  force 
at  his  disposal,  he  inflicted  frequent  and  severe  losses  on  his  ene- 
mies; so  much  so,  that  the  Achaeans,  finding  themselves  after 
many  defeats  unable  to  resist  him,  called  Antigonus  Doto,  the 
Macedonian  king,  to  their  assistance.  At  this  time,  Cleomenes 
had  already  made  himself  master  of  several  of  their  most  im- 
portant cities,  such  as  Argos  and  Corinth.  Even  the  advance  of 
the  Macedonian  troops  did  not  prevent  him,  at  first,  from  ex- 
ecuting many  bold  and  glorious  undertakings.  Still,  their  su- 
perior numbers  compelled  him  to  evacuate  his  recent  conquests 
and  to  make  a  retrograde  march,  till,  being  determined  to  give 
way  no  longer,  he  occupied  a  strong  position  in  the  passes  of 
Sellasia,  stationed  most  of  his  troops  on  the  neighboring  hills,  and 
waited  for  the  enemy. 

The  two  armies  were  far  from  being  equal  in  numerical  strength, 
there  being  thirty  thousand  men  on  the  side  of  Antigonus,  an4 
only  twenty  thousand  on  that  of  Cleomenes;  but  the  advantages 
of  the  situation  were  manifestly  in  favor  of  the  latter,  so  that 
each  party  had  good  reason  to  flatter  itself  with  the  hope  of  suc- 
cess. As  both  wished  to  render  the  engagement  decisive,  the 
battle  was  obstinately  disputed,  at  least  where  the  two  kings 
commanded  in  person.  Sometimes,  the  Lacedgemonians  were 
nearly  overwhelmed  by  the  attack  of  the  Macedonian  phalanx; 
at  other  times,  the  Macedonians  were  obliged  to  give  ground  be- 
fore Spartan  valor.  At  last,  the  troops  of  Antigonus,  advancing 
with  levelled  lances,  charged  the  enemy  with  that  force  which 
rendered  the  shock  of  the  phalanx  irresistible,  and  drove  them 
from  their  intrenchments.  The  whole  army  then  fled  in  dis- 
order, and  a  general  slaughter  ensued.  According  to  what  we 
read  in  Plutarch,  great  numbers  of  the  mercenaries  of  Sparta 
were  killed,  and,  of  six  thousand  Lacedaemonians,  no  more  than 
tw^o  hundred  made  their  escape*  (b.  c.  222). 

This  bloody  defeat  destroyed  for  ever  the  hopes  of  Sparta,  as  to 
the  revival  of  her  former  laws  and  glory.  Cleomenes,  who  had 
acted  like  a  hero  in  the  engagement,  and  who  now  saw  every  thing 
lost,  advised  the  citizens  to  receive  Antigonus ;  as  for  himself,  he 
came  to  a  diff'erent  determination  respecting  his  own  future  des- 

*  Plutarch,  in  Cleomen. — The  other  particulars  of  the  battle  are  related 
at  full  length  by  Polybius,  Gen.  Ilist.  b.  ii,  ch.  5. 


B.  0.  261—214.     ACIIiEAN  LEAGUE  -  ARATUS.  255 

tiny,  and,  without  taking  any  food,  drink  or  rest,  "which  he  how- 
ever so  much  needed,  embarked  for  Egypt.  Here,  his  virtues  and 
talents  gained  him  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  King  Ptolemy 
Evergctes;  but,  after  the  death  of  that  monarch,  which  occurred 
about  this  time,  and  under  his  unworthy  successor,  Philopator, 
Cleomenes  abandoned  all  hope.  Finding  himself  most  unjustly 
treated  by  a  profligate  court,  he  made  an  effort  to  recover  his 
liberty  by  open  force,  and  perished  in  the  attempt. 

We  left  the  victorious  Doto  near  the  walls  of  Sparta.  The  in- 
habitants, in  compliance  with  the  advice  of  their  late  king,  sub- 
mitted to  their  conqueror;  Antigonus,  on  his  part,  acted  towards 
them  rather  as  a  friend  than  a  master,  and  expressed  a  wish  that 
posterity  should  say  of  him,  that  the  only  prince  who  had  the 
honor  of  taking  their  city,  had  also  the  honor  of  preserving  it. 
He  remained  but  two  or  three  days  with  them,  and  returned  in 
haste  to  his  own  kingdom,  having  received  information  that  it 
was  attacked  by  the  Illyrians.  Although  he  actually  lingered 
under  that  terrible  disease,  the  consumption,  still  he  had  sufficient 
time  and  courage  to  gain  a  signal  victory  over  the  barbarians;  he 
died  shortly  after  (b.  c.  221  or  220),  with  the  rare  reputation  of 
a  prosperous  management  of  the  internal  affairs  of  his  country^ 
and  of  great  success  in  his  foreign  wars.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  ward  and  nephew,  Philip,  whose  long  reign  of  forty-two  years 
will  afterwards  deserve  a  separate  chapter. 

The  close  connexion  of  events  requires  that  we  should  relate  here 
the  history  of  the  Achaean  league,  which  was  the  last  bulwark  of 
Grecian  liberty,  first  under  Aratus,  and  then  under  Philopoemen. 

IIISTORr  OF  THE  ACHAEAN  LEAGUE  UNDER  ARATUS 
B.  c.  251—214. 

The  republic  of  the  Achaeans,  thus  called  from  Achaia,  a  dis- 
trict of  Peloponnesus,  owed  its  influence  in  the  beginning  not  to 
the  number  of  its  troops,  or  the  influence  of  its  riches,  or  the  ex- 
tent of  its  territory,  but  to  its  great  reputation  for  integrity  and 
justice.  It  originally  consisted  of  twelve  inconsiderable  towns, 
whose  form  of  government  strikingly  resembled,  though  on  a 
small  scale,  that  of  the  United  States  of  America.  For,  the  towns 
which  composed  it,  although  independent  of  each  other  and  placed 
on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality,  were  subject  to  one  comnion  and 
supreme  authority,  a  council  of  representatives,  who  met  twice  a 
year  to  discuss  and  decide  the  affairs  of  the  whole  nation;  and  to 
one  executive  power,  composed  of  a  praetor  or  president  (there 
were  two  in  more  ancient  times),  annually  elected  by  a  pluralitj? 


266  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

of  voteS;  and  ten  officers  of  state,  his  assistants  and  counsellors. 
It  belonged  to  the  general  assembly  to  declare  war,  to  make  peace, 
to  conclude  treaties,  to  dispose  of  vacant  offices,  to  watch  over  the 
fidelity  of  each  parti  3ular  state  to  the  terms  of  the  confederacy, 
and  to  provide  for  all  the  important  wants  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  office  of  the  praetor  was  to  command  the  army,  to  preside  in 
the  diet,  and  to  propose  matters  for  deliberation;  but  he  could 
propose  nothing  without  the  previous  approbation  of  the  body  of 
his  counsellors. 

The  good  order  which  reigned  in  this  little  republic,  at  last 
drew  over  to  it  places  of  considerable  importance.  Sicyon,  one  of 
the  chief  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  set  the  example.  Its  inhabitants, 
having  been  delivered  from  the  yoke  of  a  usurper  by  their  fellow 
citizen  Aratus,  a  virtuous  and  distinguished  young  man,  readily 
followed  his  advice  in  this  matter,  and  joined  the  Achaean  con- 
federacy (b.  c.  251). 

A  few  years  later,  Aratus,  being  chosen  general  of  the  Achaeans 
for  the  second  time,  rendered  a  signal  service  not  only  to  their 
nation,  but  to  all  Greece,  by  wresting  the  Corinthian  citadel,, 
which  was  the  key  of  Peloponnesus,  from  the  hands  of  the  Mace- 
donians. He  embarked  on  this  perilous  enterprise  with  uncom- 
mon disinterestedness  and  generosity.  He  hesitated  not  to  pledge 
his  most  valuable  property  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  expedition, 
and  then  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life  executed  his  design  with  a 
prudence,  boldness  and  courage  which  did  him  immense  honor, 
and  gained  him  the  highest  reputation  among  the  Greeks. 

When  every  thing  was  ready  for  the  attempt,  Aratus  chose  foui 
hundred  brave  soldiers,  and  having  provided  them  with  ladders, 
led  them  at  night  to  the  foot  of  the  Corinthian  ramparts.  Some 
of  them  began  by  surprising  and  killing  the  sentinels  at  one  of 
the  gates.  At  the  same  time,  the  ladders  were  applied  to  the 
walls  as  silently  as  possible,  and  Aratus,  with  one  hundred  men, 
entered  the  city  with  the  utmost  expedition.  The  rest  he  com- 
manded to  follow  in  the  best  manner  they  could,  whilst  he  himself, 
animated  by  this  first  success,  hastened  at  the  head  of  his  party  to 
advance  through  the  town  towards  the  citadel. 

This  resolute  band  met  a  small  guard  of  four  men  who  had 
lights  in  their  hands,  and  whom  they  clearly  saw,  without  being 
seen  by  them  on  account  of  the  surrounding  darkness :  they  kill* 
ed  three  of  the  four;  but  the  other,  only  wounded,  fled  with  all 
speed,  and  cried  aloud  that  the  enemies  were  in  the  city.  In  a 
moment,  the  trumpets  sounded  the  alarm,  the  people  flocked  into 
the  streets,  and  the  whole  town  was  filled  with  uproar  and 
confusion.     Still,  Aratus  marched  on,  and  began  with  his  brave 


i 


J 


l.c.  261-214.       ACIIiEAN   LEAGUE— ARATUS.  267 

followers  to  climb  the  craggy  rock  upon  which  the  citadel  was 
built.  They  reached  the  height  at  a  spot  where  the  rampart  was 
loss  difficult  of  access,  but  having  failed  to  surprise,  were  obliged 
to  fight,  hand  to  hand,  the  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  who  made  a 
very  vigorous  defence. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  three  hundred  men  left  behind,  not 

'  being  able  to  discover  the  path  which  Aratus  had  followed,  drew 
themselves  up  in  a  compact  body  under  an  impending  rock,  and 

I  there  waited  in  the  utmost  anxiety  and  distress.  They  heard 
the  cries  of  the  combatants ;  but  as  the  noise  was  echoed  by  the 
neighboring  mountains,  they  could  not  distinguish  whence  it  first 
came,  and  knew  not  which  way  to  direct  their  course.     Just  at 

;  that  moment,  a  body  of  Macedonian  soldiers,  hastening  to  the 
relief  of  the  garrison  in  the  citadel,  passed  before  them,  without 
the  least  idea  of  their  own  danger.  As  soon  as  they  had  passed, 
the  three  hundred  Achseans  fell  with  great  fury  on  their  rear, 
and  put  some  of  them  to  the  sword,  whilst  the  rest  saved  them- 
selves by  a  precipitate  flight.  A  guide  then  came  from  Aratus, 
to  conduct  the  conquerors  to  the  citadel,  where  their  assistance 
was  greatly  needed ;  having  at  last  joined  their  friends,  they 
made  together  so  vigorous  an  efi'ort  that  the  garrison  could  not 
resist,  and  the  victorious  Achseans  saw  themselves,  at  the  break 
of  day,  absolute  masters  of  the  fortress. 

Aratus  had  no  sooner  secured  his  conquest,  than  overlooking 
his  excessive  fatigue,  he  descended  into  the  city,  and  was  met 
in  the  theatre  by  an  immense  concourse  of  people.  When  he 
appeared,  all  were  eager  to  testify  their  profound  respect  and 
gratitude  for  him  by  repeated  acclamations.  Aratus  delivered  to- 
the  Corinthians  the  keys  of  their  city,  which  had  not  been  in 
their  hands  from  the  time  of  King  Philip;  this  act  of  generosity 
won  them  entirely  over  to  his  cause,  and  in  compliance  with 
his  exhortations,  they  joined  the  confederacy  of  the  Achaeans 
(B.  c.  243.) 

During  the  ensuing  years,  Aratus  restored  freedom  to  several 
other  cities  of  Peloponnesus,  and  continually  increased  the  forces 
of  the  Achaean  league.  This  conduct  rendered  him  very  dear  to 
the  Greeks,  whose  predominant  characteristic  was  an  ardent  love 
of  liberty ;  still,  his  wars  against  the  Lacedaemonians  detracted 
much  from  his  reputation,  especially  as  a  general.  Cleomenes, 
one  of  the  bravest  kings  that  Sparta  ever  had,  was  willing  to  join 
the  Achaeans,  on  condition  that  he  should  be  appointed  their 
chief  leader  3  but  Aratus  would  not  consent  to  resign  an  honor  he 
had  enjoyed  for  more  than  thirty  years,  and  thus  lose  the  reward 
of  his  services.     His  unwillingness  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of 

22* 


.iSS  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paht  V 

Cieomi.BT>^s,  e2fjK>s€.^  iiim  still  more  to  the  attacks  of  the  Spartans. 
Being  repeatedly  defeated  by  them,  and  anxious  to  stop  the 
course  ot  their  victories,  he  eommitted  another  great  fault,  namely 
that  of  calling  to  his  assistance  those  very  Macedonians  whom 
he  himself  had  formerly  expelled  from  Corinth.* 

King  Antigonus  Doto  readily  acceded  to  the  proposal,  though 
he  made  the  Achseans  pay  dearly  for  his  services.  Besides 
enjoying  the  chief  command  of  their  troops  as  long  as  he  remained 
among  them,  he  required  ^nd  obtained  that  the  citadel  of  Corinth 
should  again  receive  a  Macedonian  garrison ;  by  this  impolitic 
measure,  the  Achasans  fell  into  a  sort  of  subjection  to  the  king^ 
of  Macedon,  who  took  advantage  of  it  to  interfere  more  and  more 
in  the  affairs  of  Greece.  This  new  state  of  things  lasted  till  the 
Macedonians  were  defeated  by  the  Romans,  and  Philopoemen 
restored  by  his  victories  the  glory  and  power  of  the  Achaean 
T'epublic. 

ACHiEAN  LEAGUE  UNDER  PHILOPCEMEN.— b.  c.  20G— 183. 

Philopoemen  was  born  at  Megalopolis,  a  city  of  Peloponnesus, 
towards  the  year  B.  c.  253.  From  his  youth,  he  inured  himself 
to  a  hard,  laborious  and  active  life,  and  readily  entered  upon  the 
course  of  such  exercises  as  might  render  him  an  excellent  war- 
rior. His  exertions  to  that  effect  were  perfectly  successful; 
being  equally  well  qualified  to  fight  and  to  command,  he  yielded 
to  no  soldier  in  vigor  and  courage,  nor  to  any  officer  in  prudence 
and  ability.  At  the  age  of  thirty,  he  signalized  himself  in  the 
famous  battle  of  Sellasia,  and  to  him,  more  than  to  any  other, 
'was  Antigonus  indebted  for  his  victory.  The  king  acknowledged 
this  after  the  battle,  in  a  manner  very  flattering  and  honorable 
to  Philopoemen.  Feigning  to  be  angry,  because  the  cavalry  had 
charged  before  the  signal  was  given,  and  being  answered  by  the 
commander  of  that  body  that  the  fault  was  to  be  laid  entirely  to 
the  account  of  a  young  Megalopolitan  ofiicer,  the  king  replied : 
*'This  young  man,  by  seizing  the  proper  moment  for  action,  has 
performed  the  part  of  a  prudent  and  experienced  general ;  and 
you,  the  general,  have  acted  the  part  of  an  unskilful  young  man." 

Philopoemen  deserved  by  his  services  to  be  appointed  comman- 
der-in-chief of  the   Achaeans.     His   nation  was  at   that   time 

involved  in  a  war  against  the  tyrant  of  Sparta,  Machanidas,  who 

« 

*  Aratus,  in  his  memoirs,  and  after  him,  the  historian  Polybius  (b.  ii, 
eh.  3),  endeavored  to  justify  this  transaction  on  the  plea  of  necessity ; 
but  it  is  severely,  and,  we  think,  justly  reprehended  by  Plutarch,  in  hi* 
Ufe  of  Aratus. 


1 


D.  0.  206— 183  ACIIiEAN  LEAGUE— riIILOP(EMEN.  259 

endeavored  to  make  conquests  in  Peloponnesus,  and  had  already 
advanced  as  far  as  Mantinea.  Philopoeraen  went  to  attack  him 
near  that  place.  The  beginning  of  the  battle  was  far  from  being 
favorable  to  him ;  on  the  contrary,  his  left  wing,  composed  oi 
mercenaries,  was,  after  a  sharp  conflict,  entirely  broken  and  put 
to  flight  Still,  the  Achaean  general  did  not,  on  this  account, 
lose  cither  his  courage  or  his  presence  of  mind ;  he  rather  watched 
the  more  attentively  the  errors  that  the  enemy  might  commit,  in 
order  to  turn  them,  if  possible,  to  his  own  advantage.  One  such 
error  was  committed,  which  is  common  on  the  like  occasions. 

Machauidas,  instead  of  attacking  both  on  the  front  and  flank 

the  centre  of  the  Aehiieans,  lost  his  time  in  pursuing  the  fugi- 

:  tives.     Philopoemeu  instantly  occupied  the  ground  thus  incau- 

j   tiously  abandoned  by  the  tyrant,  and  not  only  separated  him  from 

I    the  main  body  of  his  troops,  but  even  cut  the  latter  in  pieces, 

[   while  they  were  hurrying  to  cross  a  ditch,  in  order  to  come  to 

j   close  fight  with  the  Achaean    phalanx.     Machanidas  at  length 

I   returned  from  the  pursuit;  but  it  was  too  late.     At  the  very 

instant  when  he  was  spurring  his  horse  through  the  ditch  to 

rejoin  the  remnants  of  his  army,  Philopoemen  pierced  him  with 

a  spear,  and  by  this  bold  exploit  completed  and  secured  a  victory 

i    the  fruit  in  every  respect  of  his  superior  talents  (b^c.  206). 

The  battle  of  Mantinea  was  of  immense  advantage  to  the 
Achaeans  ;  besides  enriching  them  with  a  large  quantity  of  spoils 
I  and  enlarging  their  territory,  it  saved  their  nation  from  the  yoke 
of  the  Spartan  despot.  Hence,  the  same  honor  which  had  been 
paid  to  Themistocles  after  the  battle  of  Salamis,  was  now  paid  to 
,  Philopoemen  after  his  victory  at  Mantinea.  It  is  related  that, 
when  he  appeared  at  the  Nemoean  games,  just  as  Pylades,  the 
musician,  was  singing  this  verse  of  an  ancient  poet : 

The  palm  of  liberty  for  Greece  I  won, 

I    The  people,  struck  at  the  coincidence,  from  every  part  of  the 

'    theatre  turned  their  eyes  upon  Philopoemen,  and  welcomed  him 

with  the  loudest  plaudits.     They  recollected  the  ancient  dignity 

of  Greece,  and  in  their  present  joy  seemed  filled  with  the  noble 

spirit  of  former  times. 

Such  also  was  the  confidence  which  the  Achaean  troops  placed 
in  Philopoemen,  that,  in  great  emergencies,  they  were  discontented 
under  any  other  commander  :  they  longed  for  the  return  of  their 
favorite  general ;  and  if  he  but  made  his  appearance,  they  were 
soon  satisfied  and  again  ready  for  action. 

He  had,  indeed,  several  other  occasions  to  try  their  courage  in 
the  field.     The  death  of  Machanidas,  instead  of  restoring  to  tha 


260  ANCIENT  HISTOKY.  Part  V. 

Spartaus  the  enjoyment  of  their  ancient  liberty,  had  served  only 
to  make  room  for  another  and  still  more  odious  tyrant  in  the  per- 
son of  Nabis.  This  man,  having  inherited  the  hostile  feelings  of 
his  predecessors  towards  the  Achaeans,  waged  an  obstinate  war 
against  them.  He  at  first  obtained  a  partial  success,  but  was  sub- 
sequently so  often  and  so  signally  defeated  by  Philopoemen,  that 
he  lost  nearly  all  his  troops  and  resources;  till,  at  length,  he  him- 
self fell  by  the  sword  of  deceitful  allies,  after  a  detestable  reign  of 
fifteen  years  (b.  c.  191).  Philopoemen  was  no  sooner  informed  ot 
this  event,  than  he  marched  with  his  army  to  Sparta,  where  he 
found  all  things  in  great  confusion.  Having  assembled  the  chief 
citizens,  he  so  dexterously  influenced  them  by  motives  of  persua- 
sion and  of  fear,  that  he  persuaded  them,  and,  through  them,  the 
whole  city,  to  join  in  the  Achaean  league. 

This  important  operation  added  new  lustre  to  the  reputation 
of  Philopoemen.  The  Laceda3monians  themselves,  out  of  grati- 
tude for  him,  resolved  to  make  him  a  present  of  the  whole  sum 
accruing  from  the  sale  of  Nabis^s  property;  a  sum  amounting  to 
one  hundred  and  twenty  talents,  or  upwards  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  dollars.  But  so  well  known  was  the  integrity 
of  Philopoemen,  that  not  one  of  the  Spartans  could  be  induced  to 
be  the  bearer  of  the  present;  it  became  necessary  to  intrust  it  to 
one  Timolaus,  a  stranger,  to  whom  Philopoemen  was  bound  by  the 
rights  of  hospitality. 

Timolaus  therefore  went  to  Megalopolis,  and  took  lodging  with 
Philopoemen,  who  gave  him  a  kind  reception.  Here,  having  ob- 
served the  virtue  of  this  great  man,  the  simplicity  of  his  diet, 
the  gravity  of  his  discourse,  and  the  nobleness  of  his  sentiments, 
he  did  not  dare  even  mention  the  object  of  his  journey,  and, 
having  assigned  another  motive  for  it,  returned  to  Lacedasmon 
Nor  was  he  more  successful  in  a  second  visit.  Being  sent  a  third 
time,  he  at  last  ventured  to  speak,  and  delivered  his  commission. 
Philopoemen  listened  to  him  with  marks  of  great  satisfaction,  but 
immediately  set  out  for  Sparta,  where,  having  expressed  his  grati- 
tude to  the  citizens  for  their  benevolence,  he  exhorted  them  not  to 
endeavor  to  bribe  with  money  those  who,  for  the  sake  of  virtue, 
were  already  their  friends;  but  rather  to  employ  their  gold  in  pur- 
chasing the  wicked,  and  those  persons  who,  in  council,  perplexed 
and  divided  the  city  by  seditious  discourses;  so  that,  being  paid 
for  their  silence,  they  might  no  longer  occasion  disturbances  in  the 
government. 

Such  was  the  disinterestedness  and  magnanimity  of  Philopoemen. 
These,  with  other  great  qualities  and  noble  deeds,  rendered  him 
equal  to  the  illustrious  heroes  of  earlier  times,  Cimon,  Aristide8 


•  17.  817—289.  CARTIUGE  AND  SICILY.  281 

Epaminondas,  etc. ;  hence  he  was  deservedly  called  the  last  of  the 
Greeks,  since  after  him  Greece  produced  no  great  men  worthy  of 
her  ancient  glory.  At  the  age  of  seventy  years,  and  after  fighting 
in  a  private  encounter  with  his  usual  courage,  he  was,  in  conse- 
quence of  a  fall  from  his  horse,  made  prisoner  by  a  Messenian 
party,  who  had  the  base  cruelty  to  deprive  him  of  life  by  poison 
(b.  c.  183).  The  Achaeans,  in  order  to  avenge  the  loss  of  theii 
general,  waged  a  terrible  war  against  the  Messenians,  and,  punish- 
ing with  inexorable  severity  all  those  who  had  a  part  in  the 
death  of  Philopcemen,  performed  in  his  honor  magnificent  obse- 
quies, which  resembled  a  triumph  rather  than  a  funeral. 

AFFAIRS  OF  CARTHAGE  AND  SICILY— AGATHOCLES, 
TYRANT  OF  SYRACUSE.— b.  c.  317—289. 

We  have  thus  far  conducted  the  history  of  Greece  and  of  the 
neighboring  states,  through  an  unbroken  chain  of  events.  The 
history  of  the  western  world,  during  the  same  period  of  time, 
must  now  engage  our  attention,  till,  by  the  progress  of  the 
Romans  in  all  directions,  the  same  narrative  will  be  made  to  com- 
prehend  all  the  countries  of  the  earth  known  to  the  ancients. 

On  a  former  occasion  it  was  remarked  that,  after  the  Carthagi- 
nians first  obtained  a  footing  in  Sicily,  they  never  ceased  to  make 
vigorous  efi'orts  both  to  preserve  and  to  extend  their  conquests. 
Their  late  defeat  by  the  Syracusans  under  Timoleon  did  not 
prevent  them  from  soon  renewing  their  attempts,  and  the  strug- 
gle was  now  carried  on  between  them  and  the  famous  tyrant 
Agathocles. 

This  man  was  a  Sicilian  by  birth,  of  low  extraction,  but  remarka- 
ble for  natural  talents,  and  still  more  so  for  his  ambitious  and  fierce 
disposition.  With  the  assistance  of  the  Carthaginians,  he  usurped 
the  sovereign  authority  in  Syracuse  twenty  years  after  the  death 
of  Timoleon,  and  exercised  it  in  the  most  tyrannical  manner,  as 
well  in  Syracuse  itself  as  in  other  cities,  which  he  took  either  by 
force  or  surprise.  The  Carthaginians  then  thought  of  putting  a 
check  on  his  ambition,  and  their  commander  Amilcar  made  him 
agree  to  a  treaty  calculated  to  maintain  peace;  but  Agathocles 
did  not  long  comply  with  it,  on  the  contrary  he  rose  against  his 
former  benefactors.  They,  on  their  part,  marched  against  him, 
and  having  chastised  his  ingratitude  by  a  signal  defeat,  obliged 
him  to  shut  himself  up  in  Syracuse.  They  laid  siege  to  that  city 
with  the  more  readiness,  as  the  reduction  of  this  important  place 
might  have  easily  rendered  them  masters  of  the  whole  isUnd. 

Agathocles  had  comparatively  few  forces  with  which  tc  oppase 


I 


ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  V 

them;  and  his  cruelty,  besides,  caused  him  to  be  deserted  by  his 
allies.  To  rescue  himself  from  so  terrible  an  extremity,  he  made 
a  plan  so  very  bold  and  so  seemingly  impracticable,  that  even  at 
present  it  might  appear  incredible,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  of  its 
execution :  unable  as  he  was  to  resist  the  Carthaginians  on  his  own 
territory,  he  had  the  audacity  to  sail  for  Africa,  in  order  to  attack 
them  upon  their  own  ground.* 

The  perfect  secrecy  with  which  Agathocles  conducted  this  enter- 
prise, was  not  less  astonishing  than  the  enterprise  itself;  nobody 
knew  or  suspected  his  design,  till  he  reached  the  African  shores. 
He  announced  it  only  after  the  army  had  landed,  and  represented 
to  his  followers  that,  in  order  to  rescue  their  country  from  danger, 
his  intent  was  to  divert  the  enemy's  attention  from  Syracuse  by 
marching  against  Carthage,  an  opulent  though  ill-protected  city, 
whose  riches  would  be  the  reward  of  their  courage.  Finding  the 
troops  disposed  to  foUow  him,  he  executed  a  second  project  still 
bolder  than  the  first,  by  burning  his  fleet,  and  thus  leaving  to  his 
soldiers  no  alternative  but  victory  or  death  (b.  c.  310). 

Agathocles  allowed  no  time  for  reflection  and  repentance;  he  re- 
solutely marched  into  the  heart  of  "the  enemy's  country,  subduing 
cities,  and  enriching  his  soldiers  with  their  spoils.  The  Cartha- 
ginians began  to  be  the  more  alarmed,  as  this  invasion  led  them  to 
suppose  that  their  forces  had  been  conquered  and  destroyed  in 
Sicily.  New  armies,  it  is  true,  were  mustered  in  great  haste, 
to  hinder  the  approach  of  the  enemy;  but  they  were  repeatedly 
defeated,  and,  as  a  natural  consequence,  their  defeat  increased 
more  and  more  the  general  consternation,  even  so  far  as  to  occa- 
sion great  disturbances  in  their  city. 

Very  happily  for  them,  when  Agathocles  saw  his  afi'airs  in  this 
prosperous  condition,  he  determined  to  revisit  Sicily.  His  ab- 
sence, though  it  lasted  but  a  short  time,  caused  a  complete  change 
in  the  prospect  of  the  war,  and  when  he  returned  to  Africa,  he 
could  not  succeed  in  regaining  his  former  superiority  :  in  thig 
critical  situation,  the  tyrant  sought  a  means  of  preservation  for 
himself;  he  abandoned  his  army,  and  recrossing  the  sea  with  a 
few  persons,  again  returned  to  Syracuse.  The  soldiers,  enraged 
at  this  base  conduct,  vented  their  vengeance  on  his  two  sons; 
they  killed  both  of  them,  and  surrendered  themselves  to  the 
enemy.  Some  years  after,  Agathocles  himself  closed  his  criminal 
life  by  a  violent  and  frightful  death  (b.  c.  289). 

*  "Mira  prorsus  audacia,"  says  Justin,  '*ut  quibus  in  solo  urbia 
Buse  par  non  erat,  eorum  urbi  bellum  inferret,  et  qui  sua  tueri  non  po- 
terat,  impugnaret  aliena,  victusque  victoribus  insultaret." — Justin,  b. 
xxii,  ch.  4. 


0.843-282.  ROMANS    AND   SAMNITES. 


This  tyrant,  however,  must  be  allowed  to  have  possessed  one 
good  quality,  that  of  modesty  in  his  private  conduct.  Being  the 
son  of  a  potter,  he  not  only  betrayed  no  shame  of  his  lowly 
origin,  but  purposely  made  use  of  earthen  vessels  at  table,  in  order 
to  perpetuate  the  recollection  of  his  former  humble  condition. 


WAH 

"Tnan 


WAR  OF  THE  ROMANS  AGAINST  THE  SAMNITES.    b.  c.  348— 282^--^ 

URING  the  disputes  between  Carthage  and  Sicily,  the  Ro- 
ns continued  to  lay  the  solid  and  durable  foundation  of  their 
future  greatness.  The  history  of  that  singular  nation,  particu- 
larly at  the  period  which  we  have  now  reached,  presents  an  al- 
most uninterrupted  series  of  exploits,  battles,  and  conquests 
achieved  in  spite  of  a  thousand  difficulties,  not  less  by  their  un- 
flinching perseverance  than  by  their  heroic  valor.  This  appeared 
in  the  most  striking  manner  in  their  war  against  the  Samnites, 
h  powerful  tribe  of  Southern  Italy.  The  Samnites  yielded  not 
to  the  Romans  themselves  in  martial  spirit,  intrepidity,  and  dis- 
cipline: often  vanquished,  sometimes  victorious,  they  maintained 
the  bloody  contest  with  incredible  courage  and  obstinacy  for  the 
space  of  about  sixty  years. 

This  protracted  struggle  may  be  considered  under  three  dis- 
tinct heads,  according  to  the  various  stages  of  its  duration  and 
the  characteristic  events  by  which  every  one  of  them  was  marked. 


I 


1.    SAMNITE  WAR.— ITS   BEGINNING  AND  FIRST   RESULT. 
B.  c.  343—324. 


Under  the  consulate  of  Valerius  Corvus  and  Cornelius  Cossus, 
the  Romans  and  Samnites,  hitherto  allies  and  friends,  became 
enemies  on  account  of  an  intermediate  nation,  the  Campanians, 
attacked  at  that  time  by  the  Samnites,  and  defended  by  the  Ro- 
mans. The  senate  of  the  republic  sent  heralds  to  demand  satisfac- 
tion of  the  invaders,  for  their  attempt  upon  a  people  then  placed 
under  the  Roman  protection.  On  their  refusal,  war  was  declared, 
and  both  consuls  received  orders  to  set  out  instantly  at  the  head  of 
their  troops  against  this  new  enemy;  Valerius  led  his  army  into 
Campania,  and  Cornelius  marched  to  the  Samnite  teritory. 

Valerius  was  soon  obliged  to  come  to  a  battle.  He  readily 
prepared  for  it,  and  by  words  full  of  energy  and  strongly  expres- 
sive of  his  well-known  affection  for  the  troops  and  his  confidence 
in  their  valor,  filled  them  all  with  the  determination  to  maintain, 
in  the  approaching  conflict,  the  glory  of  the  Roman  name. 
The  Samnites,  likewise,  were  proud  of  their  recent  exploits  and 


B 


264  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

ancient  renown.  Never  did  foe  meet  foe  on  more  equal  terms, 
with  more  similar  hopes^  and  with  greater  confidence  in  their  own 
courage,  and  respect  for  their  opponents.*  The  action  lasted  long, 
without  any  sign  of  victory  on  either  side.  The  day  was  drawing 
to  its  close,  and  several  ranks  of  the  Samnites  were  already 
destroyed ;  yet,  so  fully  resolved  were  they  to  conquer  or  die, 
that  none  of  the  survivors  were  seen  to  abandon  their  post,  and 
withdraw  from  that  scene  of  carnage.  The  Romans  themselves 
began  to  be  exhausted ;  still,  excited  by  the  example  of  their 
general  who  performed  prodigies  of  valor,  and  maddened,  as  it 
were,  by  the  undaunted  resistance  of  their  opponents,  they  made 
so  furious  an  attack,  that  the  Samnites  at  last  began  to  give  way, 
and  were  at  length  driven  from  the  field.  The  conquerors  took 
many  of  them  prisoners,  slew  many  others,  and  very  few  would 
have  escaped,  if  night  had  not  put  an  end  to  the  purfeuit. 

The  joy  occasioned  by  this  important  success  of  Valerius,  was 
soon  damped  by  the  peril  of  his  colleague  and  of  the  other  Roman 
army.  The  Consul  Cornelius  had  incautiously  marched  his 
troops  into  a  deep  valley,  without  noticing  that  the  surrounding 
hills  were  occupied  by  the  Samnites,  and  he  became  sensible  of 
his  danger  only  when  it  was  too  late  to  avoid  it.  Fortunately, 
however,  the  enemy  had  neglected  to  take  possession  of  one 
eminence  more  elevated  than  all  the  rest ;  the  consul's  attention  wag 
directed  to  it  by  P.  Decius,  one  of  his  chief  ofiicers.  As  thig 
height,  though  almost  inaccessible  to  heavy  armed  soldiers,  could 
easily  be  reached  by  light  armed  infantry,  Decius  asked  no  more 
than  a  body  of  two  thousand  and  four  hundred  men,  to  take 
possession  of  so  favorable  a  spot,  and  thus  save  the  whole  Roman 
army.  When  he  would  be  once  stationed  on  the  eminence,  the 
consul,  with  all  his  troops,  could  leave  the  defile  without  danger 
of  an  attack,  because  the  Samnites  would  naturally  be  afraid  of 
being  themselves  attacked,  with  immense  disadvantage,  by  the 
detachment  from  the  height. 

This  salutary  advice  was  highly  applauded  and  eagerly  fol- 
lowed. Decius,  with  the  body  of  troops  which  he  had  desired, 
went  through  a  forest  towards  the  intended  spot,  and  was  not 
perceived  by  the  enemy  till  he  had  reached  the  summit.  While 
the  Samnites,  in  surprise  and  dismay,  and  not  knowing  what 
step  to  take,  made  difi"erent  movements  to  no  purpose,  the  consul 
had  time  to  extricate  his  legions  from  danger  and  to  occupy  a 
safer  position.      When  night  came  on  and  the  Samnites  were  at 

*  Prselium,  ut  quod  maximfe  unquam,  pari  spe,  utrinque  sequis  viri- 
bu8,  cum  fiducia  sui  sine  coutemptu  hostium,  con;missum  est. — Livy,  b. 
vii.  c  33 


i 


^  0.  843—282.  ROMANS  AND  SAMNITES  265 

t,  Dccius  and  his  brave  companions  left  the  height,  and  croa- 

X  the  enemy's  camp  with  equal  celerity  and  courage,  early  in 
ilio  morning  rejoined  their  own  army,  which  welcomed  them  with 
t  \i>ry  expression  of  gratitude  for  their  devotedness,  and  joy  for 
their  return. 

The  consul,  having  assembled  his  legions,  began  to  lavish  mer- 
ited praises  on  Decius ;  yet,  at  the  suggestion  of  this  brave  officer 
himself,  he  dismissed  the  assembly  for  the  sake  of  a  more  urgent 
affair.  Decius  advised  him  to  go  instantly  at  the  head  of  the  troops 
and  attack  the  Samnites,  before  they  could  have  recovered  from 
their  amazement,  and  whilst  they  would  still  be  scattered  about 
the  neighborhood.  Whatever  he  proposed  was  executed.  The 
Sanmites,  thus  suddenly  attacked,  oifcred  but  a  feeble  resistance  : 
some  escaped  by  flight ;  others,  who  had  hoped  to  find  a  shelter 
within  their  camp,  were  pursued  there  by  the  victorious  Romans, 
and  all,  to  the  number  of  thirty  thousand,  were  put  to  the  sword. 

After  this  great  achievement,  the  consul  again  assembled  his 
troops,  and  not  only  began  to  harangue  them  as  before  in  com- 
mendation of  Dccius,  but  bestowed  on  him  additional  praises  for 
the  lute  signal  service  which  he  had  rendered  to  the  republic. 
Besides  other  military  rewards,  he  presented  him  with  a  crown  of 
gold.  The  legions  likewise,  to  testify  their  gratitude  to  Decius, 
honored  him  with  a  crown  made  of  grass,  such  as  was  given  to 
those  who  had  delivered  the  Romans  or  their  allies  from  a  siege.* 

*  This  crown  was  foi'  that  reason  called  Corona  Obsklionalis,  a  very 
appropriate  name,  as  it  was  composed  of  grass  that  grtw  in.  the  place 
just  besieged,  and  related  to  the  siege  of  that  place  or  city. 

The  other  coronets  bestowed  as  military  rewards  among  the  Romans, 
were  the  following  : 

Corona  Civica,  given  to  any  soldier  who  had  saved  the  life  of  a  Roman 
citizen  in  an  engagement.  This  crown,  though  composed  of  only  oaken 
materials,  was  considered  the  most  honorable  that  could  be  bestowed. 

Corona  Muralis,  awarded  to  him  who  first  scaled  the  walls  of  a  city 
in  a  general  assault;  and  therefore  in  its  form  there  was  some  allusion 
made  to  the  figure  of  a  wall. 

Corona  Vallaru  or  Castrensis,  the  reward  of  him,  who,  first  of  all,  had 
forced  the  enemy's  intrenchments. 

Corona  Nacalis,  set  round  with  figures  of  the  beaks  of  ships,  ami 
bestowed  on  such  as  had  signalized  their  valor  in  a  naval  engagement. 

In  fine,  Corona  Triumphalis,  made  with  wreaths  of  laurel,  and  awar- 
ded to  the  general  who  had  gained  a  signal  victory.  To  him  also,  was 
reserved  the  triumph,  or  solemn  entry  into  Rome  in  a  chariot  magnifi- 
cently ornamented,  and  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  army. 

There  were  other  rewards  for  occasions  different  from  those  alroidjr 
mentioned.  Among  others,  were  the  torques,  a  golden  or  silver  colisir, 
exquisitely  wrought;  and  the  armillce,  a  sort  of  bracelets  ;',ivj:i,  on 
socoimt  of  some  eminent  service,  to  such  only  as  at  ere  born  IUl*iAQ4. 


266  ANCIENT  IIISTORY.  Pabi  IV 

Another  battle  was  fought  near  Suessula  between  Valerius,  the 
other  consul,  and  the  Samnites.  The  latter  had  summoned  all 
the  flower  of  their  youth  under  their  standards,  to  try  again  the 
chance  of  war;  but  the  excessive  confidence  of  that  people  in 
their  number  and  bravery,  their  want  of  sufficient  precautions, 
and  the  skilful  movements  of  Valerius,  secured  to  this  general  a 
second  victory  as  complete  as  the  first.  No  few  ;r  than  forty 
thousand  bucklers  and  one  hundred  and  seventy  military  stan- 
dards were  taken  from  the  Samnites.  Their  camp  likewise  was 
captured  at  the  first  onset,  and  all  the  booty  and  spoils  found  in 
it  were  divided  among  the  Roman  soldiers. 

The  fame  of  this  expedition  was  not  confined  to  Italy.  It 
spread  abroad  even  to  Africa,  and  the  Carthaginians  sent  ambas- 
sadors to  congratulate  the  Roman  people  on  their  success,  with  a 
golden  crown  of  twenty-five  pounds  weight  to  be  dedicated  in  the 
temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus.  A.  triumph  was  decreed  to  both 
consuls.  In  the  triumphal  maich,  Decius  walked  after  them  in 
great  pomp,  adorned  with  the  crowns  which  he  had  received,  and 
sharing  in  the  honors  and  praise.5  conferred  on  the  two  victorious 
generals.  The  Samnites,  on  the  coatrary,  dispirited  by  their 
'  fosses  and  the  additional  devastation  of  their  territory,  sent  depu 
ties  to  sue  for  peace :  it  was  granted  to  them  without  much  diffi- 
culty and  on  moderate  terms,  under  the  consulship  of  ^milius 
Majncrcinus. 

5IL  SAMNITE  WAR— ITS  RENEWAL  AND  PROGRESS. 
B.  c.  324—290. 

The  late  treaty  between  the  two  nations  lasted  for  about  fifteen 
years.  During  that  interval,  the  Romans  made  so  steady  apro- 
gress  in  consequence  of  their  prosperous  wars  against  other  foes, 
that  the  Samnite«  were  alarmed  at  this  continual  increase  of 
power,  and  began  to  make  preparations  for  the  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities. This  was  the  most  bloody  and  protracted  part  of  their 
obstinate  struggle.  At  Rome,  it  was  thought  from  the  beginning 
that  the  emergency  required  the  appointment  of  a  dictator,  and 
L.  Papirius  Cursor  was  chosen  for  this  high  office ;  the  charge  of 
master  of  the  horse  was  given  to  Fabius  Maximus  Rulliauus. 
Roth  of  them,  by  their  eminent  talents  and  important  servieeS| 
deserved  to  be  numbered  among  the  greatest  generals  of  aneieni 
Rome ;  but  their  discord  at  first  threatened  the  state  witl 
eerious  evils. 

Papirius,  having  occasion  to  leave  the  army  for  a  few  days 
strictly  forbade  the  general  of  the  cavalry  to  undertake  any  thin| 
and  engage  in  any  combat  during  his  absence.     His  orders  werj 


B.c  343—282.  ROMANS   AND  SAMNITES.  267 

iiot  obeyed.  Fubius,  seeing  a  favorable  opportunity  tc  attack  the 
Samnitcs,  led  the  army  against  them,  and  gave  them  such  an 
■verthrow,  that  they  left  twenty  thousand  of  their  men  on  the 
(iild  of  battle.  When  the  news  of  this  action  reached  the  dicta- 
tor's ears,  instead  of  being  rejoiced  at  the  victory,  he  was  highly 
incensed  at  the  disobedience  of  Fabius  :  with  all  possible  haste, 
lie  set  out  for  the  camp,  asserting  everywhere  that  the  victory 
gained  by  Fabius  was  not  more  destructive  to  the  Samnites,than 
it  would  proA'e  fatal  to  discipline  and  to  the  majest}-  of  the  dic- 
tatorship, if  this  contempt  of  authority  would  remain  unpunished. 

Fabius,  aware  of  the  danger  that  threatened  him,  invoked  the 
[irotection  of  the  soldiers  against  the  severity  of  his  general. 
Having  found  a  refuge  in  their  ranks  as  long  as  the  day  lasted, 
he  fled  during  the  night  to  Rome,  where  on  the  next  day  Papi- 
rius  followed  him,  in  order  to  bring  him  to  trial.  The  cause  was 
warmly,  though  vainly  debated,  first  in  the  senate,  and  then  in 
the  assembly  of  the  people,  Papirius  dwelling  strongly  on  the 
necessity  of  exemplary  chastisement  for  the  vindication  of  public 
authority,  and  Rullianus  pleading  his  services.  At  last,  the  peo- 
ple with  unanimous  consent,  the  tribunes,  Rullianus  himself  and 
his  aged  father,  M.  Fabius,  putting  an  end  to  the  debate,  humbly 
1  (Sought  the  dictator  to  forgive  a  transient  act  of  disobedience. 
Papirius,  moved  by  this  spectacle,  resisted  no  longer.  He  granted 
the  pardon  so  much  desired,  saying  that  he  was  now  fully  satis- 
Cod,  since  military  discipline  and  the  majesty  of  the  empire  had 
prevailed,  after  they  were  both  in  danger  of  being  overthrown 
for  ever. 

This  noble  and  merciful  act  of  Papirius,  although  universally 
applauded  at  Rome,  did  not  restore  to  him  the  affection  of  the 
troops.  They  had  been  exasperated  at  his  first  rigor  in  the  case 
of  Fabius,  and  were  by  no  means  pleased  at  his  return  among 
them.  This  became  evident  on  the  very  next  day,  when  the 
Samnites,  by  their  approach  to  the  Roman  camp,  gave  a  new 
occasion  to  fight  them  with  immense  advantage ;  such  was  the 
ability  of  the  dictator  and  the  skill  with  which  he  drew  up  his 
legions  for  battle,  that,  if  he  had  been  seconded  by  the  usual  dis- 
play of  their  valor,  no  person  doubts  but  that  the  enemy  might 
that  day  have  been  totally  subdued.  But  the  Roman  soldiers. 
not  to  increase  the  glory  of  their  general,  chose  to  fight  with 
remissness,  and  without  sufiiering  themselves  to  be  vanquished, 
would  not  become  victorious. 

Papirius  easily  understood  the  cause  of  his  failure  in  obtaining 
full  success.  Being  made  sensible  that  he  ought  to  moderate  his 
temper  and  blend  mildness  with  severity,  he  took  with  him  his 


1 


268  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Pabi    V. 

lieutenants,  and,  going  about  through  the  camp,  visited  all  the  I 
wounded,  asked  how  they  were,  and  earnestly  recommended  them 
to  the  care  of  their  officers.  These  obliging  manners,  always 
popular  in  themselves,  made  then  so  favorable  an  impression,  that 
the  dictator  fully  regained  the  affection  of  his  troops ;  as  soon  aa 
they  were  sufficiently  recovered  and  fit  for  action,  he  again  led 
them  against  the  enemy  with  full  confidence  of  victory.  His 
hope  was  realized,  and  the  Samnites  were  so  completely  routed, 
that  they  no  longer  dared  to  meet  the  dictator  in  the  field. 

The  condition  of  the  war  was  very  different  under  two  of  his 
successors  in  command.  The  imprudence  of  Yeturius  and  Post- 
humiuSj  both  consuls  in  the  year  B.  c.  321,  brought  upon  the 
Komau  arms  the  most  signal  disgrace  that  they  had  yet  encoun- 
tered. Pontius,  the  general  of  the  Samnites,  succeeded  by 
stratagem  in  enclosing,  near  the  small  village  of  Caudium,  the 
consular  legions  in  a  defile  out  of  which  there  was  no  escape. 
When  the  llomans  found  themselves  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  they 
fell  into  the  utmost  dejection ;  motionless  with  terror  and  grief, 
they  looked  sadly  at  each  other,  and  gave  vent  to  complaints  and 
murmurs  against  the  temerity  of  their  generals.  They  thus  spent 
the  night  without  either  food  or  rest. 

The  Samnites  themselves  were  at  a  loss  how  to  nuike  use  of 
their  advantage.  They  consulted  on  the  subject  their  generaFa 
father,  Herennius,  a  man  of  consummate  prudence  and  judgment; 
Herennius  answered  that  they  ought  either  to  set  the  Piomana 
free  and  dismiss  them  honorably,  in  order  to  gain  their  friendship,  . 
or  put  them  all  to  the  sword,  in  order  to  cripple,  by  a  decisive 
blow,  the  power  of  Rome.  The  victorious  Samnites  followed 
neither  advice.  They  preferred  a  middle  course,  less  calculated, 
as  Herennius  justly  observed,  to  weaken  than  to  exasperate  a 
vanquished  enemy,  and  like  a  half-remedy  in  a  violent  crisis, 
very  apt  to  turn  in  the  end  to  their  own  ruin.  Life  was  granted 
to  the  llomans  on  these  conditions :  that  they  should  lay  aside 
their  arms  and  a  portion  of  their  garments,  and  in  this  state,  with 
the  consuls  at  their  head,  should  all  pass  under  the  yoke ',  se- 
condly, that  the  two  nations,  putting  an  end  to  the  war,  should 
live  henceforth  on  a  footing  of  equality. 

Since  there  was  no  resource  left,  these  disgraceful  terms  were 
accepted.  The  dreaded  ceremony  of  the  yoke  took  place  in  pre- 
gence  of  the  armed  battalions  of  the  Samnites,  who  were  both 
ungenerous  and  imprudent  enough  to  accompany  it  with  bitter 
Barcasms  and  many  acts  of  brutal  violence.  The  Romans  went 
out  of  the  defile,  covered  with  shame  and  overwhelmed  with 
grief;  the  light  of  day  seemed  to  them  more  intolerable  than 


B.  0.  848—282.  ROMANS  AND   SAMNITES. 

death.  They  silently  marched  towards  Rome,  and,  entering  it 
late  at  night,  hastened  to  conceal  themselves  in  their  houses. 

The  Koman  people  and  senate  did  not  believe  themselves  bound 
by  the  treaty  of  Caudium,  as  being  an  unauthorized  agreement, 
concluded  by  their  consuls  and  troops  without  their  own  consent. 
They  appointed  new  and  more  skilful  generals ;  they  reorganized 
the  vanquished  legions,  and  sent  them  against  the  Samnites.  As 
soon  as  the  Roman  soldiers  perceived  the  enemy,  they  did  not 
wait  for  either  exhortation  or  signal,  but  running,  sword  in  hand, 
with  inexpressible  fury,  they  slew  or  drove  every  foe  before  them, 
and  taking  the  Samnite  camp,  filled  it  in  a  moment  with  dread 
and  carnage.  Shortly  after,  they  defeated  another  army,  nearly 
in  the  same  manner  and  in  the  same  circumstances.  Besides 
their  advantages  in  the  field,  the  conquerors  recovered  all  their 
colors,  their  stands  of  arms,  and  their  hostages ;  and  obliged  seven 
thousand  prisoners,  together,  as  some  believe,  wdth  the  famous 
general  Pontius,  to  pass  under  the  yoke,  and  thus  uodergo  the 
pame  ignominious  treatment  which  the  Romans  themselves  had 
been  doomed  to  suffer  at  Caudium. 

,  These  disastrous  events  did  not  put  an  end  to  hostilities.  Each 
nation  seemed  to  have  sworn  the  extermination  of  the  other ;  foi 
a  long  period  of  time  (b.  c.  320 — 290),  almost  every  year  was 
marked  by  bloody  battles,  and  almost  every  battle  was  a  new 
wound  inflicted  on  the  power  of  the  Samnites.  This  undaunted 
people  were,  it  is  true,  occasionally  successful  in  their  efi"orts; 
but  even  success  was  fatal  to  them,  because,  by  reanimating  their 
hopes,  it  roused  them  to  new  exertions  which  invariably  ended 
in  new  losses  and  defeats.  In  vain  did  they  recruit  their  armies 
with  unabated  energy;  in  vain  too  did  they  seek  and  find  assist- 
ance in  the  powerful  tribes  of  central  and  northern  Italy,  the 
Marsi,  the  Umbrians,  the  Etrurians,  the  Gauls  situated  near  the 
river  Po,  etc.  Whether  they  fought  alone,  or  jointly  with  their 
allies,  they  experienced  the  most  signal  overthrows  from  those 
great  generals  of  Rome,  Papirius,  Fabius,  and  others,  and  on  seve- 
ral occasions  lost  from  twenty  to  forty  thousand  men;  the 
Etrurians,  indeed,  lost  in  one  engagement  sixty  thousand  slain  or 
prisoners.  In  a  word,  it  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that  there  nevei 
was  seen  a  greater  and  more  continued  success  on  one  side,  nor  a 
more  protracted  and  obstinate  resistance  on  the  other. 

g  III.    THE  SAMNITE  WAR.— ITS  CLOSE.— b.  c.  290—282. 

The  Samnites  at  length  became  sensible  of  their  own  weakness 
and  the  complete  failure  of  their  resources.     The  loss  of  their 

23* 


270  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

armies,  population,  cities  and  territory,  if  it  did  not  extinguish 
their  martial  spirit  and  abate  their  courage,  at  least  undermined 
and  exhausted  their  strength.  In  the  year  B.  c.  290,  the  two 
consuls,  Cornelius  Rufinus  and  Curius  Dentatus,  having  led  their 
legions  into  the  Saranite  country,  gained  so  many  advantages 
over  the  inhabitants,  as  to  compel  them  to  sue  for  peace.  Tho 
Koman  senate  were  willing  to  grant  it,  but  left  the  articles  of 
treaty  to  be  settled  by  Curius.  The  deputies  of  the  Sanmites 
found  him  sitting  near  the  fire  in  his  modest  farm-house,  whither 
he  had  retired  for  a  time,  and  taking  a  frugal  meal  served  up  in 
a  wooden  dish.  Having  first  explained  the  object  of  their  em- 
bassy, they  offered  him  a  large  sura  of  money,  to  render  him  more 
favorable  to  their  interests ;  he  graciously  listened  to  them,  but 
constantly  rejected  the  proffered  gift,  saying  that  he  had  found 
it  far  more  honorable  to  command  those  who  had  gold,  than  to 
have  any  himself.  After  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  this  great 
man  returned  to  Rome,  where  he  enjoyed  triumphal  honors. 

By  an  unprecedented  example  in  the  history  of  the  republic, 
another  triumph  was  decreed  in  the  same  year  to  Curius,  for 
having  subdued  the  whole  country  of  the  Sabines,  and  carried 
his  victorious  arms  to  the  Adriatic  sea.  In  giving  an  account  ot  ^ 
this  expedition  to  the  senate,  he  made  use  of  these  remarkable 
words:  "I  have  conquered  so  much  land,  that  it  must  have 
remained  uncultivated,  had  I  not  also  taken  so  great  a  number  of 
prisoners ;  and  I  have  taken  so  many  prisoners,  that  they  would 
die  of  starvation,  had  I  not  conquered  so  much  land.''  As  to 
Curius  himself,  so  illustrious  a  personage  and  one  of  the  bright- 
est ornaments  of  his  age  and  nation^  seven  acres  of  land  com- 
posed the  whole  of  his  property. 

To  return  to  the  Samnites ;  their  treaty  with  Curius  was  or 
seemed  to  be  the  close  of  their  bloody  strife  against  Rome.  That 
strife  had  given  to  the  Romans  more  trouble,  perhaps,  than  all 
the  other  Italian  wars  together,  though  in  the  end  they  obtained 
a  complete  and  lasting  success.  When,  a  few  years  later,  the 
Samnites  endeavored  to  reassert  their  independence,  a  new  and 
eignal  defeat,  which  cost  their  nation  twenty-five  thousand  men, 
taught  them  to  respect  in  future  the  superiority  of  Rome.  They 
at  last  submitted  to  their  conquerors;  and  their  example  was 
imitated  by  most  of  those  Italian  states  formerly  involved  in  their 
quarrel,  and  at  that  time  subdued  ]ike  themselves  by  the  exertions 
of  Roman  valor. 

These  events  lead  us  to  the  year  B.  c.  about  282.  The  Ro- 
mans had  scarcely  brought  so  many  contests  to  a  successful 
close,  when  another  struggle  called  for  their  attention,  and  served 
to  increase  their  progress  in  military  science  and  discipline. 


■.0.281- -272.         rVRRIIUS  AND  THE  ROMANS.  271 

WAR  OF  THE  ROMANS  AGArS^ST  PYRRIIUS.— ADVENTURES 
AND  DEATH  OF  THAT  PRINCE.— b.  c.  281—272. 

This  war  originated  in  a  series  of  gross  insults  offered  to  Roman 
ambassadors  by  the  inhabitants  of  Tarentum.  Home  openly 
declared  vengeance  against  this  arrogant  city.  The  Tarentines 
seeing  the  storm  ready  to  burst  upon  them,  and  conscious  of  their 
utter  inability  to  face  it  by  themselves,  called  to  their  assistance 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  a  prince  not  less  remarkable  for  his 
courage  and  skill  in  war,  than  for  his  reckless  ambition  which 
continually  prompted  him  to  go  from  country  to  country  in  search 
of  military  adventures.  He  readily  acceded  to  the  request  of 
the  Tarentines,  and  crossing  the  Adriatic  sea  with  an  army  of 
about  thirty  thousand  men,  passed  over  to  Italy  (B.  c.  281). 
]>efore  commencing  hostilities,  he  offered  his  mediation  to  adjust 
the  existing  differences  between  Rome  and  Tarentum ;  the  consul 
Lrevinus,  who  had  already  approached  with  his  legions,  answered 
him  that  the  Romans  neither  took  Pyrrhus  for  an  arbiter  of  their 
claims,  nor  feared  him  as  an  enemy. 

Upon  this  reply,  the  king  advanced  against  the  Romans.  It 
is  said  that  when  he  beheld  from  a  distance  their  excellent  order 
and  disposition,  he  was  surprised,  and  began  to  entertain  some 
uneasiness  about  the  result  of  the  war.  But  now  he  had  no  time 
for  deliberation ;  the  Romans  crossed  the  river  Siris,  which  sepa- 
rated them  from  his  army,  and  a  battle  immediately  ensued.  It 
was  a  sharp  and  bloody  conflict.  Pyrrhus  himself,  whilst  per- 
forming the  duties  of  both  a  general  and  soldier,  ran  great  risk  of 
his _ life,  and,  if  he  at  length  gained  the  victory,  he  was  indebted 
for  it  principally  to  his  elephants,  whose  enormous  bulk  and  size 
affrighted  the  Romans,  unaccustomed  to  see  such  huge  animals 
This  success,  moreover,  was  purchased  at  a  very  dear  rate ;  it  cost 
him  a  great  number  of  his  choicest  men ;  hence,  on  his  return 
to  Tarentum,  when  congratulated  on  his  victory,  he  said  :  "  If  we 
gain  such  another  victory,  we  are  undone.''  A  second  battle, 
equally  obstinate  and  terrible,  increased  his  fears  as  to  the  ulti- 
mate consequences  of  the  war,  and  a  variety  of  other  incidents 
contributed  to  render  him  more  and  more  apprehensive  of  the 
result. 

An  embassy  had  been  sent  lo  Pyrrhus  from  Rome,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  coming  to  an  agreement  with  him  about  the  ransom  or  the 
exchange  of  prisoners :  the  conduct  of  the  ambassadors,  and  espe- 
cially of  C.  Fabric: LIS,  the  most  illustrious  of  them,  gave  the  kin^ 


272  ANCIENT  IIISTORr.  Paet  V 

■amost  exalted  idea  of  Roman  disinterestedness  and  magnanimity 
— This  Caiiis  Fabricius  was  highly  esteemed  by  the  Romani 
for  his  probity,  his  wisdom,  and  his  martial  abilities;  but  he 
was  extremely  poor.  Pyrrhus  received  him  with  particulai' 
distinction,  and  privately  offered  him  gold,  which  he  begged 
him  to  accept,  not  for  any  base  purpose,  but  as  a  pledge  of  friend- 
ship and  hospitality.  As  Fabricius  positively  refused  to  receive 
any  present,  however  valuable  and  useful  it  might  be,  Pyrrhus 
urged  him  no  farther ;  but  the  next  day,  wishing  to  surprise  him, 
and  knowing  that  he  had  never  seen  an  elephant,  he  ordered  the 
largest  one  in  his  possession  to  be  caparisoned  and  placed  behind 
a  curtain  in  the  room  in  which  they  were  to  meet.  This  being 
done,  the  curtain  was  suddenly  drawn  at  the  king's  command, 
and  the  elephant  raising  his  trunk  over  the  head  of  Fabricius, 
made  a  horrid  and  frightful  noise.  But  Fabricius  turned  about 
very  calmly,  and  said  with  a  smile :  ^'  Your  gold  did  not  tempt 
me  yesterday,  nor  has  your  beast  affrighted  me  to-day." 

After  this,  Fabricius  being  consul,  an  unknown  person  came 
to  his  camp  with  a  letter  from  the  king's  physician,  who  offered 
to  take  off  Pyrrhus  by  poison,  and  so  end  the  war  without  any 
farther  hazard  to  the  Romans,  provided  they  would  give  him  a 
proper  compensation  for  his  services.  Fabricius  detested  this 
perfidy,  and  having  brought  his  colleague  into  the  same  senti- 
ments, sent  despatches  to  the  king,  without  losing  a  moment's 
time,  to  caution  him  against  the  treason.  It  is  said  that,  when 
Pyrrhus  read  the  letter,  he  exclaimed:  ''It  would  be  easier  to 
turn  the  sun  out  of  his  stated  course,  than  to  divert  Fabricius 
from  the  paths  of  justice  and  probity;"  and  that  he  might  not 
seem  to  be  surpassed  in  generosity,  he  immediately  dismissed  all 
the  Roman  prisoners  without  ransom.  Still  he  desired  more  than 
ever  to  conclude  an  honorable  peace.  Seeing  that  the  Romans 
made  no  advance  towards  a  treaty  of  this  kind,  he  was  the  first 
to  propose  and  urge  it  himself.  Rut  the  senate,  faithful  to  their 
maxim  never  to  yield  any  thing  in  time  of  adversity  or  danger, 
repeatedly  answered  Pyrrhus  that  ho  never  would  obtain  peace 
from  the  Romans,  till  he  should  have  evacuated  Italy. 

These  were  not  ostentatious  or  idle  words.  The  king  knew 
very  well  that,  among  the  Romans,  vigorous  action  ever  went 
hand  in  hand  with  firmness  of  language.  He  had  noticed  that 
they  recruited  their  legions  with  the  greatest  facility,  and  not- 
withstanding their  losses,  opposed  to  him  armies  more  numerous 
than  the  preceding ,  so  that  it  seemed  as  if  he  had  to  do  with  the 
Lernaean  hydra.  He  had  likewise  observed,  when  viewing  the 
dead  bodies  lying  on  the  field  after  his  first  battle,  that  ail  the 


I 


B.C.  281— 272.       PYRRH US  AND  THE  ROMANS.  278 

Romans  had  died  of  honorable  wounds,  and  with  their  facea  to- 
wards the  enemy.  This  circumstance,  whilst  it  elicited  from  him 
a  desire  to  have  soldiers  like  these,  plainly  told  him  how  hardy  a 
kind  of  warriors  they  wfire,  against  whom  he  had  undertaken  to 
ciintend.  ~V 

These  consideration's  threw  Pyrrhus  into  great  perplexity  as  to 
his  future  course.  He  was  relieved  from  his  uneasiness  by  a 
deputation  of  Sicilians,  entreating  him  to  espouse  their  cause 
against  the  Carthaginians  their  enemies,  and  offering  to  put  Syra- 
cuse, Agrigentum,  and  the  city  of  the  Leontines  in  his  hands. 
He  acceded  to  their  proposal,  and  setting  sail  for  Sicily,  occupied 
the  towns  just  mentioned,  drove  the  Carthaginians  before  him, 
and  in  a  short  time,  stripped  them  of  whatever  they  possessed  in 
that  island,  except  the  strong  city  of  Lilybaeum.  But,  as  waa 
usual  with  him,  he  lost  his  conquests  as  quickly  as  he  had 
achieved  them;  nor  could  he  succeed,  without  much  difficulty 
and  danger,  in  recrossing  the  strait  to  rejoin  his  Italian  allies. 

During  his  absence,  the  Komans  had  made  considerable  pro- 
gress. Pyrrhus,  in  order  to  restore  his  forlorn  affairs,  determined 
to  try  again  the  chance  of  a  battle.  He  lost  it,  and  together  with 
it  twenty-six  thousand  men,  besides  prisoners;  the  king  himself 
escaped  with  a  small  body  of  cavalry  to  Tarentum,  whence  he 
shortly  after  re-embarked  for  his  own  country  (b.  c.  275). 

Thus  were  the  lofty  hopes  of  Pyrrhus  respecting  Italy  and 
Sicily  frustrated,  after  he  had  wasted  six  years  in  these  expedi- 
tions. But,  although  he  was  not  successful,  still  he  preserved 
his  unconquerable  courage,  and  was  reputed  to  excel,  in  military 
experience  and  personal  prowess,  all  the  princes  of  his  time. 
Unfortunately  for  him,  what  he  gained  by  his  achievements,  he 
lost  by  vain  hopes,  his  desire  of  something  absent  never  suffering 
him  effectually  to  persevere  in  a  present  pursuit. 

The  close  of  his  public  life  was  in  keeping  with  the  rest  of  his 
career.  Having  failed  in  an  attempt  upon  Sparta,  he  turned  his 
efforts  against  the  city  of  Argos,  and  succeeded  in  entering  it 
and  filling  some  streets  with  his  troops,  though  with  great  dan- 
ger to  them  and  at  the  cost  of  his  own  life.  He  first  received  a 
wound,  and  as  he  was  rushing  with  all  his  force  to  charge  his 
aggressor,  the  mother  of  this  man,  who  witnessed  the  fight  from 
the  roof  of  a  house  and  trembled  for  her  son,  threw  a  large  tile 
with  such  violence  on  the  head  of  the  king,  that  he  fell  senseless, 
and  a  soldier  cut  off  his  head  (b.  c.  272).  Such  was  the  end  of 
Pyrrhus,  an  end  little  worthy  of  his  high  rank  as  a  prince  and  a 
general,  but  not  unworthy  of  his  adventurous  life. 

The  Romans,  by  their  final  triumph  over  Pyrrhus,  and  the 


274  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  V. 

subsequent  surrender  of  Tarentum  into  their  hands,  became  mas. 
ters  of  all  central  and  southern  Italy.  The  foundation  of  their 
empire  had  been  laid  slowly,  but  surely,  by  a  continual  warfare 
nf  nearly  five  hundred  years;  having  now  no  longer  any  thing  to 
fear  either  for  their  safety  or  their  pre-eminence  in  the  peninsula, 
^hey  began  to  think  of  carrying  their  arms  into  foreign  countries. 

."' — 
FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.— B.  c.  264—241.  ,. 

Pyrrhus  is  reported  to  have  said,  in  leaving  Sicily,  that  this 
island  would  not  fail  to  become  a  battle-field  for  the  Romans 
and  Carthaginians.  His  prediction  was  soon  verified  by  the 
event.  These  two  nations  were  now  too  near  each  other,  and  at 
the  same  time  too  powerful  and  ambitious,  to  remain  idle  spec- 
tators of  their  respective  aggrandizement ;  notwithstanding  their 
previous  and  reiterated  treaties  of  alliance,  it  was  plain  that  a 
clashing  of  interests  would  lead  to  an  open  rupture  between  them 
as  soon  as  a  specious  occasion  would  ofier.  Such  an  occasion  pre- 
sented itself  in  the  affairs  of  the  Mamertines  or  new  inhabitants 
of  Messina,  formerly  a  band  of  adventurers,  who  were,  on  the 
one  hand,  attacked  by  the  Carthaginians  and  by  Hiero,  king  of 
Syracuse,  and  on  the  other,  defended  by  the  Romans  whose  as- 
sistance they  had  earnestly  implored.  The  consul  Appius,  hav- 
ing crossed  the  strait  of  Sicily  during  the  night,  fell  on  the  Syra 
cusans  and  Carthaginians,  defeated  them  successively  in  two  great 
battles,  and  rescued  Messina  from  danger  (b.  c.  264). 

The  success  of  Appius  was  eagerly  pursued  in  the  ensuing  year 
by  the  consuls  Otacilius  and  Valerius.  These  victories  of  the  Ro- 
mans at  the  very  beginning  of  the  war,  and  their  steady  progress 
in  the  island,  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  mind  of  Hiero. 
That  prince,  already  conspicuous  for  his  wisdom  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  people,  conjectured  from  the  beginning  what  would 
be  the  final  result  of  this  contest;  and  being,  for  several  reasons, 
dissatisfied  with  his  Carthaginian  allies,  offered  his  friendship  to 
the  Romans.  It  was  readily  accepted,  and  became  for  them  a 
subject  of  constant  satisfaction ;  for  they  never  had  a  more  faith- 
ful and  useful  ally.  The  first  fruit  of  their  treaty  with  him  was 
the  capture  of  Agrigentum,  the  most  important  place  of  Sicily 
except  Syracuse,  and  the  most  considerable  among  the  cities  oc- 
cupied by  the  Carthaginians. 

So  prosperous  a  beginning  exceedingly  raised  the  hopes  of  the 
Romans.  They  determined  to  create  a  naval  force,  in  order  to 
pursue  their  advantage  with  greater  effect,  and  in  every  respect, 
by  sea  as  well  as  by  land,  successfully  to  cope  with  their  oppo- 
nents.    A  Carthaginian  galley,  stranded  by  some  accident  on  the 


B.  0.  264— 2J1.  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.  27ft 

Italian  coast,  served  them  as  a  pattern.  TLey  set  themselves  to 
\\w.  work  with  so  much  ardor,  that  one  hundred  and  twenty  ves» 
<  were  built  within  the  short  space  of  two  months.  But  these 
.  -scls,  on  account  of  their  hasty  construction  and  for  want  of 
.-kilful  workmen,  being  slow  and  heavy  in  their  motions,  it  was 
'  -olved  to  make  up  for  this  deficiency  by  the  use  of  certain  ma- 
Mies  purposely  invented  for  the  occasion,  and  afterwards  called 
<  'u-vi  or  Croics,  with  which  they  might  seize  the  enemy's  ships, 
board  them,  and  immediately  come  to  close  engagement. 

The  Roman  fleet  thus  equipped  went,  under  the  command  of 
the  consul  Duilius,  in  search  of  the  Carthaginians.  It  met  them 
and  their  armament  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  sail, 
near  the  coast  of  jMyloc  or  Melazzo,  in  Sicily.  At  the  approach 
of  the  Roman  force,  the  Carthaginians,  full  of  contempt  for  an 
enemy  so  inexperienced,  as  they  thought,  in  the  art  of  sea-war- 
faic,  advanced  in  the  expectation  of  an  easy  triumph,  but  they 
were  soon  undeceived  ]  their  ships,  suddenly  seized  by  the  ma- 
chines before  mentioned,  obliged  them  to  come  to  closer  fight,  in 
which  they  were  unable  to  stand  the  attack  of  the  Romans. 
Their  defeat  was  entire,  and  besides  the  loss  of  about  fifty  vessels, 
it  cost  them  ten  thousand  men,  either,  slain  in  the  action  or  taken 

:   prisoners  (b.  c.  260). 

I  No  victory  was  ever  more  gratifying  to  the  Roman  people. 
As  Duilius  was  the  first  who  had  obtained  for  them  such  an  ad- 

I!  rantage  at  sea,  peculiar  honors  were  conferred  upon  him  :  first 

\  of  all,  he  celebrated  a  naval  triumph,  and,  as  a  memorial  of  his 
victory,  a  triumphal  column  of  white  marble,  adorned  with  prows 

1  of  ships,  was  erected  in  the  forum  by  order  of  the  senate. 

i       During  the  following  years,  great  eiforts  were  made  and  a  de- 

'  sign  was  formed  to  carry  the  war  into  Africa;  the  Carthaginians, 
who  feared  nothing  so  much,  made  likewise  stupendous  prepara- 
tions to  prevent  the  execution  of  such  an  attempt.     This  dispo- 

I  eition  of  the  two  parties  led  to  a  new  engagement  at  sea,  both 

'   terrible  in  itself  and  important  in  its  consequences  (b.  c.  256). 
The  Romans  had  appointed  Manlius  and  Regulus  consuls  for 
this  year.      Their  fleet  amounted  to  three  hundred  and  thirty 

I  ships,  having  on  board  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  men, 
averaging  three  hundred  seamen  and  one  hundred  and  twenty 

i  soldiers  for  each  vessel.  The  Carthaginian  fleet  was  still  more 
numerous,  consisting  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  vessels ;  and 
their  forces,  computed  in  the  same  proportion,  must  have  amount- 
ed to  upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  They 
were  under  the  command  of  Amilcar  and  Hanno,  the  former  witb 

E title  of  general,  and  the  latter  with  that  of  admiral. 


276  AxVCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

The  two  fleets  came  in  sight  near  mount  Ecnomus,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  fiver  Salsi  in  Sicily.  In  seeing  these  vast  arma- 
ments, the  most  considerable  that  ever  appeared  at  sea,  preparing 
for  battle  and  approaching  each  other,  the  spectator  must  have 
been  amazed  both  at  the  importance  of  the  contest,  and  at  the 
power  and  strength  of  the  tvro  republics  thus  engaged.  As  there 
was  no  great  inequality  of  forces,  and  nearly  the  same  courage 
on  both  sides,  the  fight  was  obstinate  and  victory  long  remained 
doubtful.  The  Carthaginians  at  last  were  entirely  overcome: 
sixty-four  of  their  vessels  were  taken  by  the  enemy,  and  upwards 
of  thirty  were  sunk ;  the  Romans  lost  no  more  than  twenty-four 
of  their  ships,  nor  did  any  of  them  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
Carthaginians.* 

The  conquerors  were  enabled  by  this  victory  to  make  an  im 
mediate  descent  upon  the  coast  of  Africa.  They  had  no  sooner 
landed,  than  they  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Clypea,  took  it,  and 
overrunning  the  whole  neighboring  district,  carried  off  a  consider- 
able booty,  with  more  than  twenty  thousand  prisoners.  Manlius, 
one  of  the  two  consuls,  was  then  recalled  by  the  senate,  and 
Kegulus  was  left,  with  a  portion  of  the  fleet  and  army,  to  prose- 
cute the  war  in  Africa. 

When  this  general  advanced  further  into  the  hostile  country, 
he  was  at  first  obliged  to  contend  with  an  enemy  of  a  very  extra- 
ordinary kind.  There  was,  near  the  river  Bagrada,  a  serpent  of 
prodigious  size,  whose  skin,  all  covered  with  scales,  no  dart  could 
penetrate.  As  several  soldiers  who  went  to  the  river  were  killed 
by  this  monster,  it  became  necessary  to  attack  it  with  the  whole 
strength  of  the  army  and  with  every  sort  of  machines,  as  though 
it  had  been  a  fortress.  After  many  ineff'cctual  discharges,  a  huge 
stone  thrown  by  one  of  the  engines  at  length  broke  the  back -bone 
of  the  serpent,  and  left  it  stretched  on  the  ground,  where  it  was 
entirely,  though  not  without  great  difiiculty  despatched  by  the 
soldiers.  The  skin,  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet  long,  was  sent 
to  Rome,  and  hung  up  in  one  of  the  temples  of  the  city. 

Regulus,  having  removed  this  obstacle,  resumed  the  course  of 
his  military  operations.  He  conquered  a  numerous  army  of 
Carthaginians  which  had  attempted  to  stop  his  progress,  and 
took-,  besides  many  other  places,  the  important  city  of  Tunis  near 
Carthage.  So  rapid  an  advance  spread  the  utmost  terror  among 
the  inhabitants  of  this  capital ;  they  sent  deputies  to  the  Roman 

*  All  the  particulars  of  this  battle  inay  be  seen  in  Polybius,  b.  i,  c.  2, 
or  Freinshemius,  in  his  excellent  supplement  to  Livy's  History,  b.  xviii, 
n.  2—9. 


^ 


3.0.261—241.  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.  277 

general,  to  conclude  a  treaty  of  peace ;  but  Rcgulus,-dazzled  by 
lis  success,  would  not  grant  it  except  under  the  most  rigorous 
;orms,  and  said  that  a  nation  ought  to  know  cither  how  to  conquei 

>3r  to  submit  to  the  conquerors. 

*  This  haughty  conduct  so  exasperated  the  Carthaginians,  that 
they  resolved  to  defend  themselves  to  the  last  extremity.  Having 
lately  received  among  them  Xantippus,  a  Lacedaemonian  officer 
of  great  skill  and  experience,  they  placed  him  at  the  head  of  their 
troops.  Under  this  new  leader,  affairs  assumed  a  quite  different 
aspect :  after  he  had,  for  some  time,  carefully  trained  up  the  sol- 
diers in  all  the  military  exercises,  he  led  them  against  the  enemy, 
and  offered  battle  to  llegulus,  who,  although  actually  stationed 
in  a  very  unfavorable  position,  did  not  decline  the  contest.  .The 
defeat  of  the  Romans  was  complete;  nearly  all  their  army  was 
destroyed,  and  five  hundred  men  were  taken  prisoners,  together 
with  their  general  (b.  c.  255) :  so  true  is  it,  as  a  judicious  author 
remarks,  that  one  prudent  advice  is  better  than  a  thousand  wea- 
pon<5,  and  that  nothing  is  more  dangerous  in  life  than  presump- 
tuous confidence  inspired  by  prosperity. 

The  Carthaginians,  after  detaining  llegulus  a  captive  for  some 
years,  sent  him  to  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  an  exchange 
of  prisoners.  Before  he  set  out,  they  made  him  promise  under 
oath  that  he  would  return  to  Carthage,  should  their  proposal 
happen  to  be  rejected ;  this  really  happened,  on  the  motion  of 
Regulus  himself,  who  proved  in  the  senate  that  the  exchange 
under  consideration  would  be  greatly  disadvantageous  to  the 
republic.  He  therefore  returned  to  his  prison,  aware  indeed  of 
the  cruel  treatment  which  awaited  him  there,  but  preferring, 
without  hesitation,  the  fulfilment  of  his  oath  to  the  preservation 
of  his  life.     He  had  no  sooner  arrived,  than  the  Carthaginians, 

;  incensed  against  him,  made  him  suffer  every  pain  that  their 
resentment  could  suggest,  till  he  expired  in  the  midst  of  tor- 

i  mcnts,  having  rendered  himself  greater  by  his  constancy  in  suf- 

j  ferings,  than  he  was  formerly  by  his  splendid  success. 

i      The  late  defeat  of  Regulus  was  not  the  only  disaster  suffered 

'  by  the  Romans  at  this  period  of  the  war.  The  land  and  the  sea, 
the  winds  and  the  waves,  now  seemed  to  combine  their  efforts  for 
the  destruction  of  their  vessels  and  troops.  On  one  occasion, 
*hcy  lost,  in  consequence  of  a  furious  tempest,  nearly  three  hun- 
dred ships  of  war  which  were  wrecked  along  the  Sicilian  coast ; 
and  on  another,  near  the  shores  of  Italy,  upwards  of  a  hundred 
and  sixty  ships,  besides  other  vessels  and  transports.  The  Ro- 
mans were  extremely  afflicted  at  so  many  and  so  severe  losses  j 
and  because  all  the  elements  seemed  to  oppose  their  superiority 

£1 


278  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  V. 

at  sea,  f.lie  senate  resolved  to  reduce  tlieir  naval  force  to  the  nura« 
ber  of  sixty  sail,  intended  merely  to  protect  tlieir  coasts  and 
preserve  their  communication  with  Sicily.  Yet  they  did  not  long 
persevere  in  this  determination.  For  they  soon  perceived  that 
its  execution  would  diminish  their  influence  in  that  island,  give 
great  advantage  to  the  enemy,  and  protract  the  war  to  no  pur- 
pose. The  former  plan  therefore  was  resumed ;  and  they  began, 
with  great  energy,  to  equip  a  new  fleet. 

During  these  preparations,  Metellus,  the  commander  of  the 
Roman  troops  in  Sicily,  attacked  the  Carthaginians  near  Palermo 
with  such  skill  and  prudence  as  to  gain  a  complete  victory;  in 
this  battle,  twenty  thousand  Carthaginians  were  slain,  and  all 
their  elephants,  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  forty  in  number, 
were  taken  (b.  c.  250).  So  unexpected  a  result  inspired  tho 
Romans  with  their  former  courage,  and  struck  terror  into  the 
enemy.- 

It  was  just  the  reverse  in  the  ensuing  year,  when  the  presump- 
tion and  rashness  of  the  consul  Claudius  Pulchcr  brought  destruc- 
tion on  one  of  the  most  gallant  armaments  that  the  Romans  ever 
put  to  sea.  He  had  intended  to  surprise  the  enemy  at  Drepanum, 
a  maritime  town  of  Sicily,  but  was  himself  surprised,  with  his 
whole  fleet,  in  a  most  unfavorable  position  :  Adherbal,  the  Car- 
thaginian commander,  by  his  skilful  movements  and  the  masterly 
disposition  of  his  ships,  compelled  the  Romans  to  fight  in  a 
narrow  place,  so  near  the  shore  and  so  crowded  together,  that 
they  could  scarcely  move.  Besides  all  these  disadvantages,  they 
were  likewise  dispirited  from  a  superstitious  cause,  because  the 
consul  not  only  was  resolved  to  fight  notwithstanding  unfavorable 
auspices,*  but  even  made  a  jest  of  them.  For  when  the  sacred 
chickens  would  not  eat,  he  had  ordered  them  to  be  thrown  into  the 
sea,  "  that  they  might  drink."  The  soldiers  were  disconcerted 
by  this  action,  and  imagining  themselves  to  be  under  the  dis- 
pleasure of  their  gods,  did  not  act  in  the  conflict  with  their  usual 
intrepidity. 

Under  such  circumstances  as  these,  it  must  not  appear  sur* 
prising  that  the  Romans,  so  often  victorious  before,  sufi"ered  a 
dreadful  defeat.  The  consul  escaped  with  no  more  than  thirty 
of  his  vessels,  which  he  saved  by  sailing  along  the  coast ;  about 
ninety  others,  with  all  the  seamen  and  soldiers  on  board,  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Carthaginians,  whilst  the  remaining  ships  weye 
wrecked  upon  the  sands  or  dashed  against  the  shore. 

*  The  auspices  were  a  superstitious  practice  much  in  use  among  th« 
ancient  Konians,  and  consisted  in  searching  after  signs  of  the  divine  will 
and  nresages  of  futurity,  in  the  flight  of  birds,  or  in  their  mauiWjf 
of  eating 


B.C. 264— 241.  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.  279 

At  the  news  of  this  overthrow,  the  Romans  expressed  their 
coniphiints  against  tht,  consul  Claudius,  whose  rash  imprudence 
b;id  brought  such  heavy  losses  upon  his  country.  Adherbal,  on 
tlio  contrary,  received  among  the  Carthaginians  all  the  applause 
•md  honor  duo  to  his  brave  and  skilful  conduct.  The  battle  of 
Dicpanum  was  indeed  so  much  the  more  glorious  to  him,  as  he 
bad,  with  only  ninety  vessels,  engaged  more  than  two  hundred, 
and  gained  a  signal  victory  without  losing  a  single  ship,  or  even 
one  man,  and  having  only  a  small  number  wounded  ',  whereas 
the  Romans  had,  it  is  said,  eight  thousand  of  their  men  killed, 
and  twenty  thousand  taken  prisoners. 

Thus  two  mighty  nations  were  wasting  their  treasures,  their 
strength  and  their  blood  in  fighting  each  other.  Yet,  the  great- 
ness of  the  losses  suffered  by  each  of  them  did  not  abate  their 
aider  and  courage;  it  merely  induced  them  to  confine  their 
sphere  of  action  within  narrower  limits,  and,  as  it  were,  to  con- 
centrate their  efforts  on  a  single  point.  The  remainder  of  the 
war,  during  about  ten  years,  seemed  to  have  no  other  object  than 
the  city  of  Lilybaeum,  the  most  important  and  nearly  the  only 
one  that  the  Carthaginians  had  hitherto  preserved  in  Sicily.  The 
attempt  of  the  Romans  upon  this  place  might  be  well  compared 
with  the  famous  siege  of  Troy,  not  only  for  its  duration,  but  also 
for  the  innumerable  exploits  performed  on  each  side,  either  for 
the  purpose  of  attack  or  defence.  Nor  was  the  siege  of  Lily- 
bi«um  terminated  by  the  capture  of  the  city  or  the  surrender  of 
its  inhabitants,  but  it  continued  till  the  war  was  brought  by  other 
means  to  a  conclusion.  On  the  one  hand,  every  exertion  that 
experience  and  skill,  as  well  as  boldness  and  intrepidity,  could 
suggest,  was  used  by.,  the  Carthaginian  generals,  Himilco,  Car- 
thalo,  and  above  all  Amilcar,  surnamed  Btlrcas.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Romans  displayed,  in  the  midst  of  their  continual  dif- 
ficulties and  dangers,  a  patience  and  firmness  worthy  of  all  praise; 
their  constancy  was  at  length  crowned  with  entire  success. 

They  had,  since  the  disastrous  fight  of  Drepanum,  abandoned 
again  all  attempts  at  sea,  under  the  hope  that  their  land  armies 
would  alone  be  able  to  decide  the  contest  in  their  favor.  Yet, 
when  they  found  that  all  their  expectations  were  likely  to  be- 
frustrated  by  the  vigorous  and  intrepid  conduct  of  Amilcar,  they 
resolved  for  the  third  time  to  make  trial  of  a  naval  armament. 
The  patriotism  of  private  citizens  made  up  for  the  deficiency  of 
the  public  treasury,  and  their  voluntary  contributions  enabled 
the  state  to  equip  a  new  fleet  of  two  hundred  galleys.  With  this 
force,  the  consul  Lutatius  sailed  for  Sicily.  Having  met  near 
the  iEgates  islands  the  Carthaginian  fleet,  still  more  numerous 


280  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  V 

than  his  own,  but  heavily  laden  and  having  none  but  new  levica 
on  board,  he  attacked  it,  and  gave  it  an  entire  overthrow.  This 
defeat  cost  the  enemy  at  least  ten  thousand  men  and  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty  vessels.  As  it  fell  on  them  at  a  time  when  they 
were  already  exhausted  by  so  many  efforts,  it  put  an  end  to  their 
resources,  and  though  they  wanted  not  courage,  they  had  no 
longer  money  and  troops  to  continue  the  war. 

In  this  extremity,  the  Carthaginians  invested  Amilcar  with 
full  powers  to  do  whatever  he  thought  advisable  for  the  public 
good.  This  great  man,  after  having  achieved  for  the  service  of 
his  country  all  that  could  be  expected  from  consummate  prudencfl 
and  the  most  undaunted  valor,  at  length  yielded  to  the  necessity 
of  the  times.  He  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Roman  consul  to  treat 
of  peace,  and  it  was  concluded  under  the  following  conditions  ; 
"  That  the  Carthaginians  should  pay  three  thousand  two  hundred 
talents  in  the  space  of  ten  years;  evacuate  all  Sicily;  dismiss 
the  Roman  prisoners  without  ransom ;  and  wage  no  war  against 
the  allies  of  Rome.'^  Such  was  the  end  of  the  first  Punic  war, 
after    it   had    lasted    tAventy- three  years  without    interniissior 

(B.    C.    241): 

If  we  take  a  general  view  of  this  long  and  bloody  contest,  it 
will  justly  appear  to  us  that  the  mighty  nations  engaged  in  it 
were  like  two  athletes  full  of  vigor  and  strength,  and  equally  ani- 
mated by  the  desire  of  victory,  grasping  and  rudely  handling 
each  other,  throwing  each  other  to  the  ground,  then  rising  again 
with  redoubled  energy,  and  using  all  the  means  of  attack  that 
force  and  art,  courage  and  dexterity,  can  suggest;  until,  thrown 
down  a  second  time,  and  struggling  .long  for  the  mastery,  after  thi? 
new  and  protracted  effort  one  at  last  completely  gets  the  better  of. 
his  adversary,  and  compels  him  to  ask  for  quarter  and  acknow- 
ledge his  defeat.  Such  was  the  case  with  Rome  and  Carthage 
in  the  beginning,  prosecution,  and  close  of  the  first  Punic  war. 

There  was  on  each  side  an  equal  desire  of  securing  victory  and 
final  pre-eminence  of  power;  both  parties  showed  great  energy, 
great  courage,  and  real  magnanimity  in  both  the  formation  and 
execution  of  their  plans.  The  Carthaginians  surpassed  the  Ro- 
"mans  in  the  science  of  navigation,  in  the  shape  and  swiftness  of 
their  vessels,  the  experience  of  their  sailors  and  pilots,  and  theii 
knowledge  of  the  winds,  bays,  and  coasts.  The  Romans  had  none 
of  these  advantages  ;  but  courage,  emulation/  unabated  firmness 
and  a  lively  sense  of  national  glory,  made  ample  compensation 
for  their  want  of  skill  and  experience.  Unaccustomed  as  they 
had  hitherto  been  to  a  sea-warfare,  they  not  only  coped  with  the 
Carthaginians,  the  greatest  maritime  power  then  in  existence^  bul 


I 


B.C.  241.-219.     ROME  AFTER  THE  FIRST  PCNIC  WAR.        281 

obtained  over  them  a  great  number  of  naval  victories.  No  dif. 
ficulty,  no  reverse  was  able  to  damp  their  spirit,  not  even  the 
destruction  of  seven  hundred  of  their  gallies,  which  happened 
during  that  war  whether  in  sea-fights,  or  in  consequence  of  storms 
and  shipwrecks,  whilst  those  destroyed  among  the  Carthaginians 
amounted  only  to  five  hundred;  and  this,  above  all,  shows  the 
.constancy  of  the  Roman  people.  They  certainly  would  not  have 
thought  of  making  peace  in  the  same  circumstances  in  which 
Carthage  asked  for  it ;  the  unexpected  loss  caused  by  the  battle 
at  the  Agates  islands  at  once  blasted  all  the  hopes  and  resources 
of  the  latter,  whereas  much  severer  losses  had  not  dispirited  the 
Romans. 

With  regard  to  the  soldiers  employed  in  the  first  Punic  war, 
the  superiority  of  courage  was  undoubtedly  on  the  side  of  Rome. 
Among  the  commanders,  Amilcar,  surnamed  Barcas,  was  beyond 
comparison  the  most  conspicuous  for  his  bravery  and  prudence  ; 
of  all  the  Roman  generals,  none  appeared  very  remarkable,  nor 
endowed  with  talents  calculated  to  ensure  complete  success :  to 
the  nature  and  strength  of  the  national  character  and  constitution 
was  Rome  indebted  for  her  triumph  over  Carthage. 

ROME  AFTER  THE  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.— b.  c.  241-219. 

By  the  late  treaty  of  peace,  all  that  part  of  Sicily  not  belonging 
to  Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  passed  under  the  power  of  the  Ro- 
mans. They  made  it  a  province,  the  first  they  acquired  out  of 
Italy,  to  be  governed  by  a  prcetor  annually  sent  from  Rome 
Shortly  after,  upon  a  transient  occasion  or  pretence  of  new  broils 
with  Carthage,  they  likewise  subdued  Sardinia  to  their  laws; 

l^ffhilst  in  Italy  itself,  they  completely  defeated  and  reduced  the 

^Bsh  and  restless  nation  of  the  Falisci. 

^P  Rome  was  then  freed  for  a  time  from  all  foreign  hostilities ;  a 
circumstance  which  had  not  occurred  during  the  space  of  four 
hundred  and  forty  years.  As  a  sign  of  general  peace,  the  temple 
of  Janus  was  shut  for  the  second  time  since  the  building  of  the 
city,  the  first  time  since  the  reign  of  Numa  Pompilius  (b.  c.  235). 
Even  this  peace  was  of  short  duration.  Besides  other  causes 
of  dispute,  the  murder  of  a  Roman  ambassador,  committed  by 
the  Illyrian  court,  drew  the  armies  of  Rome  for  the  first  time  to 
those  parts  of  Europe.  The  Illyrians  were  easily  conquered, 
and  some  of  them  became  subjects,  others  tributary,  to  the  Ro- 
man government. 

A  mure  diflBcult  and  considerable  war  which  the  republic  had 

Kn  to  sustain,  was  that  against  the  various  inhabitants  of  the 


282  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  V. 

north  of  ttaly^  Gauls,  Ligurians  and  others.  It  gave  the  Ro- 
mans a  favorable  and  effectual  opportunity  to  extend  their  con- 
quests as  far  as  the  Alps,  but  obliged  them  to  make  several  cam. 
paigns  and  fight  many  battles  against  these  warlike  nations.  The 
greatest  and  most  important  of  all  the  engagements  that  then 
took  place,  was  the  celebrated  battle  of  Telamon,  in  which  the 
Gauls,  simultaneously  attacked  by  two  Roman  armies,  lost  fifty 
thousand  men,  slain  or  prisoners  (b.  c.  225);  this  saved  Rome 
and  Italy  from  an  invasion  which  might  have  proved  as  fatal  as 
that  of  Brennus,one  hundred  and  sixty-five  years  before. 

CARTHAGE  AFTER  THE  FIRST  PUNIC  WAR— REVOLT  OF  THE 
MERCENARIES. 

After  the  Punic  war  had  come  to  a  close,  both  Rome  and  Car- 
thage were  involved  in  disagreeable  contests,  and  forced  to  em- 
ploy their  arms  in  the  suppression  of  domestic  troubles.  Bui 
there  existed  a  great  difference  between  the  two  nations.  The 
Romans  easily  checked  the  insurrection  of  the  Falisci ;  but  the 
Carthaginians  were  engaged  in  a  much  more  serious  war  against 
their  mercenaries  and  the  revolted  Africans ;  a  war  the  progress 
of  which  filled  them  with  the  greatest  alarm,  and  threatened 
even  the  entire  subversion  of  their  state. 

At  Carthage,  the  public  treasury  had  been  exhausted  both  b^ 
the  expenses  of  the  late  struggle  against  Rome,  and  the  heavy 
sums  required  to  be  paid  to  the  Romans.  Still  the  mercenary 
troops  employed  by  the  Carthaginians,  and  then  stationed  near 
the  city,  were  loudly  demanding  payment  for  their  military  ser- 
vices. When  they  found  it  postponed,  and  were  even  requested, 
on  account  of  the  actual  depressed  condition  of  the  republic,  to 
be  satisfied  with  a  part  of  their  stipend,  they  at  first  loudly  com- 
plained, then  gave  way  to  seditious  cries,  and  finally  took  up 
arms  to  maintain  their  claim  by  force. 

The  flame  of  insurrection,  fanned  by  a  few  desperate  individu- 
als, rapidly  spread  over  every  part  of  the  country.  All  the 
cities  of  Africa,  sooner  or  later,  joined  the  party  of  the  insur- 
gents )  and  the  number  of  their  troops  rose  in  a  short  time  from 
twenty  to  seventy  thousand.  Never  had  Carthage  been  exposed 
to  greater  danger,  even  when  attacked  by  Agathocles  or  Regulus ; 
the  republic,  just  emerging  from  an  unfortunate  contest,  was 
destitute  of  arms  and  troops,  of  the  assistance  of  friends  or 
allies,  and  of  the  necessary  preparations  to  sustain  a  siege.  Still, 
notwithstanding  their  distress  and  alarm,  the  Carthaginians  did 
not  yield  to  despair.     They  made  extraordinary  efforts  for  theil 


CARTHAGE  AFTER  THE   FIRST  PUNIC  WAR.  283 

defence,  refitted  their  remaining  vessels,  levied  new  troops,  ana 
their  energy  ])eing  well  seconded  by  one  great  man,  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  removing  the  danger. 

This  man  was  Amilcar  Barcas,  whose  prowess  has  been  already 
mentioned,  and  whose  bravery,  prudence  and  skill  never  were 
surpassed  among  the  Carthaginians,  except  by  his  own  son,  the 
great  Annibal.  Being  appointed  commander  of  the  army  destined 
to  fight  the  rebels,  he  acted  with  so  much  wisdom,  that,  although 
he  at  first  declined  a  general  engagement,  yet  he  defeated  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  their  army  not  far  from  Carthage,  and 
drove  them  from  nearly  all  the  advantageous  posts  which  they 
occupied. 

The  arrival  from  Numidia  of  a  young  nobleman  called  Nara- 
vasus,  who,  through  personal  esteem  for  Amilcar,  joined  him 
with  two  thousand  Numidians,  was  of  great  service  to  that  gene- 
ral. Encouraged  by  this  reinforcement,  he  made  a  sudden  attack 
upon  the  enemy,  killed  ten  thousand  of  their  number,  and  took 
four  thousand  prisoners.  Notwithstanding  these  losses,  the 
army  of  the  rebels  still  amounted  to  upwards  of  fifty  thousand 
men.  Their  leaders  kept  them  on  the  hills  which  intersected 
the  country,  watching  thence  all  the  motions  of  the  Carthaginian 
general,  and  avoiding  the  plains  through  fear  of  his  elephants 
and  his  superior  cavalry.  Amilcar,  with  still  greater  prudence, 
never  exposed  himself  to  any  of  their  attacks,  but  cut  off  their 
stragglers  and  harassed  them  in  a  thousand  ways.  At  last,  he 
came  upon  them  when  they  least  expected  him,  and  caught  them, 
as  it  were,  in  a  snare  from  which  there  was  no  escape.  Not 
daring  to  venture  a  battle,  and  unable  to  effect  their  retreat,  they 
endeavored  to  fortify  their  camp  with  ditches  and  intrenchments; 
but  another  and  still  more  dangerous  enemy,  famine,  soon  re- 
duced them  to  the  utmost  distress.  It  became  so  terrible  among 
them,  that  they  began  to  feed  upon  one  another ;  a  just  punish- 
ment, says  Polybius,  of  the  atrocities  which  they  had  committed 
during  the  war.  While  they  were  in  this  dreadful  situation, 
Amilcar  attacked  them  on  all  sides,  and  destroyed  them  to  the 
number  of  more  than  forty  thousand. 

The  consequence  of  this  great  victory  was  the  recovery  of 
almost  all  the  cities  which  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  Carthage ; 
such  as  dared  to  resist,  like  Hippo  and  Utica,  were  compelled  to 
surrender  at  discretion.  Another  battle  completely  overthrew 
the  rest  of  the  insurgents,  and  so  annihilated  their  party,  that  all 
Africa  returned  to  its  former  allegiance. 

Before  we  proceed  in  our  narrative,  we  will  avail  ourselves  of 
tiie  opportunity  offered  by  the  events  that  have  just  been  deseribsd. 


284  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabi  / 

to  give  some  idea  of  the  character,  manners^  government,  and  to* 
ligion  of  the  Carthaginians. 

MANNERS,    GOVERNMENT,    CHARACTER,    AND    RELIGION  OP 
THE   CARTHAGINIANS. 

The  Carthaginians  were  indebted  to  the  Tyrians,  not  only  for 
their  origin,  but  also  for  their  manners,  customs,  laws,  religion, 
and  particularly  for  their  constant  success  in  commerce.  Trade 
was,  indeed,  their  chief  occupation,  the  particular  object  of  their 
thoughts,  and  the  predominant  feature  of  their  character.  Yet, 
they  were  not  merely  a  trading  nation ;  they  were  likewise  a  pow- 
erful and  warlike  republic.  If,  on  the  one  hand,  commercial 
industry  seemed  the  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  citizens  of 
Carthage ;  on  the  other,  the  necessity  of  defending  their  posses- 
sions, and  a  desire  of  extending  their  traffic,  rendered  them  famous 
even  as  a  conquering  nation. 

The  military  power  of  the  Carthaginians  was  upheld  partly 
by  troops  raised  among  themselves,  partly  by  their  alliance  with 
various  princes,  but  chiefly  by  tributary  tribes  obliged  to  furnish 
a  certain  quota  of  money  and  troops,  and  by  mercenary  soldiers 
whose  services  they  purchased  from  the  neighboring  states.  They 
drew  from  Numidia  a  bold,  impetuous  and  indefatigable  cavalry, 
which  constituted  the  principal  strength  of  their  armies ;  from  the 
Balearic  isles,  the  most  expert  slingers  in  the  world ;  from  Spain, 
a  well  disciplined  infantry ;.  from  the  coasts  of  Grenoa  and  Gaul 
troops  of  renowned  valor ;  and  from  Greece,  soldiers  trained  to 
every  species  of  warfare. 

The  Carthaginians  were  thus  enabled  to  send  powerful  armies 
into  the  field,  and  to  subdue  provinces  and  kingdoms  without 
much  trouble.  But  this  advantage  was  counterbalanced  by  the 
inconveniences  attached  to  such  a  system :  hireling  soldiers,  like 
those  just  mentioned,  had  neither  great  attachment  for  their 
employers,  nor  a  constant  zeal  for  the  prosperity  of  the  state 
whose  battles  they  were  engaged  to  fight.  Should  they  happen 
to  withdraw  in  time  of  danger,  or  to  revolt  in  time  of  peace,  the 
Carthaginian  republic,  thus  deprived  of  its  chief  supports,  was 
shaken  to  its  very  foundation.  This  is  what  happened  particu- 
hirly  in  the  defection  of  the  mercenaries  after  the  first  Punic  war. 

The  government  of  Carthage,  like  that  of  Rome  and  Sparta, 
was  composed  of  three  diflferent  powers,  which  at  the  same  time 
counterbalanced  and  assisted  one  another,  namely,  the  senate,  the  » 
people,  and  two  supreme  magistrates,  called  kings  by  some  au«  ? 
thorS;  and  by  others  mffctes  or  judges.     The  tribunal  of  the  one 


I 


I 


MANNER:^  OF  THE  CARTIIAGlNrANS.  «J85 

hundred,   which  aftcrwardt'   acquired  a  great  influence   m  the 
republic,  was  of  a  more  recent  origin. 

The  suflfotes  were  annually  elected,  and  their  authority  c,»rre- 
Hponded  to  that  of  the  consuls  at  Home.  They  were  empowered 
to  assemble  the  senate,  to  preside  over  it,  and  to  propose  the 
Kubjccxs  of  deliberation ;  they  likewise  had  the  principal  share  in 
(he  judgment  of  important  cases  as  well  as  in  the  care  of  public 
revenues,  and  sometimes,  as  was  the  case  with  Annibal,  were 
invested  even  with  the  command  of  armies. 

The  senate  was  composed  of  persons  venerable  for  their  age, 
their  experience,  their  standing  in  society,  and,  especially,  their 
personal  merit.  They  formed  the  council  of  state,  and  might  be 
cidled  the  soul  of  public  deliberations.  In  the  senate,  all  affairs 
of. consequence  were  debated,  the  letters  from  generals  read,  the 
complaints  of  provinces  heard,  ambassadors  admitted  to  audience, 
and  peace  or  war  declared. 

V  hen  the  votes  were  unanimous,  the  senators  decided  without 
appeal;  otherwise,  the  iitl'.iir  was  brought  before  the  people,  on 
whom  the  power  of  deciding  tlien  devolved.  For  a  long  time,  it 
is  true,  the  citizena  of  Carthago  spontaneously  left  almost  all  the 
care  of  their  government  to  the  senate  ;  nor  had  they  reason  to 
complain,  lor  they  were  principally  indebted  to  it  for  the  preserva- 
tion  and  increase  of  their  power  during  the  space  of  eeverul  hun- 
dred jears.  Cut  a  check  was  put  to  that  prosperous  course  of 
events,  ^^hen  the  people,  by  taking  nearly  the  whole  power  into 
their  own  hands,  weakened  the  authority  or  paralyzed  the  action 
of  the  senate.  'I'lien  the  pubKc  prosperity  rapidly  declined,  and 
this  iiinovution  in  the  governnient  was,  according  to  Polybius,  one 
among  iho  chief  cdr.ses  cf  the  ruin  of  Carthage. 

Ah  hough  there  existed  u  few  good  scholars  and  highly  edu- 
cated persons  among  the  Carthaf>inians,  their  nation,  geiserally 
Fpeakin;!;,  was  never  conspicuous  for  any  proficiency  in  literature 
and  tha  arts,  nor  fur  polish  and  gentleness  of  manners.  They 
were,  on  the  contrary,  noted  for  craftiness  and  duplicity.  Nay 
their  habitual  disposition  savored  of  austerity,  and  a  sort  of  sav- 
age ferocity,  which  they  too  often  displayed  not  only  against 
foreigners  and  enemies,  but  even  against  their  own  citizens.  'I'be 
commanders  of  the  fleets  and  armies  of  the  republic  had  not 
merely  to  give  an  account  of  their  conduct,  they  were  also  made 
responsible  for  the  events  of  the  war.*     Ill  success  was  held  as  a 

*  The  conduct  of  (ho  Romans  towards  their  vanquisbeJ  general  was 
ve  y  dilTeeit  and  muth  more  humnne.  They  knew  lliat  misfortuDe  is 
not  a  erimo,  nor  in  tj  imprudence  an  act  of  trv.a-on.  Thoy  t  ought  it 
a  fur  toundor  a  d  lett  r  iiolicy  to  spare  the  life  of  an  unsuc^ctsful  coaii 


286  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

crime  against  the  state^  and  whenever  a  general  lost  a  battle  and 
failed  in  an  expedition,  he  was  almosl-  certain,  at  his  return,  to 
end  his  life  upon  a  gibbet. 

The  Carthaginians  evinced  the  same  spirit  of  cruel tv  in  their 
religious  worship ;  in  public  calamities,  they  immolated  human 
victims  to  their  gods,  in  order  to  appease  the  anger  of  these 
imaginary  deities.  Infants  were  generally  chosen,  without  com- 
passion  for  their  tender  age,  as  the  victims  of  that  horrid  super- 
stition, Diodorus  Siculus  relates  that,  on  one  occasion,  no  fewer 
than  two  hundred  children,  of  the  first  families  in  Carthage,  were 
burnt  alive  in  honor  of  Saturn.  It  was  in  vain  that  sovereigns 
of  a  humane  disposition,  such  as  Darius  I,  king  of  Persia,  and 
Gelo,  king  of  Syracuse,  endeavored,  even  by  threats  of  war,  to 
make  the  Carthaginians  abstain  in  future  from  such  atrocities ; 
the  custom  was  soon  revived,  and  continued  till  the  destruction 
of  Carthage.  Such  also,  as  we  learn  from  the  sacred  writings,'* 
had  been  the  case  with  the  Chanaanites  of  old,  from  whom  thf 
Carthaginians  derived  this  impious  and  barbarous  practice. 


SECOND  rUNIC  WAR.— B.  c.  218—201. 

The  second  Punic  war  is  justly  thought  to  have  been  one  oi 
the  most  memorable  in  all  history,  and  most  worthy  of  the  atten- 
tive consideration  of  the  reader.  Whether  we  consider  the  dura- 
tion  or  extent  of  its  operations,  the  bravery  of  the  troops  or  the 
ability  of  the  generals  on  each  side,  the  variety  and  vicissitude  aa 
well  as  the  importance  of  the  events,  and  finally  the  result  which, 
notwithstanding  a  series  of  defeats  unparalleled  in  the  history  of 
the  Homan  commonwealth,  secured  for  ever  the  superiority  of 
Kome  over  Carthage :  every  thing  in  it  is  well  calculated  to 
excite  a  lively  interest.f  Our  narrative  of  that  grand  struggle 
will  be  comprised  in  the  two  following  sections. 

mander,  and  give  him  an  occasion  to  retrieve  his  defeat  by  new  exer- 
tions, than  inflict  on  him  a  punishment,  perhaps  undeserved,  and  com- 
monly useless,  which  would  deprive  them  for  ever  of  his  services. 

*  Deuter.  xii,  29-31 ;  and  xviii,  9-12. 

f  Livy  thus  begins  his  narrative  of  the  second  Punic  war  :  "I  may  be 
allowed,  in  this  part  of  my  work,  to  premise  that  I  am  about  to  relate 
the  most  memorable  of  all  wars,  that  which  the  Carthaginians,  under 
(he  conduct  of  Annibal,  carried  on  against  the  Romans — In  parte  operig 
mei,  licet  mihi  proefari,  helium  maxim'^  omnium  memorahile  me  scrip- 
turum  ;  quod,  Annibale  duce,  Cartbaginienses  cum  populo  Romano 
gessere." — Hist.  b.  xxi,  c.  1. 

*'La  seconde  guerre  Punique,"  says  Montesquieu,  ''est  si  fameuse 
quo  tout  le  monde  la  salt.     Quand  on  examine  bien  cett  e  foule  d'obstaclei 


».  0.  218—201.  SECOND  TUNIC  AVAR.  287 


21.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SECOND   PUNIC  WAR.  — PR'J// f .EijIcI  AND 
SIGNAL  VICTORIES  OF  ANNIBAL.— b.  c.  iil8— 215. 

The  chief,  though  more  or  less  remote,  causes  of  i-he  secoi'.d  . 
Punic  war,  were  the  severity  of  the  conditions  imj:ooed  on  the 
vanquished  by  the  late  treaty  of  peace,  the  ungcneroas  and  " 
haughty  manner  in  which  the  Romans  afterwarda  took  possession 
of  Sardinia,  and  the  rapid  conquests  of  the  Caithaginians  in 
Spain,  the  natural  effect  of  which  was  to  fill  them  -rtith  conndencc, 
whilst  tbey  gave  apprehension  to  the  rival  power  of  ICome. 
Indeed,  great  advantages  had  been  lately  obtained  by  the  cele- 
brated Amilcar  Barcas  over  the  Spanish  tribes.  Other  successes 
were  obtained  after  him  by  Asdrubal,  his  son-in-law,  and  others 
Btill  greater  by  Annibal,  his  son,  on  whom  the  command  of  the 
army  devolved  after  the  death  of  Amilcar  and  Asdrubal. 

Annibal  was,  beyond  comparison,  the  most  formidable  enemy 
that  the  Romans,  in  their  long  career  of  progress,  ever  encoun- 
tered. When  he  was  but  nine  years  of  age,  his  father  made  him 
take  a  solemn  oath  that  he  would  be  their  constant  foe ;  and 
never  was  an  oath  more  faithfully  observed.  No  sooner  did  he 
appear  among  the  troops,  than  he  attracted  the  notice  and  gained 
the  esteem  of  all,  both  officers  and  soldiers,  not  only  on  account 
Df  his  striking  resemblance  to  his  father  Amilcar,  but  chiefly  on 
Mjcount  of  his  personal  merit.  All  admired  in  him  an  uncommon 
degree  of  activity,  constancy,  fortitude,  intrepidity  in  the  great- 
est dangers,  and  presence  of  mind  in  the  most  trying  circum- 
stances.* This  rare  combination  of  qualities,  to  which  he  soon 
added  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  all  the  parts  of  military  science, 
^ised  him,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six  years,  to  the  chief  command 
all  the  Carthaginian  forces  (b.  c.  220). 

^Immediately  after  his  appointment,  Annibal  thought  of 
avenging    Carthage  for  every  loss   and  humiliation  lately    sus- 

qui  se  presenterent  devant  Annibal,  et  que  cet  homme  extraordinaire 
Burmonta  tous,  on  a  le  plus  beau  spectacle  que  nous  ait  fourni  1  'anti- 
quit^.  Rome  de  son  cote  fut  un  prodige  de  Constance." — Grandeur  et 
decadence  des  Romains,  ch.  4. 

For  a  full  account  of  this  momentous  war,  see  Polybius,  Gener.  Ilijt. 
h.  iii,  and  fragments  of  several  other  books ; — Livy,  ten  entire  books  of 
his  Roman  IlisL,  from  the  twenty-tirst  to  the  thirtieth,  both  inclusively  ;■ — 
Florus,  Epitome  Rerum  Romanarum,  b.  ii  c.  6. —  Cornelius  Nepos,  m 
Annib. — Plutarch,  in  his  lives  of  Marcellus  and  Fahius  Max. — Ferguson  and 
Uollin,  in  their  Histories  of  the  Roman  Republic ;  etc. 

*  Plurimum  audacine  ad  pericula  capessenda,  plurimum  consilii  inter 
ipsa  pericul  i  erat.     Livy,  b.  xxi,  c.  4. 


288  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paut  V 

tained  from  Rome.  He  resolved  from  the  beginning  to  carry 
the  war  into  Italj,  as  he  was  convinced  that  the  surest  way  to 
fight  the  Romans  with  success,  was  to  attack  them  in  the  very 
centre  of  their  power,  and  make  them  tremble  for  their  own 
existence.  The  attempt  was  one  of  immense  difficulty  and 
danger ',  but  it  was  for  this  reason  the  better  adapted  to  the  bold, 
enterprising  and  extensive  genius  of  Annibal :  this  very  attempt, 
and  his  conduct  in  its  execution,  have  placed  him  among  the 
ablest  generals  that  the  world  has  produced. 

Having  first  provided,  as  well  as  he  was  able,  for  the  safety  of 
Africa  and  Spain,  Annibal  commenced  hostilities  against  Rome, 
by  the  siege,  capture,  and  destruction  of  Saguntum,  a  Spanish 
city  extremely  attached  to  the  Romans.  He  then  completed  hia 
preparations  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  with  a  wisdom  which 
appeared  to  be  the  fruit  of  the  longest  experience,  though  he  had 
been  but  two  years  at  the  head  of  armies.  Finally,  in  the  year 
B.  C.  218,  he  left  Spain,  and  advanced  by  land  towards  Italy  with 
about  sixty  thousand  men,  all  full  of  ardor  and  courage  under 
such  a  general.  But  so  long  a  route  across  rivers,  mountains, 
hostile  districts,  and  a  thousand  other  obstacles,  cost  him  upwards 
of  one  half  of  this  gallant  army ;  and,  on  a  review  of  his  soldiers 
after  the  passage  of  the  Alps  and  his  arrival  in  Piedmont,  he 
found  only  twenty  thousand  infantry  and  six  thousand  cavalry. 
With  so  small  a  force  did  Annibal  venture  to  attack  a  republic, 
which,  according  to  a  detailed  account  left  by  Polybius,  could 
levy  from  seven  to  eight  hundred  thousand  troops  among  its 
citizens  and  allies.* 

The  first  encounter  of  Annibal  with  the  Romans  in  Italy  took 
place  near  the  river  Ticinus,  and  consisted  of  a  combat  between 
the  whole  cavalry  of  both  sides.  The  Roman  force  was  defeated, 
and  the  consul  P.  Cornelius  Scipio,  who  commanded  it,  grievously 
wounded.  Ho  might  even  have  lost  his  liberty  or  his  life,  had 
not  his  son,  then  a  youth  seventeen  years  of  age,  run  to  his 
assistance  and  rescued  him  from  danger.  This  young  hero  was 
Publius  Scipio,  who  afterwards  had  the  honor  to  vanquish  Annibal 
and  put  an  end  to  the  second  Punic  war. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Ticinus,  the  G-auls  inhabiting  the  coun- 
try hastened,  on  all  sides,  to  enter  into  an  alliance  with  the 
Carthaginians,  supplied  them  with  ammunition,  and  enlisted  in 
^heir  army.  This  was  the  very  efi'ect  which  Annibal  had  antici- 
pated and  relied  on  for  the  recruiting  of  his  forces.  Shortly  after, 
he  won  a  still  greater  victory  near  the  small  river  Trcbia,  over 

*roljb.  General  Ilistonj,  b.  ii,  c.  2. 


9  0.218—201.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR  289 

forty  thousand  Romans  commanded  by  the  other  consul  Sempro- 
iiius,  who  had  just  come  in  great  haste  from  Sicily,  to  join  hia 
colleague.     So  masterly  were  the  dispositions  of  the  Carthaginian 

loral,  that,  with  little  loss  on  his  side,  he  cut  off  no  fewer  than 

(■nty-six  thousand  Romans. 

The  ensuing  year  (b.  C.  217),  Annibal,  who  had  now  advanced 
into  the  heart  of  Italy,  was  opposed  by  Flaminius,  another  brave, 
but  rash  and  presumptuous  leader.  With  admirable  skill,  he  drew 
him  into  a  valley  near  the  lake  of  Thrasymenes,  after  having 

all  the  precaution  to  surround  the  valley  with  Carthaginian 
...lops  artfully  concealed  behind  the  hills.  He  no  sooner  saw 
tiie  enemy's  legions  sufficiently  entangled  in  this  narrow  place, 
than  he  sounded  the  charge,  and  simultaneously  attacked  them 
ill  front,  in  flank,  and  in  the  rear.  Every  one  may  judge  of  the 
terror  and  dismay  of  the  Romans  thus  assailed  on  all  sides.  Ac- 
cording to  Polybius,  they  suffered  themselves  to  be  slaughtered 
without  resistance ',  but  according  to  Livy,  despair  revived  their 
courage,  and  both  parties  began  to  fight  with  incredible  animosity, 
their  fury  being  so  great,  that  none  of  the  combatants  noticed  an 
earthquake  which  took  place  at  the  same  time,  and  destroyed 
considerable  portions  of  several  Italian  cities.  During  this  con- 
fusion, Flaminius  was  slain  by  an  Insubrian  Gaul,  and  the 
Romans,  dispirited  by  this  accident,  gave  way  and  fled.  Some 
of  them,  closely  pressed  by  a  victorious  enemy,  threw  themselves 
into  the  lake,  whilst  others  climbing  over  the  mountains  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  foes  whom  they  sought  to  avoid.  Fifteen  thou- 
sand at  least  were  cut  in  pieces ;  perhaps  an  equal  number  were 
taken  prisoners,  and  only  ten  thousand  escaped  by  difi'erent  roads 
to  Rome,  where  the  news  of  this  disastrous  battle  caused  universal 
grief  and  alarm. 

Never  had  the  Romans  experienced  such  a  succession  of 
defeats.  They  felt  the  necessity  of  appointing  a  general  whose 
superior  authority  and  prudence  might  retrieve,  in  some  measure, 
the  faults  or  the  misfortune  of  his  predecessors.  Fabius  Maoci- 
mus  was  chosen  dictator;  and  indeed  no  better  choice  could  have 
been  made  in  the  present  juncture,  as  this  illustrious  and  trulif 
great  man  was  the  first  who  put  a  check  to  the  victories  of 
Annibal.  Always  attentive  to  the  motions  of  this  terrible  enemy, 
he  contented  himself  with  harassing  him  in  his  march  without 
coming  to  any  decisive  engagement;  if  he  ever  allowed  the 
soldiers  to  fight,  it  was  only  in  slight  skirmishes,  and  so  very 
cautiously  that  his  troops  generally  had  the  advantage. 

By  tills  wise  conduct,  Fabius  gradually  revived  the  courage  or 
confidence  of  the  Romans,  which  the   loss  of  three  succeasive 

2d 


290  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  ^ 

battles  had  greatly  diminished.  On  one  occasion,  he  saved  his 
presumptuous  colleague  Minucius  from  certain  defeat ;  on  another, 
he  even  succeeded  in  enclosing  the  Carthaginians  within  a  valley 
between  Capua  and  Falernum.  Annibal  perceived  that  his  own 
stratagems  were  employed  against  himself.*  He  immediately 
ordered  two  thousand  oxen  to  be  collected  together,  caused 
bundles  of  dry  wood  to  be  tied  to  their  horns  and  set  on  fiio 
during  the  night,  and  then  ordered  these  animals  to  be  driven 
towards  the  hills,  near  the  narrow  passes  which  were  guarded  by 
the  enemy.  Every  thing  happened  as  he  desired :  the  oxen,  feel- 
ing the  fire,  became  furious,  and  ran  wildly  in  every  direction; 
the  Romans,  and  Fabius  himself,  apprehensive  of  an  attack,  dared 
not  quit  their  intrenchments  during  the  night,  whilst  they  who 
guarded  the  defile,  still  more  frightened  than  the  rest,  abandoned 
their  post  and  fled  to  the  mountains.  Annibal  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  rescued  all  his  troops  from  the  danger  of  their 
situation. 

After  the  dictatorship  of  Fabius,  the  Roman  people  appointed 
for  their  consuls  Paulus  ^milius  and  Terentius  Varro,  the  first 
of  whom  had  prudence  enough  to  save,  and  the  second  temerity 
enough  to  ruin,  the  republic.  Unfortunately,  the  opinion  oi 
Varro  prevailed  as  to  the  manner  of  conducting  the  war.  Render- 
ed still  bolder  on  account  of  a  slight  advantage  which  he  gained 
at  first  over  the  Carthaginians,  he  prepared  for  a  battle  in  an  open 
plain  near  the  village  of  Cannae  and  the  little  river  Aufidus. 
The  spot  had  been  purposely  selected  by  Annibal,  as  extremely 
favorable  to  his  cavalry.  Besides  the  advantage  of  the  place,  he 
arranged  his  troops  in  so  skilful  a  manner  and  with  such  sagacity, 
that  the  Romans,  during  the  conflict,  at  the  same  time  had  to  face 
the  wind,  the  dust,  and  the  rays  of  a  scorching  sun. 

Shortly  after,  the  battle  began.  At  the  two  wings,  the  supe- 
rior cavalry  of  Annibal  soon  broke  and  put  to  flight  the  cavalry  of 
the  Romans  and  their  allies.  In  the  centre,  the  Romans 
advanced  with  great  courage  against  the  auxiliary  troops  of  Gauls 
and  Spaniards  led  by  Annibal  in  person ;  the  latter,  conformably 
to  the  views  of  their  general,  gradually  gave  way,  so  as  to  leave  a 
considerable  opening  into  which  the  legions  hurried  precipitately 
and  in  confusion.  At  that  moment,  Annibal  ordered  his  heavy- 
armed  Africans  on  each  side  to  attack  the  Romans  on  the  flank, 
whilst  his  victorious  cavalry  attacked  them  in  their  rear.  Courage 
and  discipline  were  of  no  avail  against  this  masterly  disposition; 
a  dreadful  carnage  ensued  on  all  sides.     Whilst  the  consul  Varro 


♦  Ncc  Annibalem  fefellit  siis  se  artibus  peti. — Livy,  b.  xxii,  c  lf» 


I 


B  0.  218-201.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  291 

r-aped  with  seventy  horsemen,  ^milius,  the  other  consul,  lost 
tiis  life  on  the  field  of  battle,  together  with  twenty-five  or  thirty 
eliief  officers,  eighty  senators,  who  were  serving  as  volunteers, 
and  about  fifty  thousand  soldiers,  according  to  Livy,  nay  seventy 
thousand,  according  to  Polybius,  whose  testimony,  as  more 
:nu-ient,  more  consistent,  and  naturally  more  impartial,  is  by  far 
the  more  worthy  of  credit.* 

This  was  the  most  bloody  and  signal  overthrow  that  the  Ro- 
mans, in  their  long  course  of  warfare,  had  hitherto  experienced. 
The  result  of  the  battle  did,  in  every  respect,  immense  honor 
to  Annibal,  and  the  more  so,  as  he  had  opposed  only  fifty  thou- 
sand men  to  more  than  eighty-seven  thousand  Roman  troops, 
tiien  considered  the  best  in  the  world.  Whilst  he  was  receiving 
after  the  battle  the  warm  congratulations  of  his  officers,  Mahar- 
bal,  one  of  them,  and  general  of  the  cavalry,  exhorted  him  to 
march  without  delay  against  Rome,  promising  that  within  five 
days  they  would  take  their  supper  within  the  capitol.  Upon  the 
answer  of  Annibal  that  an  attempt  of  this  kind  required  mature 
deliberation,  Maharbal  replied :  "  You  know,  Annibal,  how  to 
conquer,  but  you  know  not  how  to  improve  your  victory.^^f  And 
it  is  generally  believed,  says  Livy,  that  this  delay  saved  both  the 
city  and  the  empire  of  Rome  (b.  c.  216).| 

*  The  number  of  the  Roman  troops  before  the  battle  is  generally 
admitted  to  have  been  from  eighty-seven  to  eighty-eight  thousand, 
whilst  the  number  of  survivors  after  the  battle  does  not  appear,  in  any 
account,  to  have  exceeded  eighteen  thousand,  fugitives  or  prisoners. 
Now,  if  eighteen  thousand  survivors  are  deducted  from  eighty-seven  or 
eighty-eight  thousand  men  that  composed  the  army  before  the  battle,  the 
number  of  slain  must  have  amounted  to  about  seventy  thousand,  and  this 
is  the  number  assigned  by  Polybius. 

f  "  Vincere  scis,  Annibal;  victoria  uti  nescis."  Mora  ejus  diei  satis 
creditur  saluti  fuisse  urbi  atque  imperio. — Livy,  b.  xxii,  c.  51. 

;}:  There  ai'e  certain  assertions  which,  because  they  have  been  once 
advanced  by  some  conspicuous  man,  are  continually  repeated  ever  after, 
without  taking  much  trouble  to  ascertain  their  real  merit  and  accuracy. 
Since  the  time  when  Livy  wrote  that  Rome  was  saved  by  the  delays  of 
Annibal,  and  by  his  unwillingness  to  attack  it  immediately  after  the 
battle  of  Cannse,  it  has  been  customary  to  view  the  conduct  of  this  gene- 
ral as  an  unpardonable  fault.  Yet,  it  may  be  pleaded  in  defence  of 
Annibal,  that  the  great  advantages  he  had  hitherto  gained  were  chiefly 
owing  to  his  cavalry,  which  could  not  act  in  a  siege ;  whilst  it  was 
scarcely  possible  for  his  infantry  alone,  five  or  six  thousand  of  whom 
had  fallen  in  the  last  battle,  either  to  surroundor  to  storm  a  large,  popu- 
lous and  well  fortified  city,  as  he  had  neither  ammunition,  nor  machines, 
nor  other  things  requisite  for  the  attempt. 

Experience,  besides,  taught  Annibal  to  be  cautious.  After  his  vic- 
tory at  Thrasymenes,  he  had  failed  and  even  suffered  a  great  loss  in  the 


292  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

Some  months  later^  Annibal  fell,  according  to  the  same  his* 
torian,  into  a  still  greater  fault  than  that  of  his  remissness.  After 
the  battle  of  Cannse,  many  allies  of  the  Romans  abandoned  their 
party  which  they  thought  irretrievably  lost,  and  sided  with  the 
conqueror :  among  them  were  the  Campanians,  with  Capua  their 
capital,  a  rich,  powerful,  and  licentious  town.  Annibal  impru- 
dently  selected  it  for  his  winter  quarters ;  and  this  choice  proved 
highly  fatal  to  the  courage  of  his  troopsi.  Here  these  hard} 
warriors,  who  had  undergone  the  severest  hardships  and  success- 
fully confronted  the  greatest  perils  of  war,  permitted  themselves 
to  be  conquered  by  the  attractions  of  an  indolent  and  a  sensual 
life.  After  their  sojourn  in  Capua,  they  seemed  no  longer  the 
same  men  and  soldiers  as  before.  They  had  lost  in  it  their  mili- 
tary  ardor  as  well  as  their  love  of  discipline,  their  recollection 
of  past  glory  as  well  as  all  hope  or  desire  of  future  success  ;  and 
from  that  epoch  the  fortunes  of  Annibal  were  visibly  on  the 
decline.* 

siege  of  Spoletum,  a  place  not  deserving  to  be  compared  with  Kome,  as 
Livy  himself  acknowledges  (b.  xxii,  c.  9).  How  much  greater,  then,  wero 
the  chances  of  failure  in  the  siege  of  Rome  itself?  For  it  can  scarcely 
be  doubted  but  that  the  Romans,  inured  to  warfare  from  their  infancy, 
would  use  their  best  efforts  in  defence  of  their  liberty  and  families  ;  and, 
wlien  sheltered  by  walls  and  ramparts,  would  stand  their  ground  against 
a  comparatively  small  number  of  assailants.  In  fine,  no  Italian  nation 
had  yet  declared  for  Annibal.  It  was  highly  important  for  him  to  gain 
as  many  as  he  could,  before  attempting  a  direct  attack  upon  Rome  ;  be- 
cause, if  he  should  fail  in  this  attempt,  as  in  every  probability  he  would, 
this  alone  might  prevent  him  from  gaining  any  ally  to  his  side,  and 
ruin  at  once  the  prospect  of  his  affairs. 

For  these  and  similar  reasons,  such  as  have  very  attentively  weighed 
this  matter,  are  inclined  to  think  that  the  science  of  war  did  not  allow 
Annibal  to  attack  Rome  immediately  after  the  battle  of  Cannre,  and 
that  the  same  delay  which  many  look  upon  as  a  signal  oversight,  was  in 
him  the  effect  of  profound  wisdom  and  prudence. — See  Montesquieu, 
Grandeur  et  decadence  des  Romains,  ch.  iv ;  Engl.  Univ.  Hist.  vol.  ix,  p. 
269  ;  Ferguson,  Progress  and  Terinination  of  the  Roman  Republic,  b.  i,  ch, 
5 ;  Rollin"s  Roman  History,  vol.  v,  pp.  94-96,  etc. 

*  Here  also,  doubts  may  be  entertained  as  to  the  perfect  accuracy 
of  these  remarks  of  Livy,  however  admirable  he  is  in  most  respects  as 
an  historian.  The  sojourn  of  the  Carthaginians  at  Capria,  although  it 
had  bad  effects,  was  neither  the  only  nor  even  the  principal  cause  cf 
the  subsequent  decline  of  their  fortunes.  Those  soldiers  who,  accord- 
ing to  Livy,  were  so  much  enervated  by  their  stay  in  Capua,  still 
fought  with  great  bravery  on  numberless  occasions,  took  cities  in  the 
very  sight  of  the  Romans,  maintained  themselves  in  Italy  fourteen  yeara 
longer,  till  they  were  recalled  by  orders  from  Carthage,  and,  if  occa- 
sionally defeated,  frequently  also  defeated  their  enemies,  even  when 
eommanded  by  the  ablest  officers  of  the  republic.    Hence,  there  is  ever^ 


B.  0.  218—201.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  298 

Such  is  in  substance  the  language  of  Livy,  which  we  produce 
without  answering  for  its  exactness,  but  reserving  this  discussion 
ftu'  a  note.  In  the  mean  while,  this  remains  certain,  that  Anni- 
bal  himself,  during  his  sojourn  in  Campania,  far  from  wasting 
his  time  in  useless  employment,  or  losing  sight  of  the  grand  ob- 
ject of  his  expedition,  did,  on  the  contrary,  at  this  very  period 
tf  the  war,  earnestly  solicit  new  succors  and  reinforcements  from 
Carthage  for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  hostilities,  and  concluded 
a  treaty  offensive  and  defensive  with  the  king  of  Macedon  on 
( he  one  side,  and  with  the  Syracusans  on  the  other ;  two  transac- 
tions that  would  have  placed  Rome  in  the  greatest  danger  she 
ever  encountered,  had  the  chief  rulers  at  Carthage  and  the  new 
allies  of  Annibal  acted  with  more  prudence  and  vigor. 

reason  to  believe  that,  in  this  point  also,  the  Roman  historian  has  over- 
rated the  fault  of  Annibal  and  its  consequences. 

The  real  cause  of  the  decline  of  this  great  general's  affairs  was  this  : 
Whilst  the  Romans  easily  recruited  their  armies,  he  himself  was  left 
destitute  of  necessary  succors  and  reinforcements  from  Carthage,  where 
there  existed  a  powerful  faction  opposed  to  him  and  to  the  continuance 
of  the  war.  This  is  the  express  opinion  of  not  only  Montesquieu,  Fer- 
guson, Rolliu,  etc.,  but  likewise  of  Cornelius  Nepos,  one  of  the  most 
judicious  authors  of  antiquity,  and,  though  an  Italian,  one  of  the  great- 
est admirers  of  Annibal.  "  Si  verum  est,"  says  he,  "  quod  nemo  du- 
bitat,  ut  populus  Romanus  omnes  gentes  virtute  superarit,  non  est 
inficiandum  Annibalem  tantd  praestitisse  cteteros  imperatores  prudentia 
quanto  populus  Romanus  antecedebat  fortitudine  cunctas  nationes 
Nam  quotiescumque  cum  eo  congressus  est  in  Italia,  semper  discessit 
superior :  quod  nisi  domi  civium  suorum  invidid  debilitatus  esset,  Romanos 
videlur  superare  potuisse.  Sed  multorum  obtrectatio  vicit  unius  virtutem." 
— Corn.  Nep.  in  Annib.  c.  1. 

It  is  also  very  remarkable,  that  the  latter  historian  (c.  1.  5.  6)  con- 
siders Annibal  as  having  been  constantly  victorious  in  his  Italian  cam- 
paigns. The  same  is  found  in  Justin's  History  (b.  xxxi,  c.  5)  to  have 
been  asserted  by  Annibal  himself,  and  Polybius  likewise  (b.  xv,  extract 
I)  says  that  he  was  conquered  for  the  first  time  at  the  battle  of  Zama 
^n  Africa.  On  the  contrary,  Livy  (b.  xxiii  andxxvii),  and  Plutarch  [in 
Mar  cell),  mention  several  defeats  sustained  by  this  general  in  Italy. 
The  only  way  perhaps  to  reconcile  these  conflicting  accounts,  is  to  ad- 
mit that  Annibal's  defeats  must  have  been  very  inconsiderable  when 
compared  with  his  victories,  and  were  owing  to  such  circumstances 
as  could  not  impair  his  military  reputation.  A  similar  remark  may  be 
applied  to  the  portrait  of  this  great  man  drawn  by  the  same  Livy  (b. 
xxi,  c.  4).  Without  either  impeaching  the  sincerity  of  the  Roman  his- 
torian, or  admitting  the  Carthaginian  leader  to  have  been  blameless,  it 
may  be  said  that  Livy  was  betrayed  by  national  prejudice  into  a  ten- 
dency to  lessen  the  superior  merit  of  Annibal,  both  in  his  publio 
achievementij  and  in  his  personal  character. 


294  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pa&t  V. 


2  II.  PREPONDERANCE  REGAINED  BY  THE  ROMANS.— SCIPIO 
AFRTCANUS.— BATTLE  OF  ZAMA,  AND  THE  CONCLUSION  OF 
THE  WAR.— B.  c.  214.— 201. 

The  revolt  of  Capua  and  its  inhabitants  had  greatly  exasperated 
the  Romans.  They  resolved,  so  soon  as  the  state  of  their  affairs 
permitted,  to  lay  siege  to  that  proud  city,  and  not  to  desist  from 
their  ^^nterprise,  till  they  had  taken  ample  revenge  on  its  inhabi- 
tants. The  proconsuls  Appius  and  Fulvius  were  appointed  for 
this  expedition,  and  carried  on  the  attack  with  such  vigor,  that 
the  p'  ace  was  soon  reduced  to  the  utmost  distress.  The  Capuans, 
aided  by  some  Carthaginian  troops,  offered  indeed  a  brave  resist- 
ance, but  famine  began  to  rage  among  them,  and  no  courage  was 
able  to  prevail  against  this  powerful  enemy  :  in  vain,  too,  did 
Anribal  strive  to  force  the  lines  of  the  besiegers;  after  a  sharp 
and  almost  successful  conflict,  he  was  repelled.  As  a  last  re. 
source,  he  suddenly  marched  his  troops  towards  Home,  in  the 
hope  that  the  Romans  would  withdraw  from  Capua,  in  order  ta 
defend  their  own  capital.  But  they  did  not  suffer  themselves  to 
be  caught  in  the  snare,  and  diverted  from  their  design  ;  the  siege 
of  Capua  was  not  discontinued,  and  Annibal  found  Rome  pre- 
pared to  repel  every  attempt. 

Two  incidents  contributed  to  increase  his  vexation  and  disap 
pointment :  the  first  was  that,  while  he  lay  encamped  near  on« 
of  the  gates  of  Rome,  recruits  had  been  sent  by  another  gate  ta 
the  Roman  army  in  Spain ;  the  second,  that  the  field  in  which 
Jiis  camp  was  pitched,  had  been  just  sold  at  its  full  value.  Giving  j 
np,  therefore,  all  hope  of  reducing  his  foes  and  saving  his  allies, 
iie  withdrew  to  another  part  of  Italy.  Capua,  thus  left  to  itself, 
did  not  resist  much  longer.  After  many  of  its  senators  had  un- 
dergone a  tragical  and  voluntary  death,  the  city  surrendered  at* 
discretion,  and  immediately  experienced  the  severity  of  the  vie 
tors,  as  well  by  the  execution  of  many  citizens,  as  by  the  loss  of 
all  its  privileges.  The  success  of  that  famous  siege  gave  Rome 
a  manifest  superiority  over  the  Carthaginians.  It  proved  at  the 
gamo  time  how  formidable  was  the  power  of  the  Romans,  when 
they  undertook  to  punish  perfidious  allies,  and  how  feeble  was 
the  protection  which  even  the  victorious  Annibal  could  afford  bifi' 
friends  in  time  of  their  greatest  need. 

The  result  of  a  similar  attempt  in  Sicily  was  equally  con- 
spicuous in  itself,  and  equally  decisive  in  favor  of  Rome.     After  : 
the  death  of  King  HierO;  Syracuse  had  embraced  the  party  of 


9i 


B.C.  218— 201.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAU.  295 

the  Carthaginians;  an  example  of  this  nature,  if  permitted  logo 
unpunished,  might  easily  cause  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  interest  iu 
Sicily.  To  prevent  this,  the  consul  Marcellus,  who  had  just 
gained  an  advantage  over  Annibal  near  the  city  of  Nola,  crossed 
the  Sicilian  strait,  and  laid  siege  to  Syracuse  both  by  land  and 
sea.  In  all  probability,  he  would  have  soon  brought  the  siege  to 
a  close  but  for  the  famous  Archimedes,  the  greatest  geometrician 
of  antiquity.  This  wonderful  man  invented  a  multitude  of  en- 
gines of  every  size  and  shape  to  annoy  the  besiegers,  and  by  their 
means  threw  all  sorts  of  missive  weapons  and  stones  of  an  enor- 
mous size,  with  such  rapidity  and  violence,  that  they  crushed 
whatever  came  in  their  way,  and  forced  tJie  land  troops  of  the 
Romans  to  stay  at  a  great  distance  from  the  wall,  without  being 
able  to  make  either  a  mine  or  an  assault.  At  sea  the  peril  was 
still  greater.  Archimedes  had  placed  behind  the  walls  lofty  and 
strong  machines,  which,  laying  hold  of  the  Roman  vessels  by 
means  of  enormous  hooks  and  grappling  irons,  lifted  them  up, 
and  after  making  them  whirl  about  with  rapidity,  sunk  them  with 
all  on  board,  or  dashed  them  to  pieces  against  the  rocks.  Mar- 
cellus, repelled  on  all  sides,  was  obliged  to  expect  from  blockade 
and  starvation,  a  success  which  he  could  not  obtain  by  open  force. 

The  siege  lasted  in  this  manner  for  three  years  with  scarcely 
any  progress,  when  the  contrivance  of  a  private  soldier  enabled 
Marcellus  to  take  Syracuse.  This  man  conceived  the  idea  of 
counting,  from  a  favorable  spot,  the  stones  of  the  wall,  and  of 
measuring  by  the  eye  the  height  of  each  of  them ;  having  made 
his  calculation,  he  found  that  the  whole  height  was  less  than  che 
Romans  believed,  and  that  with  ladders  of  moderate  size,  it  might 
be  easily  scaled.  Marcellus  being  told  of  this  circumstance,  re- 
solved to  put  the  information  to  profit:  He  availed  himself  of  a 
great  festivity  observed  by  the  Syracusans,  to  make  his  bravest 
soldiers  advance  towards  the  rampart  during  the  night,  and  they 
so  well  seconded  his  views,  that,  in  a  short  time,  they  made  them- 
selves masters  of  a  part  of  the  town. 

A  few  weeks  later,  Marcellus  took  possession  of  the  whole 
city;  but  the  joy  of  his  success  was  damped  by  an  unfortunate 
accident.  Whilst  confusion  reigned  in  Syracuse,  Archimedes 
was  wholly  intent  in  his  closet  on  the  examination  of  a  geometri- 
cal figure.  A  Roman  soldier  suddenly  appeared  and  commanded 
the  mathematician  to  accompany  him  to  Marcellus ;  Archimedes, 
on  his  part,  desired  his  visiter  to  wait  a  moment,  till  he  would 
have  solved  his  problem  and  completed  his  demonstration.  But 
the  soldier,  who  cared  very  little  for  the  demonstration  and  the 
problem,  taking  this  answer  for  an  insult,  drew  his  sword  and 


296  ANCIENT  HISTORr.  Paet  V 

killed  him  on  the  spot.  Marcellus  was  sensibly  afflicted  at  the 
melancholy  event,  and  not  only  gave  a  solemn  funeral  to  Archi- 
medes, but  even  erected  a  monument  to  his  memory  (b.  c.  212). 

The  remainder  of  Sicily  followed  the  example  and  fortunes  of 
Syracuse,  and  the  whole  island  passed  under  the  power  of  the 
Romans.  As  to  Marcellus,  after  his  return  to  Rome,  he  was 
elected  consul  a  fourth  and  a  fifth  time,  continued  to  signalize 
himself  by  various  exploits,  and  finally  perished  in  an  ambuscade 
prepared  by  Annibal. 

The  war  was  carried  on  with  no  less  vigor  in  Spain,  than  in 
Italy  and  Sicily.  Cornelius  Scipio,  the  same  who  had  been 
wounded  near  the  Ticinus,  and  Cneius  Scipio,  his  brother,  had 
won  great  victories  and  made  great  conquests  in  Spain  over  the 
Carthaginians.  Emboldened  by  their  success,  they  divided  their 
troops,  in  order  to  complete  within  a  shorter  time  the  reduction 
of  the  country.  This  imprudent  step  was  the  cause  of  their  ruin. 
The  Carthaginian  generals  adopted  the  contrary  method,  and, 
combining  their  efibrts,  overthrew  the  two  brothers  separately  ; 
the  defeat  of  the  Romans  was  so  terrible  and  disastrous,  that 
even  both  Scipios  lost  their  lives  in  the  struggle. 

This  change  of  fortune  seemed  calculated  to  ruin  altogether 
the  power  of  the  Romans  in  Spain.  It  was  still  upheld,  it  is 
true,  by  the  valor  and  prudence  of  an  officer  called  Marcius,  who 
even  succeeded  with  such  troops  as  he  could  rally,  in  gaining  two 
victories  over  the  Carthaginians ;  yet  so  little  hope  of  success  in 
that  country  was  entertained  at  Rome,  that,  when  the  time  arrived 
to  appoint  a  proconsul  for  Spain,  no  candidate  at  first  presented 
himself.  In  the  general  dismay  of  the  people,  one  young  man, 
twenty-four  years  old,  arose  and  declared  that  he  would  readily 
accept  the  dangerous  office,  if  intrusted  to  him,  and  that  he  hoped 
to  discharge  its  duties  with  success.  This  man  was  Publius 
Scipio,  Cornelius  Scipio's  son,  whom  we  have  already  had  occa- 
casion  to  mention,  and  who  was  now  anxious  to  avenge  both  the 
death  of  his  father  and  uncle,  and  the  defeat  of  the  Roman  ar- 
mies. His  proposal  elicited  from  every  one  cries  of  joy,  admira- 
tion and  confidence ;  the  people,  with  unanimous  consent,  named 
liim  proconsul  and  general  of  all  the  Roman  forces  in  Spain. 

Scipio  did  not  frustrate  the  high  expectations  reposed  in  him. 
Shortly  after  his  landing  on  the  Spanish  shores,  he  took  the 
wealthy  and  strong  city  of  Carthago  Nova.  By  his  engaging 
manners,  his  gencrositj^  and  his  benefits,  he  drew  over  to  the 
Roman  cause  nearly  all  the  nations  of  Spain.  In  fine,  he  con- 
quered four  Carthaginian  generals,  destroyed  or  scattered  their 
armies,  and  obliged  tlem  to  evacuate  the  whole  Spanish  peninsula. 


■  0.  218—201.  SECOND  PUNIC  WAR.  29^ 

Asdrubal,  one  of  them,  led  the  remnants  of  his  troops  across 
the  Pyrenees,  and  adding  to  their  number  a  multitude  of  auxil- 
iary Gauls,  crossed  the  Alps  also,  and  entered  Italy  with  a  view 
to  join  and  reinforce  his  brother  Anuibal.  Much  was  to  be 
feared  from  this  new  enemy,  especially  if  he  could  effect  the  de- 
sired junction.  Livius,  one  of  the  consuls,  and  the  praetor  Por- 
clixs,  each  at  the  head  of  an  army,  went  to  oppose  him  in  the 
north  of  Italy,  whilst  Nero,  the  other  consul,  was  sent  against 
Annibal  in  the  south.  Asdrubal  had  already  reached  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Placentia,  when  his  letters  to  Annibal  were  inter- 
cepted by  the  Romans.  Upon  the  information  which  they  af- 
forded, Nero  contrived  a  scheme  not  less  wise  than  daring :  with 
seven  thousand  chosen  men,  he  secretly  left  his  camp,  and  trav- 
ersing a  great  part  of  Italy  in  the  space  of  six  or  seven  days, 
joined  Livius  his  colleague  during  the  night.  On  the  following 
day,  the  three  Roman  generals  attacked  Asdrubal  near  the  river 
Metaurus ;  he  on  his  part  did  all  that  could  be  expected  from  an 
experienced  leader,  and  displayed  a  valor  and  skill  worthy  of 
better  success.  After  seizing  an  advantageous  post,  he  himself 
led  on  his  soldiers  to  the  charge  against  an  enemy  superior  to 
them  in  number  and  resolution.  He  animated  them  by  his 
words,  supported  them  by  his  example,  and  by  entreaties  or 
menaces  endeavored  to  bring  back  those  that  fled;  yet  seeing  that 
victory  declared  for  the  Romans,  and  unwilling  to  survive  so 
many  thousand  men  who  had  left  every  thing  to  follow  his  for- 
tunes, he  rushed  into  the  midst  of  a  Roman  cohort,  and  continued 
to  fight  till  he  met  that  death  which  became  the  son  of  Amil-car 
and  the  brother  of  Annibal. 

Nero  immediately  returned  to  his  former  camp,  w^iich  he 
reached  in  six  days.  Having  brought  with  him  the  head  of 
A-sdrubal,  he  caused  it  to  be  thrown  into  the  camp  of  the  Car- 
thaginians; this  informed  Annibal  of  the  whole  extent  of  his 
brother's  disaster,  and  plunged  him  into  the  deepest  affliction. 
Being  thenceforth  unable  to  undertake  any  thing  of  importance, 
he  collected  his  forces,  and  retired  into  the  extremities  of  the 
province  of  Brutium.  But  never  perhaps  was  he  greater  than 
in  the  midst  of  so  many  and  so  melancholy  reverses.  It  is  con- 
sidered something  like  ^  procligij,'^  that  he  maintained  himself 
for  so  long  a  time  in  a  hostile  country,  without  reinforcements 
and  assistance  from  Carthage ;  and  still  more  so,  that  he  kept 

*  This  is  the  identical  expression  used  by  Bossuet,  Discourse  on  Univ 
Hist,  part  iii,  c.  6  ;  and  RoUin,  Roman  Hist.  vol.  vi,  p.  1G8  ;  conformabl> 
to  the  meaning  of  Polybius,  b.  xi,  extract  4th,  and  of  Livy  himself  b. 
xxvni,  ch-  T2. 


•298  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  V. 

his  troops,  a  medley  of  different  nations,  quietly  under  his  ban- 
ner, without  any  sedition  or  mutiny  on  their  part  even  in  their 
greatest  need  and  most  trying  circumstances.  It  is  impossible, 
says  Polybius,  to  contemplate  the  length  and  extent  of  Annibal'g 
war  against  the  Romans,  and  not  be  struck  with  admiration*  at 
the  courage,  the  prudence,  and  the  ability  of  this  great  com- 
mander. Above  all,  the  latter  part  of  his  expedition,  when  dif- 
ficulties of  every  sort  pressed  upon  him,  is  enough  to  prove  the 
greatness  of  his  mind,  the  fertility  of  his  genius,  and  the  wonder- 
ful skill  which  he  possessed  in  the  command  of  armies. 

In  the  mean  while,  Scipio,  having  driven  the  Carthaginians 
from  Spain,  returned  to  Rome,  where  the  people  gave  him  extra- 
ordinary marks  of  favor  and  esteem.  He  was  by  unanimous 
consent  appointed  consul,  with  Sicily  for  his  department,  and 
permission  to  pass  over  to  Africa,  if  he  thought  it  expedient. 
This  was  the  object  which  he  most  earnestly  desired ;  for  he  en- 
tertained a  full  conviction,  that  the  surest  means  to  remove 
Annibal  from  Italy  and  put  an  end  to  so  long  a  conflict,  was  to 
make  Africa  the  seat  of  the  war.  When  he  had  completed  his 
preparations,  he  sailed  for  the  African  shores  with  a  fleet  and  an 
army  equipped  in  the  very  best  order,  landed  his  troops,  and  laid 
siege  to  the  important  city  of  Utica. 

The  Carthaginians  sent  against  the  Romans  two  numerous 
armies,  the  one  under  the  command  of  Syphax,  a  Numidian 
prince,  the  other  under  Asdrubal,  the  son  of  Grisco.  Scipio,- 
having  learned  from  his  spies  that  in  these  two  armies  the  tents 
of  the  soldiers  were  composed  only  of  reeds  and  withered  branches, 
took  a  resolution  to  destroy  both  camps  by  tire  during  the  night* 
he  gave  charge  to  Laslius  his  lieutenant  and  Masinissa  his  ally, 
to  attack  and  burn  the  camp  of  Syphax,  and  he  himself  advanced 
with  great  caution  against  that  of  Asdrubal. 

Every  thing  succeeded  according  to  his  wishes.  Not  only  the 
conflagration  spread  with  the  utmost  rapidity  through  the  camp 
of  Syphax,  but  most  of  the  Numidians  were  either  put  to  -the 
sword  by  the  soldiers  of  Masinissa,  or  perished  in  the  flames,  or 
crushed  one  another  at  the  gates  which  were  too  narrow  to  give 
a  free  passage  to  the  multitude  of  fugitives.  The  like  disaster 
soon  happened  in  the  camp  of  the  Carthaginians.  They  had 
perceived  the  spreading  fire,  and  attributing  it  to  accident,  several 
of  them  ran  confusedly  and  without  any  precaution,  to  afford  as- 
Bistancc  to  their  allies ;  all  were  destroyed  by  the  Romans  undei 
Scipio.  This  general  then  attacked  the  camp  itself,  and  finding 
it  open  and  unguarded,  consigned  it  likewise  to  the  flames.  Of 
the  numerous  troops  of  the  Carthaginians  and  Numidians,  forty 


B  0.  218—201.  SECOND  TUNIC  WAR.  299 

thousand  perished  in  that  dreadful  night ;  five  or  six  thousand 
re  taken  prisoners,  and  only  two  or  three  thousand  made  their 
ape  with  Asdrubal  and  Syphax.  Shortly  after,  these  two 
nerals,  having  assembled  a  new  army  of  thirty  thousand  nien, 
re  again  completely  defeated  by  Scipio. 

Carthage,  overwhelmed  by  so  many  losses,  hastily  sent  mea 
ticngers  to  recall  Annibal  from  Italy.  He  obeyed  the  order; 
but  it  was  only  with  feelings  of  intense  grief  and  indignation,  that 
he  quitted  the  Italian  soil  which  he  had  so  long  considered  as  his 
prey.  Having  landed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  without  entering 
Carthage,  he  went  directly  at  the  head  of  his  troops  to  encounter 
vScipio.  Yet,  as  he  was  conscious  of  the  great  strength  of  the 
Romans,  and  of  an  impending  increase  of  danger  for  his  country 
in  case  of  another  defeat,  he  asked  of  the  Roman  general  an  in- 
terview in  order  to  treat  of  peace.  The  request  was  granted,  and 
the  interview  took  place  on  an  eminence  between  the  camps  of 
both  armies.  Here  these  two  famous  heroes,  not  only  the  great- 
est men  of  their  own  age,  but  even  equal  in  merit  to  any  com- 
mander and  conqueror  that  ever  lived,  gazed  for  some  time  at 
each  other  in  silent  admiration.*  Annibal  spoke  first  and  with 
great  dignity,  but  proposed  conditions  little  suitable  to  the  present 
fortunes  of  Carthage;  Scipio,  who  answered  in  the  same  digni- 
fied manner,  would  not  accept  them,  and  both  came  to  the  deter 
mination  to  decide  the  quarrel  at  once  by  an  appeal  to  arms. 

The  battle  was  fought  on  the  following  day  in  the  plains  of 
Zama.  It  is  needless  to  say  that,  on  both  sides,  the  utmost  skill 
was  used  to  promote  or  secure  the  success  of  an  action  on  which 
the  future  destiny  of  Carthage  and  Rome  depended.  Annibal  in 
particular,  as  Scipio  acknowledged,  seemed  to  surpass  himself  on 
that  day;  but  the  superior  strength  and  discipline  of  the  Romans, 
aided  by  the  talent  of  their  leader,  baflied  all  the  hopes  of  the 
former,  and  a  variety  of  incidents  turning  his  very  best  measures 
against  himself,  united  to  thwart  his  combined  courage,  ability, 
ind  experience.  After  having  done,  both  before  and  during  the 
battle,  whatever  could  be  done  by  a  great  and  undaunted  general, 
after  having  resisted  to  the  last,  and  seen  his  brave  veteran  sol- 
diers perish  on  all  sides,  he  was  entirely  defeated  and  driven  from 
the  field  (b.  c.  202),  Above  fifteen  hundred  of  the  Romans  fell 
JQ  the  action;  but  on  the  side  of  the  Carthaginians,  more  than 
twenty  thousand  were  slain,  and  almost  as  many  taken  prisoners. 
Such  was  the  memorable  battle  of  Zama,  which  established  for 

*  Submotis  pari  spatio  armatis,  cum  singulis  interprc+ihus  congress! 
Bunt  non  suae  modo  aetatis  maximi  duces,  sed  omnes  arte  s:e  memoriae, 
omnium  gentium,  ouilibet  reguin  iraperatorumve  pares   L  '\"  b  xxx,c.30 


300  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  V. 

ever  the  superiority  of  Rome  over  Carthage,  and  contributed, 
more  than  any  other  battle,  to  render  the  Romans  masters  of 
the  world.*     (See  §  iii  of  the  Appendix.) 

Annibal,  on  his  return  to  Carthage,  not  only  acknowledged 
his  defeat,  but  urged  an  immediate  acceptance  of  all  the  terms 
of  peace  offered  by  the  conqueror.  They  were  substantially  the 
same  with  those  p'-oposed  before  the  battle  of  Zama,  viz.  that  the 
Carthaginians  s)i.onld  henceforth  content  themselves  with  their 
possessions  in  Africa;  that  they  should  deliver  up  to  the  Romans 
ill  the  priscn'^vs  and  deserters  who  had  at  any  time  fallen  into 
^[.heir  hands,  together  with  their  elephants  and  all  their  long  ves- 
sels except  ten  galleys;  that  they  should  wage  no  war  in  future 
without  the  consent  of  the  Roman  people;  and  that  they  should 
pay  ten  thousand  talents  of  silver  in  the  course  of  fifty  years. 
These  terms  were  accepted,  and  ratified  shortly  after  by  a  solemn 
treaty  of  peace ;  and  thus  ended  the  second  Punic  war,  in  the 
year  b.  c.  201. 


SCIPIO  AND  ANNIBAL  CONTINUED.— b.  c.  201—183. 

SciPio,  besides  the  treaty  concluded  with  the  Carthaginians, 
made  some  other  arrangements  in  Africa ;  for  instance,  he  gave 
to  Masinissa,  his  ally,  the  kingJom  of  Syphax  who- was  now  a 
prisoner.  When  this  was  done,  the  Roman  general  embarked 
with  all  his  troops,  and,  after  passing  the  sea,  traversed  Italy 
through  an  immense  concourse  of  people,  who  ran  from  all  sides 
to  behold  the  deliverer  of  his  countiy,  the  terror  of  Carthage,  and 
the  conqueror  of  Annibal.  After  enjoying  a  magnificent  entry 
into  Rome,  he  received  the  surname  of  A/n'camts,  which  becom- 
ing blended  with  his  proper  name,  revived  at  every  moment  the 
recollection  of  his  triumph. 

Annibal,  on  his  part,  was  called  to  display  his  talents  on  a  new 
theatre.  Being  appointed  praetor  at  Carthage  and  invested  with 
the  proper  authority  to  conduct  the  civil  affairs  of  the  state,  he 
executed,  with  no  less  success  than  ability  and  zeal,  important 
reforms  both  in  the  administration  of  justice  and  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  finances.-     But  these  reforms  raised  against  him  vio- 

^'  All  this  is  expressed  with  admirable  concipeness  by  Florus  in  these 
words  :  '*  Constat  utriusque  ducis  confessione,  nee  melius  insti^ui  aciem, 
nee  acrius  potuisse  pugnari.  Hoc  Scipio  de  Annibalis,  Annibal  de  Sci- 
piouis  exercitu,  prredicaverunt.  Sed  tamen  Annibal  cessit;  procniium- 
tjue  victorifB  Africa  fuit,  et  secutus  Africam  sratim  terrarum  orbis." 
Epilome,  b.  ii,   c.  H 


1 


B   c    201—183.  SCIPIO   AND   ANNIB.VL.  301 

knt  opponents  at  liome,  who  had  even  the  baseness  to  excite  the 
alarms  of  his  enemies  abroad,  by  representing  him  as  a  dangerous 
and  constant  foe  to  the  lloman  republic.  Annibal  saw  the  storm 
gathering  around  him,  and  by  a  timely  flight  escaped  from  Car- 
thage to  Tyre,  where  he  met  with  a  most  flattering  reception. 
Thence  he  proceeded  to  the  court  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  king 
of  Syria,  and  his  presence  alone  emboldened  that  prince  to  un- 
dertake a  war  against  the  Romans.  Annibal  ofi"ered  his  services, 
and  gave  the  best  advice  for  the  conduct  of  this  war ;  yet  Antio- 
chus knew  not  how  to  profit  by  either,  and  the  illustrious  exile, 
finding  himself  rather  exposed  to  new  perils,  set  out  for  the  island 
of  Crete,  where  he  for  some  time  resided. 

His  last  asylum  was  the  court  of  Prusias,  king  of  Bithynia. 
He  enabled  this  prince  to  obtain  several  victories  over  his  enemy 
Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus  ;  one  of  them,  at  sea,  was  the  result 
of  a  very  curious  stratagem.  Having  filled  a  large  number  of 
earthen  pots  with  venomous  serpents,  he  caused  them  to  be 
thrown,  during  the  conflict,  into  the  Pergamenian  vessels;  gieat 
confusion  ensued  among  their  crews  and  soldiers,  and  the  whole 
fleet  withdrawing  in  haste  left  the  victory  to  Annibal.  So  many 
services  ought  naturally  to  have  secured  to  him  the  lasting  grati- 
tude of  Prusias;  still  the  contrary  happened.  That  monarch,  at 
the  request  of  the  Romans,  who,  it  seemed,  could  enjoy  no  de- 
gree of  security  as  long  as  Annibal  was  alive,  promised  to  betray 
him  into  their  hands.  The  unfortunate  general,  perceiving  the 
danger  and  seeing  no  possibility  of  escape,  took  poison,  and  died 
at  the  age  of  about  sixty-four  years  (b.  c.  183). 

Such  was  the  end  of  this  great  man,  according  to  all,  one  of 
the  ablest,  and  according  to  some,  the  ablest  commander  that 
ever  existed  ;  of  one  whose  defeats  arose  from  circumstances  over 
which  he  had  no  control,  and  whose  victories  were  all  the  fruit 
of  superior  genius ;  of  one  who  united  the  merit  of  a  most  saga- 
cious politician  with  that  of  a  consummate  general ;  of  one,  in 
fine,  whom  the  mightiest  nation  in  the  world  could  not  remember 
during  his  life,  without  a  sort  of  feverish  apprehension.  Al- 
thoiigli  he  is  justly  reproached  with  some  acts  of  cruelty,  com- 
mitted in  times  of  great  vexation  or  disappointment,  his  habits 
and  moral  qualifications,  liberality,  moderation,  temperance,  and 
continency,  were  worthy  of  his  public  character.  He  was  not 
even  a  stranger  to  learning,  and  notwithstanding  his  incessant 
labors  in  war  or  civil  administration,  he  found  time  to  become 
proficient  in  polite  literature.  Many  of  his  repartees,  which  have 
been  preserved  by  historians,  show  that  he  was  possessed  of  a 
quick  and  sagacious  mind  as  well  as  an  excellent  judgment. 

.26 


302  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

Anniba),  then,  was  not  only  a  great,  but  even  an  extraordinary 
man,  and  one  whose  equal  is  very  seldom  seen  in  the  course  of 
ages.  It  is  commonly  believed  that  he  died  in  the  same  year 
(b.  c.  183)  with  Philopoemen  and  Scipio,  two  other  admirable 
personages,  and,  together  with  Annibal,  the  ablest  commanders 
of  their  time.  '^Insignis  hie  annus,"  says  Justin  (b.  xxxii,  c.  4), 
^'  trium  toto  orbe  maximorum  imperatorum  mortibus  fuit,  Anni- 
balls,  et  Philopoemenis,  et  Scipionis  Africani.'' 


ANTIOCnUg  THE  GREAT,   KING  OF  SYRIA.— b.  c.  223—187. 

The  history  of  Annibal  is  naturally  connected  with  that  of  the 
sovereigns  whom  he  endeavored  to  rouse  against  the  Romans. 
The  most  conspicuous  of  them  was  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  who 
gave  an  asylum  to  this  illustrious  exile.  Antiochus  was  the  son 
of  Seleucus-Callinicus,  and  the  sixth  monarch  of  that  kingdom 
after  its  foundation  by  Seleucus-Nicanor.  He  ascended  the  throne 
at  the  age  of  about  fifteen  years,  and  by  his  achievements  during 
a  considerable  part  of  his  reign,  deserved  the  surname  of  Greats 
by  which  he  is  distinguished  in  history  from  many  other  kings 
of  Syria,  who  also  bore  the  name  of  xAntiochus. 

The  first  military  campaigns  of  that  prince  were  not,  it  is  true, 
very  successful ;  on  the  contrary,  having  undertaken  to  fight  a 
great  battle  against  the  Egyptians  near  Raphia,  he  was  entirely 
defeated  by  them  in  the  year  B.  c.  217.  But  his  losses  on  that 
occasion  were  amply  compensated  by  his  conquests  in  other  parts 
of  Asia.  Having  checked  the  revolt  of  some  ambitious  leaders, 
who  took  advantage  of  his  youth  to  withdraw  their  allegiance, 
he  afterwards  led  his  armies  towards  the  east.  Here,  if  he  failed 
to  overthrow  the  newly  established  empire  of  the  Parthians,  he 
at  least  stripped  it  of  its  late  acquisitions,  and  obliged  its  king 
Arsaces  to  content  himself  with  the  provinces  of  Parthia  and 
Hyrcania. 

After  this  campaign  and  a  similar  one  in  Bactriana,  the  king,, 
in  pursuit  of  new  advantages,  crossed  mount  Caucasus  or  the 
ridge  so  designated  by  the  ancients.  As  the  various  countries 
which  extend,  east  of  the  Tigris,  from  that  mountain  to  the  south- 
ern ocean,  had  some  time  before  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  Syria, 
he  went  through  them  all  at  the  head  of  his  victorious  troops, 
and  every  where  succeeded  in  re-establishing  his  authority.  This 
expedition  lasted  seven  years,  during  which  he  displayed  so  much 
vigor  and  activity,  that  he  became  formidable  to  all  the  neigh- 
boring nations.     He  returned  to  Antioch  covered  with  glofy>«« 


i 


B.  c.  223—187.  ANTIOCHUS  THE  GREAT.  808 

and  with  the  reputation  of  a  monarcli  equally  prudent  and  coa 
ragoous. 

About  this  time,  Ptolemy  Philopator,  king  of  Egypt,  died, 
leaving  for  his  successor  a  child  only  five  years  of  age.  Antiochua 
Idst  no  time  to  improve  the  circumstance,  and  to  turn  it  to  his 
own  profit ;  he  invaded  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  the  constant 
object  of  dispute  between  the  kings  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  and 
easily  subdued  those  two  provinces.  Animated  by  this  success, 
lie  now  formed  a  design  to  reconquer  all  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor, 
which  he  pretended  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Syrian  mon- 
archy. But  here  he  met  with  an  unforeseen  opposition,  and  this 
obstacle  not  only  could  not  be  overcome  by  his  efforts,  but  even 
caused  the  rapid  decline,  and  nearly  the  utter  ruin,  of  his  ad'airs. 

The  cities  whose  liberty  was  at  stake,  had  solicited  and  ob- 
tained the  assistance  of  the  Romans.  It  was  the  interest  of  these 
high-spirited  republicans,  now  so  much  exalted  by  the  happy 
conclusion  of  the  second  Punic  war,  not  to  sufi"er  a  new  rival  in 
their  way.  Their  legions,  after  having  first  checked  the  king's 
progress,  came  at  last  to  a  decisive  engagement  with  him  in  the 
plains  of  Magnesia  (b.  c.  190).  Although  Antiochus  fought 
with  great  valor,  and  opposed  eighty-two  thousand  troops  to  thirty 
thousand  Komans,  he  experienced  a  most  signal  defeat  which  cost 
him  more  than  two-thirds  of  his  army.*  He  was  compelled  to  sue 
for  peace,  and  could  obtain  it  under  no  other  condition  than  by 
yielding  all  the  provinces  of  Asia  on  the  north-western  side  of 
Mount  Taurus,  and  defraying  all  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

Upon  the  news  of  this  extraordinary  success,  Rome  decreed  a 
triumph  to  her  admiral  ^milius  who  had  crippled  the  maritime 
power  of  Syria,  and  still  more  justly  to  the  consul  Lucius  Scipio 
who  had  conquered  the  king  in  person.  The  latter  received  the 
surname  of  AsiaticuSj  and  became  equal  in  this  respect  to  his 
brother  Publius  Scipio,  on  whom  the  title  of  Africanus  had  been 
conferred  after  his  victory  over  Annibal. 

This  war  against  Antiochus  was  of  short  duration,  cost  the 
Romans  but  little,  and  yet  contributed  very  much  to  the  aggran- 
dizement of  their  empire.  But,  at  the  same  time,  its  result  also 
began  to  prepare  the  decay  and  final  dissolution  of  that  very  em- 
pire, by  introducing  wealth,  avarice,  ambition,  and  licentiousness 
into  its  capital.  In  efi*ect,  it  is  to  the  period  of  the  Syrian  war 
and  the  conquest  of  Asia,  that  Pliny  traces  the  origin  of  that 
moral  depravity  which  pervaded  Rome,  and  was  attended  with  so 
long  a  train  of  evils.     Asia,  vanquished  by  the  Romans,  after 

*  See  Livy,  b.  xxxvii,  c.  44 ;  and  Justin,  b.  xxxi,  c.  8. 


804  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

wards  vanquislied  them  by  its  vices.  Luxury,  more  fatal  than 
armies,  spread  its  poison  among  them,  and  in  this  manner  ayenged 
the  world  subdued  by  their  arms : 

Sajvior  aruiis 
Luxuria  incubuit,  victumqae  ulciscitur  orbem. 

Juven.  Sat.  vi,  1,  215,  216. 

But,  if  the  conflict  between  the  Komans  and  Antiochus  prov  J 
fatal  to  the  conquerors  themselves,  it  gave  a  most  disastrous  blow 
to  the  vanquished.  Antiochus,  first  of  all,  became  the  victim  of 
his  defeat  at  Magnesia.  Being  bound  by  the  late  treaty  to  pay 
large  sums  of  money  to  the  Ilomans,  when  the  time  approached 
to  fulfil  his  obligation,  he  found  himself  in  great  perplexity.  His 
cofiers  were  empty,  and  his  resources  considerably  diminished; 
in  this  embarrassment,  he  attempted  to  plunder  by  night  a  rich 
temple  in  the  country  of  Elymais,  but  was  discovered  by  the 
inhabitants  and  killed  with  all  his  followers  (b.  c.  187). 

This  prince  was  otherwise  deserving  of  praise  for  his  humanity,  > 
clemency,  and  liberality.  A  decree  ascribed  to  him,  by  which 
his  subjects  were  not  only  permitted,  but  even  commanded  to  dis« 
obey  his  orders,  if  these  should  be  found  contrary  to  law,  showed 
that  he  had  a  high  regard  for  justice.  Till  the  age  of  nearly  fift3^ 
years,  he  had  behaved  with  such  bravery,  steadiness  and  applica- 
tion, as  to  succeed  in  most  of  his  enterprises.  But  subsequently 
his  prudence  began  to  wane,  and  his  prosperity  decreased  in  the 
same  proportion.  His  conduct  in  the  late  war  against  the  Ro- 
mans, the  practical  disregard  which  he  showed  for  the  wise 
counsels  of  Annibal,  his  overthrow  in  the  battle  of  Magnesia, 
the  ignominious  treaty  of  peace  which  was  forced  upon  him,  and 
his  disgraceful  death  which  soon  followed  it,  all  greatly  impaired 
and  tarnished  the  lustre  of  his  former  actions. 


PHILIP,  KING  OF  MACEDON.— B.  c.  220—178.       f 

A  VICISSITUDE  similar  to  that  experienced  by  Antiochus/also 
happened  to  his  contemporary,  Philip,  king  of  Macedon.  This 
prince  was  the  grandson  of  Antigonus  Gonatas,  and  the  imme- 
diate successor  of  Antigonus  Doto.  He  displayed  in  his  youth 
much  activity,  courage,  prudence  and  moderation,  owing  to  the 
care  he  took  to  secure  and  follow  the  advice  of  virtuous  men, 
such  as  the  celebrated  Aratus.  This  conduct  rendered  him  suc- 
cessful in  various  wars  against  his  neighbors ;  but  prosperity,  as 
too  often  happens,  made  him  proud,  ambitious,  kud.  n^^t  less  terri 


B.  0.  220—178  PHILIP  OF  MACEDON.  805 

bio  to  his  friends  than  rash  towards  his  enemies.  For  his  own 
misfortune,  certain  flatterers  induced  him  to  form  an  alliance 
with  Annibal  against  the  Romans,  about  the  time  of  the  defeat 
uf  the  latter  in  the  battles  of  Thrasymenes  and  Cannae. 

As  soon  as  the  Romans  were  apprised  of  this  treaty,  they 
began  to  watch  carefully  all  the  motions  of  Philip.  Still,  as 
they  were  obliged  to  send  the  greater  portion  of  their  forces 
niuinst  the  Carthaginians,  they  contented  themselves,  at  first, 
with  hindering  this  new  foe  from  coming  to  Italy,  and  giving 
him  enough  of  encumbrance  at  home  to  keep  him  at  a  distance 
They  acted  with  greater  vigor  on  that  side,  when  by  the  victory 
of  Zama,  they  were  freed  from  the  alarms  and  perils  of  the  Punic 
war.  Their  consul  Quintius  Flaminius,  having  crossed  the 
Adriatic  with  a  choice  body  of  troops,  advanced  through  a  rug- 
ged country,  and  at  length  met  the  Macedonians  near  Scotussa 
in  Thessaly. 

The  two  armies,  consisting  of  about  twenty-six  thousand  men 
each,  were  separated  by  hills  called  Cynoscephalse,  from  which 
the  battle  took  its  name.  It  happened  that  both  Philip  and 
Flaminius  sent  detachments,  on  the  same  day,  to  occupy  the  hills 
or  to  make  discoveries ;  these  hostile  parties  having  met  on  the 
heights,  came  to  a  close  engagement,  and  as  each  of  them  suc- 
cessively received  reinforcements,  the  action  from  a  private  en- 
counter, was  soon  changed  into  a  general  battle.  The  king 
evinced  great  resolution  and  courage,  and,  where  he  commanded 
in  person,  obtained  a  considerable  advantage.  But  it  was  not 
the  same  every  where.  The  entire  overthrow  of  his  left  wing,  and 
a  vigorous  charge  made  by  the  Romans  on  the  rear  of  his  phalanx, 
turned  the  day  against  him,  and  cost  him  one  half  of  his  army 
(b.  c.  197).  Terrified  by  this  loss  as  well  as  by  the  presence 
of  a  victorious  enemy,  he  asked  for  peace,  and  obtained  it  on 
condition  that  he  would  pay  the  sum  of  two  thousand  talents, 
deliver  up  his  galleys,  give  his  son  Demetrius  as  a  hostage,  and 
evacuate  all  the  Grecian  cities  that  were  garrisoned  by  his  troops. 

The  time  had  now  come  for  the  celebration  of  the  Isthmian 
games.  Flaminius  assisted  at  them,  together  with  an  immense 
concourse  of  people,  all  anxious  to  learn  the  future  destinies  of 
Greece  J  for  the  terms  of  the  treaty  between  the  Romans  and 
Philip  were  as  yet  but  imperfectly  known.  When  the  multitude 
had  assembled  in  the  stadiun^  or  amphitheatre  to  see  the  games, 
a  herald  put  an  end  to  the  public  uncertainty,  by  proclaiming 
with  a  loud  voice  that  the  Roman  senate  and  people,  and  Q. 
Flaminius,  their  general,  after  having  vanquislied  the  king  of 
Macedon,  restored  to  the  Greeks  their  liberties  and  the  free  use 

20* 


806  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V 

of  their  respective  laws  and  customs.  At  theij.e  'words,  the 
whole  assembly  abandoned  themselves  to  the  liveliest  trans- 
ports of  joy,  and  burst  into  so  loud  and  prodigious  acclamations, 
that  some  ravens,  which  then  happened  to  be  flying  over  the  shout- 
ing multitude,  fell  into  the  stadium.  The  crowd  ran  tov\'ard3  the 
Roman  general  to  salute  him  as  their  deliverer,  gave  him  their 
warmest  thanks,  kissed  his  hand,  or  threw  garlands  and  crowns 
of  flowers  around  him ;  nay,  they  carried  the  expression  of  theii 
gratitude  so  far,  as  to  put  him  in  some  danger  of  being  suffo 
cated.* 

Such  was  the  result  of  the  victory  gained  by  Flaminius  ovci. 
Philip..  Still,  it  is  true  that  this  conduct  of  the  Romans  towards 
the  Greeks  was  not  less  the  dictate  of  policy  than  of  generous 
feeling.  On  the  one  hand,  it  obtained  for  Home,  amidst  other 
nations,  a  reputation  for  extraordinary  disinterestedness  and  mode- 
ration, highly  favorable  to  her  interests ;  on  the  other,  the  power 
and  influence  of  the  Macedonian  kings  was  annihilated  through 
out  Greece,  and  the  Grecian  republics  themselves,  left  to  their 
own  resources,  might  afterwards  be  easily  controlled  and  even 
subdued,  if  they  chanced  to  be  engaged  in  a  war  against  their 
actual  deliverers.  This  indeed  was  understood  at  that  very  time 
by  a  few  sagacious  statesmen,  and  after  a  short  interval  re- 
ally happened.  But  the  people  at  large,  instead  of  fearing  any 
evil  consequence,  thought  of  nothing  but  how  to  enjoy  the 
advantages  of  their  present  condition,  and  for  these,  they  re- 
peatedly expressed  to  the  Romans  their  unbounded  admiration 
and  gratitude. 

Far  diff'erent  reflections  occupied  the  mind  of  Philip.  He 
cherished  a  secret  animosity  agamst  the  Romans,  and  though 
he  concealed  it  for  a  time,  could  hardly  repress  it  when  his  afl"airs 
gave  him  some  respite  and  greater  hope  of  success.  In  the 
interim,  his  son  Demetrius,  who  was  a  hostage  at  Rome,  so 
completely  won  by  his  good  qualities  the  esteem  and  afi'ection  of 
the  senators,  that  they  most  honorably  dismissed  him  to  the 
court  of  his  father.  Still,  these  tokens  of  regard  served  only 
to  render  him  odious  in  the  sight  of  Philip,  who  considered 
the  Romans  as  his  greatest  enemies.  Another  circumstance 
most  unfavorable  to  this  young  prince,  was  the  implacable 
jealousy  of  his  half-brother  Perseus :  the  latter  had  an  intense 
desire  to  succeed  his  father  on  the  Macedonian  throne;  well 
aware  that  the  better  claim  of  Demetrius,  equally  supported 
by  the  .afi'ection  of  the  people  and  the  favor  of  the  RomanS) 

■'^Livy,  b.  xxxiii,  c.  33      Plutarch  in  Q.  Flamin. 


c.  220—178.  PHILIP  OF  MACEDOj/ 


807 


would  be  an  insuperable  barrier  to  his  ambition,  he  determined 
to  remove  him  by  artifice  and  intrigue. 

He  availed  himself  of  the  first  plausible  opportunity  to  ex- 
ecute his  dark  designs.  On  a  day  of  great  festivity  for  the 
-'^hieedonians,    the    army,    divided    into   two    bodies   under   the 

lumand  of  the  two  brothers,  represented  a  battle,  in  which  the 

Jy  led  by  Demetrius  obtained  a  decided  advantage.  This 
was  keenly  resented  by  Perseus.  At  night,  both  princes  gave  a 
repast  to  their  respective  partisans  and  friends :  whilst  joy  and 
mirth  reigned  among  the  guests,  Perseus  sent  a  spy  to  hear  what 
might  be  said  at  his  brother's  banquet.  That  spy  happened 
to  be  discovered,  and  was  ill-treated,  outside  of  the  hall,  by  four 
persons  belonging  to  the  party  of  Demetrius.  The  young  prince, 
totally  unaware  of  this  incident,  invited  his  guests  to  accompany 
him  to  the  residence  of  his  brother,  in  order  to  show  their  good 
feeling  towards  him,  and  to  allay  his  displeasure,  if  he  still 
entertained  any.  The  proposal  was  readily  accepted  by  all, 
except  the  four  young  men  who  had  ill-treated  the  spy  :  fearing 
for  themselves  the  same  kind  of  reception  which  they  had 
given  to  another,  they  concealed  swords  under  their  garments,  to 
repel  any  attack  that  might  be  made.  Unfortunately,  this  very 
circumstance  was  reported  to  Perseus,  before  the  company  arri- 
ved. He  took  occasion  from  it  to  deny  them  admittance,  caused 
the  doors  of  his  house  to  be  shut  against  them,  and  on  the 
following  day  charged  Demetrius,  in  presence  of  the  king,  with  a 
deliberate  design  and  attempt  to  deprive  him  of  life. 

Philip,  deeply  afflicted  at  such  a  charge  of  a  brother  against  a 
brother,  summoned  both  princes  before  him  in  presence  of  a  few 
trusty  friends.  After  having  bewailed  his  unhappy  condition 
which  obliged  him,  a  sovereign  and  a  father,  to  judge  between  his 
two  sons,  and  pronounce  one  guilty  of  a  projected  murder,  or  the 
other  of  a  dreadful  calumny,  he  listened  to  them  both  with 
great  attention.  Perseus,  who  spoke  first,  endeavored  very  art- 
fiilly  to  prove  the  charge  which  he  had  advanced;  but  De- 
metrius, although  overwhelmed  with  grief,  easily  repelled  it  and 
vindicated  his  innocence.  Seeing,  however,  that  his  affection  for 
the  Romans  continued  to  render  him  an  object  of  dislike  and 
suspicion  at  court,  he  resolved  to  set  out  secretly  for  Italy; 
he  was  betrayed  in  this  also,  and  saw  his  design  turn  against 
himself. 

In  fine,  a  new  contrivance  of  Perseus  against  his  brother  com- 
pleted the  latter's  ruin.  This  unfortunate  prince  was  placed 
in  a  sort  of  confinement,  and  shortly  after  deprived  of  life, 
by  the  command,  as  it  appears,  of  bis  own  father.     Philip  after 


ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  V. 

wards  discovered  tlie  innocence  of  DemetriuL',  and  expired  with  the 
bitter  regret  of  having  so  cruelly  treated  a  guiltless  son  who  ought 
to  have  been  his  successor,  whilst  he  had  spared  and  favored 
another,  who  alone  was  deserving  of  the  severest  punishmeni; 
(B.  c.  178). 


PERSEUS.— FALL  OF  MACEDON.— b.  c.  178—148. 

Perseus,  without  having  the  natural  abilities  of  his  father,  had 
inherited  his  animosity  and  hostile  designs  against  the  Romans: 
he  spent  the  first  years  of  his  reign  in  making  preparations,  for 
a  new  contest,  and  used  every  species  of  intrigue  either  to  gain 
allies  for  himself,  or  to  destroy  those  of  Rome.  After  various 
recriminations  and  useless  embassies,  war  at  length  was  openly 
declared.  During  three  years  it  scarcely  produced  any  event  of 
importance,  except  that,  on  one  occasion,  Perseus  gained  a  con- 
siderable advantage  over  the  Romans;  still  this  action  was  far 
from  being  decisive.  Hostilities  continued  for  some  time  longer  in 
a  rather  languishing  manner,  and  it  required  the  activity,  courage 
and  experience  of  the  celebrated  consul  Paulus  ^milius,  to  pro- 
cure a  speedy  and  happy  termination  of  the  war. 

The  very  beginning  of  his  campaign,  and  the  vigor  of  his 
operations,  taught  Perseus  that  he  was  now  opposed  by  a  more 
terrible  enemy  than  he  had  hitherto  encountered.  The  unhappy 
monarch  himself,  first  of  all,  contributed  by  his  avarice  to 
the  destruction  of  his  fortunes.  He  had  secured,  by  the  prom- 
ise of  a  large  sum,  the  assistance  of  twenty  thousand  Gauls 
stationed  beyond  the  Danube;  when  they  arrived  near  the 
frontier  of  Macedon,  the  unwary  king,  more  inclined  to  keep  his 
money  than  to  fulfil  his  word,  declined  under  various  pretences 
to  pay  the  stipulated  amount.  The  Gauls  became  furious  at  this 
breach  of  faith:  they  laid  waste  a  great  part  of  the  country 
whilst  returning  home,  and  Perseus  lost,  through  his  own  fault, 
a  large  number  of  auxiliaries  who  might  have  been  of  very  great 
service  to  him  in  time  of  danger. 

He  himself  must  have  been  sensible  of  his  imprudence,  when 
the  Romans,  having  crossed  the  passes  of  Mount  Olympus,  over- 
took him  near  Pydna.  Here  was  fought  the  famous  battle 
destined  to  crush  the  Macedonian  power,  though  it  seemed  at  first 
calculated  to  produce  the  contrary  efi"ect.  At  its  very  com- 
mencement, the  Macedonian  phalanx  signalized  itself  among  all 
the  troops  of  the  king,  and  for  a  time  bade  defiance  to  all 
clie  efi'orts  of  the  Romans  and  their  alJies.     ^milius,  advancing 


I 


B.  c.  178—148.  PERSEUS,  ETC.  809 

to  the  first  ranL'S,  found  that  the  foremost  men  of  that  body  had 
stuck  the  heads  of  their  pikes  into  the  shields  of  his  sohliers,  so 
that  it  was  impossible  for  the  latter  to  reach  the  enemy;  and 
uhcn  he  saw  the  rest  of  the  Macedonians  join  their  bucklers 
close  together,  and  present  their  long  spears  against  his  legions, 
the  strength  of  such  a  rampart  and  the  formidable  appearance 
(if  such  a  front  struck  him  with  terror  and  amazement.  He  never 
indeed  beheld  a  more  terrific  spectacle,  and  he  often  mentioned 
afterwards  the  impression  which  it  made  upon  him;  however,  he 
took  care  to  show  a  pleasant  and  cheerful  countenance  to  his 
troops,  and  eyen  rode  about,  without  either  breast-plate  or 
helmet. 

The  Romans,  animated  by  the  presence  and  example  of  their 
general,  made  incredible  exertions.  They  attempted  to  cut  the 
pikes  of  the  Macedonians  asunder  with  their  swords,  to  beat  them 
back  with  their  shields,  or  to  turn  them  aside  with  their  hands ; 
but  the  Macedonians,  holding  them  steady  with  both  hands, 
pierced  the  assailants  through  their  armor.  Thus  the  first 
line  of  the  Romans  was  cut  in  pieces,  and  those  behind  began  to 
give  way.  The  consul,  seeing  this,  rent  his .  clothes  through 
excess  of  grief;  nay,  he  was  almost  reduced  to  despair,  to  find  that 
his  troops  would  no  longer  face  that  terrible  phalanx,  which,  on 
account  of  the  pikes  that  defended  it  on  all  sides  like  a  rampart, 
appeared  impenetrable  and  invincible;  still  as  the  unevenness  of 
the  ground  and  the  large  extent  of  the  enemy's  front  would  not 
permit  their  bucklers  to  be  joined,  so  as  to  leave  no  interruption 
nor  openings,  he  observed  several  interstices  in  the  Macedonian 
line.  This  circumstance  suggested  to  him  the  happy  idea  of 
dividing  his  forces  into  platoons,  and  directing  them  to  throw 
themselves  into  the  openings  of  the  phalanx.  His  orders  were 
instantly  and  punctually  executed.  The  Romans  forced  their 
way  between  the  pikes,  wherever  there  was  an  opening;  which 
was  no  sooner  done,  than  some  took  the  enemy  in  flank,  while 
others  attacked  them  in  the  rear. 

By  this  manoeuvre  the  ranks  of  the  phalanx  were  soon  broken, 
and  deprived  of  their  principal  strength,  which  depended  on  one 
combined  efi'ort.  Yet,  as  the  troops  that  composed  it  fought 
with  great  valor,  a  sharp  conflict  and  dreadful  carnage  ensued. 
The  contest,  however,  was  now  too  unequal :  most  of  the  Mace- 
donians fell  under  the  swords  of  the  Romans;  about  twenty-five 
thousand  of  them  were  killed ;  eleven  or  twelve  thousand  were 
taken  prisoners;  and,  before  night, the  rest  were  driven  from  tho- 
'field  (B.  c.  168). 

King  Perseus,  unworthy  of  so  brave  soldiers,  had  already 


310  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Part  V. 

fled  with  a  considerable  body  of  cavalry  to  Pella  his  capital.  He 
Boon  left  it,  and  went  first  to  Amphipolis,  and  afterwards  to  Sa- 
mothrace,  whence  he  intended  to  withdraw  to  a  still  greater  dis- 
tance; but  he  fell,  with  his  whole  family,  into  the  hands  of  the 
consul,  who  conducted  him  to  Rome  to  make  him  grace  his  con- 
queror's triumph.  After  this  ceremony,  so  painful  to  his  pride, 
he  was  placed  in  confinement,  and  though  otherwise  treated  with 
humanity  by  the  Roman  government,  could  not  bear  his  mis- 
fortune, but  sunk  under  excess  of  grief. 

With  Perseus  fell  the  Macedonian  kingdom,  after  it  had  lasted 
one  hundred  and  fifty-six  years  from  the  death  of  Alexander  the 
Great. 

Rome  acted  with  moderation  and  generosity  towards  the  van- 
quished nation;  the  Macedonians  were  declared  free  by  their 
conquerors  themselves,  on  condition  that  they  should  pay  an 
annual  tribute  amounting  to  one-half  of  the  revenue  which  they 
paid  to  their  sovereigns.  But  new  disturbances  which  arose  in 
that  country,  gave  occasion  to  the  Romans  to  p]ace  it  entirely 
under  their  control,  and  make  it  a  Roman  province  (b.  c.  148). 
About  this  time,  also,  the  armies  of  the  republic  subdued  Epirus 
and  the  whole  of  Illyria. 

EASTERN  NATIONS,  ESPECIALLY  THE  JEWS  UNDER  THE  ASMO- 
NEANS  OR  MACHABEES.-B.  c.  1G8— 158.*  ^ 

The  Romans  were  thus  rapidly  advancing  towards  the  subju- 
gation of  the  universe.  What  their  armies  did  not  achieve,  wag 
effected  by  their  negotiations  and  political  wisdom :  in  every  part 
of  the  civilized  world,  they  eagerly  embraced  every  opportunity 
to  establish  or  extend  their  influence,  and  to  increase  their  repu- 
tation for  justice  and  generosity,  by  taking  the  defence  of  the 
weaker  against  the  stronger  states.  They  had  previously  ac- 
cepted the  guardianship  of  the  young  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  king 
of  Egypt,  against  his  two  powerful  enemies,  Philip  of  Macedon 
and  Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria.  They  now  employed 
their  assistance  in  behalf  of  the  Egyptian  court  with  still  greater 
effect  against  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  second  successor  of  Anti- 
ochus the  Great  (b.  c.  169). 

This  prince  had  already  made  three  successful  campaigns  in 
Egypt,  and  was  now  preparing  to  achieve  the  reduction  of  that 
kingdom,  when  he  met  near  Alexandria  a  Roman  embassy,  with 
orders  from  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome  to  desist  from  further 

*  See  RoUin's  Ancient  History,  vol.  viii  and  ix — Josephus,  Jewish  An* 
f'^uiiics^  b,  xii  and  xiii — especially  the  two  'jooks  of  Machabees. 


I 


,1   c.  1G8— 158.  THE  MACHABEES.  3H 

hostilities.  On  the  receipt  of  this  mandate,  the  king  said  that  ho 
would  consult  with  his  friends  and  return  an  early  answer.  But 
this  did  not  satisfy  the  lofty  spirit  of  the  Romans :  Popilius 
Lacnas,  one  of  the  ambassadors,  indignant  at  such  delay,  drew 
with  the  rod  which  he  held  in  his  hand,  a  circle  round  Antiochus, 
and  raising  his  voice  summoned  him  to  give  his  answer,  before 
leaving  the  limits  of  that  enclosure.  Terrified  by  this  summons, 
the  king,  after  a  moment's  silence,  promised  to  comply  with  the 
wishes  of  the  senate. 

lie  withdrew  therefore  from  Egypt,  filled  with  secret  rage  at 
dicing  himself  forcibly  dispossessed  of  a  crown,  which  he  had  al- 
ready looked  upon  as  his  own.  Unable  to  avenge  himself  on  the 
Unmans,  the  sole  authors  of  his  disappointment,  he  resolved  to 
make  the  Jews  who  had  in  no  manner  offended  him,  feel  the 
whole  weight  of  his  anger.  In  his  march  through  Palestine,  he 
detached  twenty -two  thousand  men  under  the  command  of  Apol- 
lonius,  with  orders  to  destroy  Jerusalem.  Two  years  before,  a 
cruel  slaughter  had  been  committed  in  this  unfortunate  city, 
under  the  king's  personal  direction;  he  now  ordered  that  those 
cruel  scenes  should  be  reiterated  with  increased  fury.  Apollo- 
nius  took  advantage  of  the  circumstance  of  the  Sabbath,  during 
which  all  the  people  were  peacefully  engaged  in  religious  worship, 
to  let  loose  his  soldiers  upon  them.  In  a  few  moments,  every 
part  of  the  town  streamed  with  the  blood  of  its  butchered  inhabi- 
tants. The  city  was  afterwards  plundered,  and  fired  in  several 
places. 

The  temple  and  sanctuary  were  profaned,  the  other  buildings 
demolished,  and  the  ruins  served  to  build  a  strong  citadel,  from 
which  a  well  armed  and  provisioned  garrison  commanded  the 
whole  neighborhood,  overawed  the  remaining  Jews,  and  occa- 
sionally issued  forth  to  kill  those  who  dared  approach  the  temple 
of  God  to  oiFer  him  their  adoration. 

Not  satisfied  with  these  cruelties,  Antiochus  published  a 
decree,  by  which  the  several  nations  of  his  empire  were  com- 
manded, in  the  first  place,  to  lay  aside  their  ancient  religion,  and 
then  to  profess  the  same  religion,  and  adore  the  same  gods  with 
the  king.  Although  expressed  in  general  terms,  this  decree  was 
directed  chiefly  against  the  Jews,  whose  faith  as  well  as  nation 
Antiochus,  in  his  impious  rage,  was  determined  to  extirpate. 
The  Glentiles  and  Samaritans  obeyed  with  little  reluctance ;  even 
among  the  Jews,  many  were  found  to  apostatize  from  their  holy 
faith ;  but  many  also  generously  resisted  the  king's  edict,  and 
disregarded  the  torments  by  which  it  was  enforced.  Among  the 
latter,  the  virtuous  old  man  Eleazar,  and  the  mother  with  her 


?12  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Paet  V. 

seven  sons  comnionlj  called  Machabees,  suffered  deatli  for  this 
sacred  cause  with  such  alacrity  and  courage,  as  to  deserve  tho 
same  glory  with  the  Christian  martyrs.  Others  fled  into  the 
mountains  and  deserts  in  order  to  avoid  the  persecution.  At  the 
head  of  these  noble  fugitives  was  a  family  of  heroes^  Mathathias 
and  his  five  sons,  the  most  remarkable  of  whom  were  Simon, 
Jonathan,  and  especially  Judas,  surnamed  Machabasus.  Having 
assembled  their  friends  and  other  zealous  Jews,  they  formed  a 
resolute  though  small  band  of  warriors,  and  began  to  fight  va- 
liantly for  the  defence  of  their  people,  their  country,  and  their 
holy  law,  against  unjust  persecutors.  Their  first  exertions  had 
already  proved  successful,  when  Mathathias  felt  that  the  end  of 
his  life  was  fast  approaching.  Calling  for  his  five  sons,  he  ex- 
horted them  to  continue  the  great  work  which  they  had  under- 
taken, appointed  Judas  the  commander  of  their  forces,  and  then 
died  at  a  venerable  old  age,  to  the  great  affliction  of  all  good  and 
faithful  Israelites. 

Judas  Machabasus  had  thus  become  the  leader  of  the  littla 
army.  He  began  immediately  to  fortify  the  cities,  to  rebuild  the 
fortresses,  to  supply  them  with  garrisons,  and  to  deliver  the 
country,  wherever  he  went,  from  the  yoke  of  its  oppressors. 
Apollonius,  the  king's  general  in  those  parts,  attempted  to 
retrieve  these  losses ;  Judas  not  only  conquered  him,  but  put  him 
to  death,  together  with  many  of  his  troops.  Seron  made  a  simi- 
lar attempt,  and  was  likewise  defeated. 

AVhen  the  news  of  these  defeats  reached  Antiochus,  he  was  so 
much  exasperated,  that  he  determined  on  the  ruin  of  the  whole 
Jewish  nation ;  but,  as  the  state  of  his  affairs  obliged  him  to  visit 
the  provinces  of  Upper  Asia,  he  intrusted  the  execution  of  this 
design  to  Lysias,  a  prince  of  the  royal  family,  whom  he  appointed 
governor  of  Syria,  and  temporary  guardian  of  his  son.  Lysias  at 
first  sent  into  Palestine  an  army  of  forty-seven  thousand  men, 
commanded  by  Ptolemy,  Nicanor,  and  Gorgias.  These  generals 
were  so  confident  of  the  entire  defeat  of  Judas,  that  they  invited 
a  multitude  of  merchants  to  accompany  their  army  for  the  pur- 
pose of  buying  Jewish  slaves  at  a  low  rate.  i 

Although  the  forces  of  Machabaeus  scarcely  equalled  the  sev-f 
enth  or  eighth  part  of  those  of  the  enemy,  he  did  not  despond, 
but  confiding  in  the  divine  protection,  and  inspiring  his  little 
band  with  the  same  confidence,  he  prepared  fearlessly  to  encounter 
his  numerous  foes.  As  they  had  contrived  an  ambush  for  him, 
he  turned  it  against  themselves,  attacked  separatel}^  the  two  di- 
visions of  their  army  when  they  least  expected  it,  and  threw 
them  into  irremediable  confusion.     Above  nine  thousand  of  them 


J 


1.C  108— 168.  THE  MACHABEES.  313 

wcTC  slain,  and  the  remainder,  most  of  them  wounded,  fled  with 
(ho  utmost  precipitation. 

Judas,  who  had  wisely  restrained  his  soldiers  from  gathering 
tlio  spoils  as  long  as  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  was  incomplete,  at 
I'ligth  allowed  them  to  plunder  the  camp,  in  which  they  found 
an  immense  booty.  The  merchants  who  had  come  to  purchase 
the  captives,  were  themselves  taken  with  their  riches,  and  sold, 
(iicatly  encouraged  by  this  important  success,  and  reinforced  by 
the  numerous  soldiers  whom  it  brought  to  their  aid,  the  Jews  set 
out  to  harass  the  rest  of  their  enemies.  As  Timotheus  and 
l^acchides,  two  lieutenants  of  Antiochus,  were  mustering  fresh 
troops  for  the  support  of  his  interests  in  Judea,  Machabaeus 
marched  against  them,  defeated  them  both  in  a  great  battle,^  and 
killed  twenty  thousand  of  their  men. 

The  news  of  so  many  overthrows  and  losses  threw  Lysias  into 
great  perplexity ;  in  obedience  however  to  the  strict  orders  left 
by  the  king,  he  made  immense  preparations  for  a  new  campaign: 
ho  accordingly  levied  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  foot  and  five  thou- 
sand horse,  all  chosen  troops,  and  putting  himself  at  their  head, 
marched  into  Judea.  This  formidable  army  encamped  at  Beth- 
sura,  a  city  situated  south  of  Jerusalem,  and  near  the  Idumaean 
frontier.  Judas  advanced  against  it  with  ten  thousand  soldiers, 
and  confiding  as  usual  in  the  assistance  of  God,  he  engaged  the 
enemy,  killed  five  thousand  of  them,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight. 

Dismayed  at  the  undaunted  courage  of  the  Jews,  Lysias  re- 
turned to  Antioch,  intending  nevertheless  to  come  and  attack 
them  again  with  still  greater  forces.  Machabaeus  was  thus  left 
for  a  time  undisputed  master  of  the  country.  He  took  advantage 
of  this  favorable  opportunity  to  recover  the  temple  of  Jerusalem 
from  the  G-entiles,  and  dedicate  it  again  to  the  service  of  the  true 
God,  with  solemn  thanksgiving  for  the  signal  protection  which 
the  Almighty  had  lately  granted  to  his  people. 

About  the  same  time,  Antiochus  was  traversing  the  upper 
provinces  of  his  kingdom,  to  levy  tribute  and  collect  large  sums 
of  money  which  the  impoverished  state  of  his  treasury  demanded. 
Having  been  informed  that  the  city  of  Elymais  in  Persia,  and 
especially  its  famous  temple,  contained  a  vast  amount  of  gold, 
silver  and  valuable  furniture,  he  endeavored  to  bring  it  into  hia 
possession;  but  he  received  from  the  inhabitants  a  repulse,  as  dis- 
graceful and  unexpected  as  that  sustained  by  his  father  Antiochus 
on  a  similar  occasion.  *\r  """ 

This  mortification  wairincreased  by  the  sad  intelligence  that  all 
his  armies  had  been  defeated  in  Judea.  On  the  receipt  of  thia 
news  he  began  to  retrace  his  steps,  breathing  vengeance  against 

27 


314  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  V. 

the  Jews,  and  marcliing  with  all  possible  speed,  that  he  might 
•  the  sooner  make  Jerusalem  the  sepulchre  of  its  inhabitants;  but 
he  was  himself  about  to  become  the  victim  of  a  more  just  and 
powerful  avenger.  Whilst  he  was  venting  his  blasphemous  rage, 
he  felt  himself  invisibly  struck  by  the  hand  of  God,  and  seized 
with  excruciating  pains  in  the  bowels.  His  body  moreover  hap- 
pened to  be  dreadfully  bruised  by  a  fall  from  his  chariot ;  his  flesh 
fell  from  him  in  pieces,  or  was  eaten  by  swarms  of  worms,  and 
the  stench  became  intolerable  to  the  whole  army.  Then  it  was 
that  this  wicked  prince  acknowledged,  by  an  apparent  though 
unavailing  repentance,  the  justice  of  God's  chastisements  which 
lay  heavy  upon  him.  After  taking  measures  and  giving  some 
orders  for  the  regulation  of  the  state  during  his  son's  minority, 
he  died  in  a  foreign  land,  a  prey  to  agonizing  tortures  and  grief* 
(B.  c.  164). 

The  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  delivered  the  Jews  from  a 
cruel  foe,  but  not  from  all  their  enemies.  In  compliance  with 
the  plans  he  had  previously  adopted,  Lysias  again  invaded  Judea 
at  the  head  of  about  one  hundred  thousand  men.  At  the 
approach  of  this  formidable  host,  the  Jews  earnestly  invoked  the 
divine  assistance,  and  it  was  shortly  after  strikingly  manifested 
in  their  behalf :  for,  "  when  they  were  going  forth  together  with 
a  willing  mind,  there  appeared  at  Jerusalem  a  horseman  going 
before  them  in  white  clothing,  with  golden  armor,  shaking  a 
spear.'^f  Encouraged  by  the  celestial  vision,  they  rushed  upon 
their  opponents  with  such  lion-like  courage,  that  twelve  thousand 
six  hundred  of  the  enemy  fell  dead  upon  the  field,  many  were 
wounded,  and  Lysias  himself 'sought  safety  in  a  shameful  flight. 

Shortly  after  this  defeat,  the  young  king,  Antiochus  Eupator, 
accompanied  by  the  same  Lysias,  entered  Judea  with  a  still  more 
numerous  army,  and  notwithstanding  some  losses  and  the  vigor- 
ous resistance  of  the  Jews,  his  overwhelming  numbers  enabled 
him  to  advance  as  far  as  Jerusalem,  which  he  closely  besieged. 
Fortunately  for  that  city,  when  it  was  in  the  greatest  danger  of 
being  taken,  some  afflicting  news  which  the  king  received  from 
Syria,  obliged  him  to  depart,  having  previously  concluded  a  peace 
equally  honorable  and  necessary  to  the  Jews. 

This  peace,  however,  scarcely  afi'orded  any  rest  to  Judas  Mac   * 
habseus  and  his  brave  followers.     As  the  country  was  likewise 

*  Observe  the  striking  analogy  between  the  kind  of  death  endured  by 
Antiochus,  and  that  of  another  barbarous  persecutor  of  religion,  Max- 
Imian  Galerius,  mentioned  in  Modern  Historj.  pp.  95,  90.  i^ 

f  2  Mach.  xi,  9. 


B.  c.  les— 168.  THE   MACHABEES.  315 

attacked  by  the  neighboring  tribes,  the  Ammonites,  Idumaeans, 
and  others,  he  was  obliged  to  pass  his  I'fe,  as  it  were,  in  one 
continued  struggle  for  the  deliverance  of  his  people.  But  in  all 
these  trials  he  was  well  supported,  on  the  one  hand,  by  his  cou- 
rage and  piety,  on  the  other,  by  the  divine  protection.  Wherever 
lie  went,  he  spread  terror  among  his  enemies,  took  their  cities  or 
fortresses,  routed  their  armies  with  great  slaughter,  and  delivered 
the  country  from  their  invasion.  One  of  his  most  astonishing 
i;inipaigns  was  that  against  a  general  called  Timotheus,*  who  had 
uathered  under  his  standard  no  fewer  than  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  infantry,  besides  two  thousand  five  hundred 
cavalry.  Judas,  with  only  six  thousand  warriors,  fearlessly 
attacked  him,  put  thirty  thousand  of  his  troops  to  the  sword, 
scattered  the  rest,  and  returning  without  loss  of  time,  besieged  and 
stormed  the  two  strong  cities  of  Carnion  and  Ephron,  where  an 
additional  force  of  fifty  thousand  of  the  enemy  was  destroyed. 

The  peace  granted  to  the  Jews  by  the  Syrian  court,  was  of  short 
duration.  This  was  owing  to  a  sudden  revolution  which  deprived 
Antiochus  Eupator  of  his  crown  and  life,  and  placed  Demetrius 
Soter,  his  cousin,  on  the  throne  of  Syria.  The  new  sovereign 
was  soon  prevailed  on  by  the  enemies  of  Machabaeus  to  recom  - 
mence  hostilities;  he  ordered  Bacchides,  governor  of  Mesopotamia, 
to  march  immediately  into  Judea  at  the  head  of  an  army. 
Although  Judas  could  not  at  first  prevent  the  progress  of  the 
enemy,  he  finally  baffled  his  efforts,  as  he  did  also  those  of  another 
army,  commanded  by  Nicanor.  This  general,  exasperated  by  a 
former  defeat,  vented  his  fury  in  blasphemies  against  the 
Almighty  and  his  temple  at  Jerusalem ;  for  which  he  was  soon 
punished — Judas  engaged  with  him  in  a  bloody  battle,  and  of 
his  army  of  thirty -five  thousand  men,  not  one  escaped  to  carry 
the  news  of  the  defeat  to  Antioch.  The  body  of  Nicanor  was  found 
among  the  dead ;  his  right  hand,  which  he  had  raised  against  the 
temple  when  he  threatened  to  destroy  it,  and  his  head  also,  were 
cut  off,  and  placed  upon  one  of  the  towers  of  Jerusalem. 

Judas  availed  himself  of  the  short  respite  which  this  victory 
afforded  him,  to  send  an  embassy  to  Rome.  On  the  one  hand, 
he  saw  himself  continually  attacked  by  all  the  forces  of  Syria, 
without  being  able  to  place  any  reasonable  reliance  on  their  trea- 
ties of  peace ;  on  the  other,  he  had  been  informed  that  the 
Romans,  equally  famous  for  their  generosity  and  valor,  were 
always  ready  to  support  weak  nations  against  powerful  and  ambi- 


[ 


*  A  different  personage  from  TLmotheus,  a  lieutenant  of  Antiochus, 
eady  mentioned. 


818  ANCIENT  HISTOllY.  Takt  V 

tioiis  £:ings.  This  induced  him  to  seek  an  aHIancc  with  the 
Roman  people,  in  order  to  obtain  their  protection  against  the 
unjust  attacks  of  the  Syrians.  His  ambassadors  were  well  re- 
ceived by  the  senate,  and  a  decree  was  passed  declaring  the  Jews 
friends  and  allies  of  Home,  and  establishing  a  defensive  treaty 
with  them  against  their  respective  enemies.  They  even  obtained 
a  letter  from  the  senate  to  King  Demetrius,  by  which  he  waa 
enjoined  to  desist  from  further  hostilities  against  the  Jews;  bttt 
before  the  ambassadors  returned,  Judas  Machabaeus  was  dead. 

As  soon  as  Demetrius  heard  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  Nicanor, 
he  gave  the  command  of  a  numerous  army  to  Bacchides,  and  sent 
him  again  into  Judea.  When  this  general  arrived  near  Jerusalem, 
the  forces  of  Machabaeus  did  not  exceed  three  thousand.  Of  these, 
many  were  so  terrified  by  the  number  of  the  enemy,  that  they 
w^ithdrew  from  the  camp,  leaving  Judas  only  eight  hundred  sol- 
diers, and  thus  increasing  the  disproportion  of  forces  from  one  to 
seven,  which  it  was  before,  to  one  to  twenty-eight.  This  unex- 
pected desertion,  in  the  time  of  his  greatest  need,  threw  Judaa 
into  a  momentary  and  painful  dejection;  resuming,  however, 
his  wonted  courage,  he  fearlessly  encountered  the  danger,  and 
coming  to  battle,  maintained  the  unequal  contest  nearly  the 
whole  day,  with  a  valor,  not  only  equal,  but  even  superior  to  that . 
of  the  most  renowned  Greeks  and  Romans.  Nay,  by  feats  oi 
prodigious  courage,  he  at  one  time  broke  and  routed  the  strongei 
part  of  the  Syrian  army.  But  being  simultaneously  attacked  in 
the  rear  and  in  front,  he  was  at  length  overpowered  by  multitudes, 
and  fell  among  heaps  of  the  slain,  thus  crowning,  by  a  glorious 
death,  all  his  other  noble  and  heroic  deeds.  Alfliough  his  littla 
army  was  forced  to  retire,  they  carried  his  body  with  them,  and 
buried  it  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  ancestors  (b.  c.  161). 

Intense  was  the  affliction  created  in  the  whol3  people  by  the 
death  of  their  invincible  leader;  for  a  long  time,  they  made  the 
air  resound  with  these  words  :  "  How  is  the  mighty  fallen,  that 
saved  the  people  of  Israel  \"  Disastrous  however  and  irretriev- 
able as  this  loss  appeared  to  the  Jews,  they  were  not  entirely 
destitute  of  a  remedy.  Judas  Machabaeus  left  behind  him,  in 
the  persons  of  his  brothers  Jonathan  and  Simon,  two  worthy 
successors  of  his  power,  and  still  more  worthy  heirs  of  his  wis- 
dom, zeal,  and  courage.  It  continued  indeed  to  cost  them  many 
toils,  dangers  and  bloody  battles,  to  defend  their  country  against 
its  numerous  enemies;  yet  they  finally  achieved  its  deliveranco 
from  the  yoke  of  the  Gentiles.  This  happy  event,  although  com- 
pleted some  years  later  under  Simon,  may  be  referred,  in  a  great 
measure,   to  the  year  B.  c.  158,  when  Bacchides,   unable  any 


I 


«.o.  149— 14G.  THIRD  PUNIC  WAR.  817 

longer  to  oppose  tlie  efforts  of  the  Jews,  made  ■with  them  an 
honorable  alliance,  and  withdrawing  finally  from  Judea,  allowed 
Jonathan  to  govern  the  country  in  peace. 


THIRD  rUNIC  WAR,  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF   CARTHAGE. 

B.  G.  149— 14(). 

Whilst  the  Jews,  favored  by  the  Komans,  were  rising  m 
strength,  the  Carthaginians,  for  a  contrary  reason,  saw  their 
power  rapidly  decline.  Rome,  notwithstanding  the  prodigious 
Buccess  that  every  where  attended  her  arms,  could  not  endure 
the  sight  of  the  prosperity  of  Carthage,  a  rival  city  which  still 
contained  seven  hundred  thousand  inhabitants.  For  this  reason, 
the  Romans  had  constantly  favored,  though  in  an  indirect  way, 
the  encroachments  of  Masinissa  on  the  territory  of  the  Cartha- 
ginians ;  and  as  the  latter,  being  denied  all  satisfaction,  took  up 
arms  against  that  prince,  war  was  openly  declared  against  them, 
under  the  plea  that  they  had  attacked  an  ally  of  the  Roman  re- 
public (b.  c.  149). 

The  two  consuls,  Manlius  and  Censorinus,  were  sent  together 
on  this  expedition,  with  a  powerful  fleet  and  an  army  of  eighty- 
four  thousand  men.  Having  landed  on  the  African  shore  at  a 
email  distance  from  Carthage,  they  resorted  first  to  a  very  un- 
generous means,  that  is,  an  equivocal  treaty,  to  strip  that  city  of 
its  means  of  defence,  and  then  confidently  advanced  against  it  to 
commence  the  regular  operations  of  a  siege.  But  they  met  with 
much  greater  resistance  than  they  had  anticipated.  The  Cartha- 
ginians, exasperated  in  the  highest  degree,  made  bold  and  con- 
tinual sallies  to  repulse  the  assailants,  to  consume  their  machines 
by  fire,  and  to  harass  their  foragers.  The  Roman  generals  of 
the  ensuing  year  had  neither  more  ability  nor  more  success ;  they 
prosecuted  the  siege  only  in  a  slow  and  languishing  manner,  and 
were  even  worsted  on  several  occasions. 

The  intelligence  of  these  events  occasioned  some  alarm  at  Rome 
The  people  began  to  doubt  the  success  of  the  war,  which  in  fact 
grew  daily  more  uncertain,  whilst  the  war  itself  assumed  a  higher 
'  degree  of  ira  portance  than  it  seemed  to  have  in  the  beginning. 
In  this  state  of  uneasiness,  the  Romans  placed  their  hopes  for  thfl 
future  in  a  young  man  equally  conspicuous  for  his  family,  hia 
name,  and  his  virtue.  This  was  Scipio  JEmilianus,  by  birth  the 
Bon  of  Paulus  JEmilius  the  conqueror  of  Macedon,  and  by  adop- 
tion the  grand  son  of  Scipio  Africanus  the  conqueror  of  Annibal. 
Being  appointed  consul,  though  much  under  the  age  prescribed 


^ 


8  IS  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet 

by  law,  he  took  the  command  of  the  Roman  troops  ncai  Carthage, 
and  after  restoring  good  order  and  discipline  among  them/sG 
closely  invested  the  city,  that  it  soon  became  a  prey  to  the  most 
dreadful  famine.  A  few  vigorous  assaults  rendered  him  master 
pf  the  wall  and  outward  fortifications. 

This  first  success  enabled  him  to  advance  towards  the  very 
centre  of  Carthage  ;  yet  his  progress  in  the  streets  was  not  suffi- 
cient to  put  him  in  possession  of  the  place.  The  inhabitants  de- 
fended themselves  with  the  utmost  obstinacy :  they  disputed  every 
avenue,  every  house,  qnd  for  six  dajs  in  succession  suffered  unin- 
terrupted and  incredible  slaughter,  rather  than  surrender  them- 
selves. At  last,  fifty  thousand  persons,  who  had  taken  refuge  in 
the  citadel,  accepted  quarter,  and  were  conducted  under  a  strong 
guard  into  th«  country.  But  nine  hundred  Roman  deserters, 
having  no  quarter  to  expect,  set  fire  to  a  temple  in  which  they 
had  sought  a  temporary  covert,  and  perished  in  the  flames. 

The  Romans  caused  the  conflagration  to  extend  to  the  other 
parts  of  the  town,  whilst  they  themselves  were  eager  in  plunder- 
ing it,  and  in  securing  as  much  booty  as  they  could  snatch  from 
the  ruins  or  from  the  fire.  As  for  Scipio,  their  general,  when  he 
recollected  the  former  glory  and  power  of  this  famous  city,  the 
extent  of  its  dominions  and  its  great  wealth,  above  all,  when  he 
reflected  on  the  courage  and  magnanimity  of  its  inhabitants, 
which  made  them,  even  when  stripped  of  almost  all  resources, 
sustain  for  three  whole  years  the  hardships  and  calamities  of  a 
disastrous  siege,  he  could  not,  it  is  said,  refrain  from  tears  at  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Carthage.  Still,  he  literally  obeyed  the  rigorous 
orders  of  his  government,  and  caused  the  remaining  buildings  and 
fortifications  to  be  entirely  demolished.  The  whole  adjacent  coun- 
try was  added  to  the  dominions  of  Rome,  and  destined  thenceforth 
to  be  under  a  Roman  governor. 

Thus  fell  Carthage,  the  master-piece  of  African  magnificence, 
the  seat  of  commercial  industry,  the  repository  of  wealth,  and  at 
the  same  time  one  of  the  greatest  emporiums  and  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal states  of  the  ancient  world.  About  a  hundred  years  after 
its  destruction,  it  was  rebuilt  by  the  orders,  or  according  to  the 
design,  of  Julius  Caesar,  and  rose  again,  under  the  succeeding 
emperors  of  Rome,  to  be  the  capital  of  northern  Africa,  which 
title  it  retained  seven  hundred  years  longer ;  but  it  was,  at  the 
close  of  that  term,  utterly  destroyed  by  the  Saracens,  so  that 
even  its  name  and  the  vestiges  of  its  existence  are  now  hardly 
known  in  the  country. 


B.  c.  146.         END   OF   GRECIAN    INDEPENDENCE.  319 


OF   CORINTH. — B.  c.  146. 

Sucn  were  also  the  destinies  of  0.  rinlh,  then  the  chief  city  v»f 
the  Achaeans,  whose  destruction  took  place  in  the  same  year  and  ia 
uearly  the  same  circumstances  with  that  of  Carthage. 

The  Achaean  republic,  rendered  so  famous  by  the  wisdom  of 
Aratus  and  the  victories  of  Philopoemen,  continued  some  time 
after  them  to  be  the  first  state  of  Greece.  Sparta  and  Corinth  be- 
longed to  it.  Athens  and  Thebes*  bad  no  longer  any  political 
importance.  The  ^tolians,  who  acquired  about  this  time  a  cer- 
tain celebrity,  were  nothing  else  than  a  race  of  wild  and  hardy 
warriors;  the  Achoeans  alone,  among  all  the  Greeks,  maintained  a 
noble  attitude,  particularly  under  the  wise  and  firm  administration 
of  Lycortas,  the  father  of  Polybius  the  historian.  But  this  pros- 
perity came  at  last -to  an  end.  The  avarice  and  rashness  of  their 
new  leaders  gave  rise  to  many  disturbances  among  them,  and 
when  the  Romans  profiered  their  interference  to  settle  the  affairs 
of  Peloponnesus,  the  Achaeans  were  imprudent  enough  to  provoke 
their  resentment.  They  even  dared  to  resist  by  force  a  people  with 
whom  the  mightiest  nations  of  the  world  were  unable  to  contend ; 
nor  did  a  first  defeat,  inflicted  on  them  by  the  praetor  Metellus,  re- 
move their  infatuation. 

The  consul  Mummius  at  last  made  his  approach  towards  Corinth 
with  the  Roman  legions.  The  Achaeans,  on  their  part,  boldly 
advanced  to  give  him  battle.  Th^-y  were  so  confident  of  victory, 
that  they  placed  their  wives  and  children  on  the  summit  of  the 
neighboring  hills,  to  be  spectators  of  the  combat ;  and  they  had 
prepared  a  large  number  of  carts,  to  be  loaded  with  the  spoils 
which  they  would  take  from  the  enemy  —  so  readily  was  success 
anticipatBd  by  this  infatuated  people. 

Never  was  there  more  groundless  and  rash  confidence ;  a  few 
moments  were  enough  for  the  consul  to  break  and  rout  the 
Achaeans  on  all  sides.  Discus,  their  general,  and  one  of  the  chief 
instigators  of  this  unhappy  war,  fled  in  despair  to  Megalopolis, 
where  he  put  an  end  to  his  own  life  by  poison.  Many  Corinth- 
ians likewise  abandoned  their  city,  to  find  refuge  elsewhere.  Mum- 
mius having  entered  Corinth,  gave  it  up  to  be  plundered  by  his 
soldiers;  they  slew  every  man  whom  they  found  in  it,  and  sold 

*  The  city  of  Thebes,  formerly  destroyed  by  Alexander,  had  been 
rebuilt  by  Cassander  (b.  c.  317). 


820  ANCIENT  HISTORl.  Part  V. 

the  women  and  children.  The  whole  city  was  then  fired,  and  ita 
walls  were  demolished.  All  this  was  done,  in  compliance  with 
the  senate's  orders,  to  punish  the  insolence  of  the  Corinthians, 
who  had  lately  presumed  to  violate  the  law  of  nations  in  the  per- 
sons  of  four  Koman  deputies.  This  example  of  rigor  so  intimi- 
dated the  other  cities,  that  not  one  of  them  ventured  to  resist : 
the  Achajan  confederacy  was  buried  in  the  ruins  of  Corinth,  i\t 
capital,  and  Greece  from  that  time  was  made  a  Roman  province 
(b.  c.  146). 

Mummius  at  his  return  obtained  triumphal  honors,  and  tho 
surname  of  Acliaicus.  During  his  triumph,  he  exhibited  a  large 
number  of  exquisite  paintings  and  statues,  which  afterwards  be- 
came one  of  the  chief  ornaments  of  Rome  and  other  cities  of 
Italy;  but  none  of  them  entered  the  conqueror's  house.  For 
Mummius  was  a  virtuous  and  disinterested  citizen,  as  well  as  a 
brave  warrior  and  an  able  general.  So  far  had  he  preserved  the 
simplicity  of  ancient  times,  that,  while  he  directed  the  transpor- 
tation of  so  many  master-pieces  of  art  from  {jfeece  to  Rome,  he 
seriously  stipulated  with  the  carriers  that,  in  case  any  accident 
should  happen,  they  would  be  responsible  for  it,  and  retrieve  the 
loss  that  might  be  sustained  in  this  respect,  by  procuring  other 
paintings  and  statues  at  their  own  expense. 

Polybius,  the  historian,  whom  we  have  just  mentioned,  was 
obliged  to  witness  with  his  own  eyes  the  calamities  of  his  coun- 
try. He  had  lately  returned  from  Rome,  where  his  wisdom  and 
talents  were  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  first  families  of  the 
republic,  above  all,  by  the  family  of  Scipio  j^milianus.  When, 
the  Roman  commissioners,  appointed  to  settle  their  recent  con-" 
quest,  departed  from  Greece,  they  requested  him  to  visit  all  the 
cities  which  had  been  subdued,  and  to  adjust  their  difi'erences, 
until  they  should  be  accustomed  to  their  new  laws  and  form 
of  government.  Polybius  discharged  this  honorable  commission 
with  so  much  prudence,  justice  and  mildness,  that  no  further 
disputes  arose  in  Achaia,  either  with  regard  to  the  government  at 
large  or  the  afiairs  of  private  individuals.  In  acknowledgment 
of  so  great  a  blessing,  statues  were  erected  to  him  in  different  places, 
and  at  the  base  of  one  of  them  was  an  inscription  stating  "  thai 
Greece  would  have  committed  no  faults,  if  she  had  from  the  be- 
ginning listened  to  the  counsels  of  Polybius,  but  that,  after  her 
faults,  he  alone  had  been  her  deliverer." 

After  Polybius  had  established  order  and  tranquillity  in  big 
country,  he  set  out  to  rejoin  Scipio  ^milianus  at  Rome,  and 
then  accompanied  him  to  Numantia,  at  the  siege  of  which  ho 
was  present.     When  Scipio  was  dead,  he  returned  info  Greece; 


B.C.  146.  END  OF  GRECIAN  INDEPENDENCE.  321 

and  having  enjoyed  there,  for  six  years  more,  Ihe  esteem, 
affection  and  gratitude  ofhis  beloved  citizens,  he  died  at  the  age 
of  eighty-two  years,  no  doubt  with  the  grief  of  seeing  Achaia  no 
I'tngeran  independent  nation,  yet  with  the  consolation  of  having 
'lone  whatever  he  could  to  alleviate  its  real  or  apparent  mis- 
fortunes. 

The  chief  cause  of  the  decline  of  Grecian  power,  and  the  fall 
of  Grecian  independence,  was  the  discord  which  armed  its  differ- 
ent states  against  one  another.  As  long  as  the  Greeks  were 
united,  they  overthrew  and  repelled  numberless  armies  of  in- 
vaders. But  their  patriotic  spirit,  constantly  victorious  over  the 
attiicks  of  barbarians,  was  subdued  by  their  mutual  jealousy: 
Sparta  and  Athens,  in  particular,  engaged  in  long  and  bloody 
strifes  for  the  support  of  their  respective  claims,  and  the'  only 
sure  result  which  this  conduct  produced,  was  the  diminution 
of  their  strength  and  national  resources.  The  Persians,  to  whom 
they  had  proved  formidable  enemies,  sought  to  weaken  them 
more  and  more  by  encouraging  division  among  them,  favoring 
sometimes  the  one,  sometimes  the  other  party.  The  kings 
of  Macedon  also  skilfully  availed  themselves  of  the  same  cir- 
cumstance, to  acquire  a  predominant  influence  among  the  Greeks. 
In  fine,  what  the  Persians  had  attempted,  what  the  Macedonians 

had  begun, the  subjugation  of  Greece,  was  achieved  by  the 

Romans;  and  this  famous  country,  like  every  other  part  of  the 
civilized  world,  was  at  length  absorbed  in  the  Roman  republic. 

Greece  however,  even  under  her  conquerors,  preserved  a  kind 
of  sovereignty  of  which  they  could  not  deprive  her,  and  to 
which  even  themselves  rendered  implicit  homage.  She  con- 
tinued to  be  the  teacher  of  sciences  and  of  the  fine  arts,  and  the 
model  of  refined  taste  in  the  productions  of  human  genius.  It 
was  to  an  assiduous  study  of  the  Greek  language  and  Grecian 
literature  that  Rome  was  indebted  for  the  many  accomplished 
orators,  historians  and  poets,  whose  writings  shed  so  much  lustre 
on  the  RSman  name,  and  rendered  the  Augustan  age  equal  ia 
many  respec*^^^  tc  the  age  of  Pericles. 


PART  VI. 


FROM    THE    END    OF    THE    PUNIC    WARS    AND    OF    GRECIAN  INDEPENDKHCl, 

OR      THE     DESTRUCTION     OF     CARTHAGE     AND     CORINTH  (b.   C.    146),    TO 

THE    BATTLE    OF    ACTIUM    AND    CHANGE   OF    THE    ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH 
INTO   AN    ExMPIRE    (b.  C.   31) 


OBSERVATIONS   ON   THE   PRODIGIOUS   INCREASE  OF   ROMAN 

POWER,  AND  ON  THE  CAUSES  WHICH  LED  TO  THE  CHANGE 

OF  THE  COMMONWEALTH  INTO  AN  EMPIRE. 

No  one  can  read  the  history  of  ancient  times,  without  being 
struck  with  surprise  at  the  sight  of  a  nation  constantly  ad- 
vancing for  more  than  seven  hundred  years,  in  strength,  power, 
glory,  and  extent  of  dominion,  till  it  obtained  at  length  the 
command  of  the  world.  This  nation  was  the  Koman  people. 
There  was  no  retrograde  movement  in  their  designs,  nor  any 
real  delay  in  their  progress.  From  an  obscure  settlement  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tiber,  they  rose  at  first  gradually,  and  afterwards 
by  gigantic  steps,  to  universal  domination.  This  fact,  one  of  the 
most  important  in  the  history  of  mankind,  is  well  calculated 
to  interest  the  reader,  and  to  kindle  in  him  a  desire  to  know 
by  what  means  it  was  accomplished. 

In  the  first  place,  we  must  acknowledge  that  the  Providence  of 
God  was  the  primary  cause  of  Koman  greatness  and  prosperity. 
Almost  from  the  beginning  of  their  national  existtpnce,  the 
Romans  were  conspicuous  for  many  noble  qualities :  during 
several  centuries,  ^n  honorable  poverty  and  simplicity  of  man- 
ners, frugality,  sobriety,  courage,  patriotism,  disinterestedness, 
respect  for  law,  fidelity  to  social  and  domestic  duties,*  etc.  were 

*  Divorce  was  not  of  frequent  occurrence  among  the  Romans  till  the 
latter  times  of  the  republic,  when  corruption  of  manners  had  already 
made  fearful  progress.  But  it  was  not  so  in  the  preceding  ages :  fivo 
hundred  years  elapsed  after  the  building  of  the  city,  before  any  divorce 
t-^ok  place  in  Rome;  the  first  of  all  occurred  in  the  year  b.  c.  231. 
And  still  the  Romans  were  no  more  than  a  heathen  people.  What 
a  lesson,  and  what  a  sad  rebuke  for  some  Christian  nations  I 
322 


CAUSES  OF  ROMAN  POWER,  ETC.  828 

virtues  of  no  rare  occurrence  among  tlieni;  witness  the  conduct 
of  Cinciunatus,  Rcgiikis,  Fabricius,  Curius,  the  Fabii,  the 
Scipios,  and  many  others.  Yet,  as  these  virtues,  however  praise- 
worthy, had  no  other  foundation  than  human  and  natural  motives, 
•lud  were  even  often  found  by  the  side  of  harshness,  vanity,  ambi- 
t  ion,  or  some  other  vice,  they  could  not  deserve  a  supernatural 
1-. '^\'ard  from  the  hands  of  the  Sovereign  Judge.     But  they  seem- 

'  to  entitle  the  people  who  practised  them  for  so  long  a  period, 
I  temporal  recompense  above  other  nations;  and  this  was,  in 
meet,  the  reward  which  heaven  granted  to  the  Romans,  that  is, 
the  empire  of  the  world. 

The  course  of  events  was  so  disposed  by  Divine  Providence 
in  their  behalf,  that  they  were  never  attacked  by  too  many 
enemies  at  once,  but  sometimes  by  one,  and  sometimes  by 
another,  in  a  kind  of  regular  succession,  and  just  when  they 
themselves  were  possessed  of  adequate  means  either  to  defeat 
each  attack,  or  to  retrieve  their  losses,  even  with  increased  ad- 
vantage. As  an  exemplification  of  the  first  case,  the  reader  may 
recollect  that  they  had  to  fight  Antiochus  the  Great,  only  after 
the  war  against  Philip  of  Macedon  was  prosperously  ended,  and 
that  the  Macedonian  war  itself  did  not  take  place,  till  the 
greatest  danger  created  by  Annibal  no  longer  existed.  As 
an  instance  of  the  second,  it  will  be  enough  to  produce  the 
struggle  of  Rome  against  the  Gauls.  On  one  occasion,  after  the 
disastrous  battle  of  Allia  and  the  burning  of  the  city  by  the 
Gauls  (b.  c.  390),  God  gave  to  the  Romans  the  great  Camillus, 
then  an  exile,  to  effect  their  happy  deliverance.  In  another  great 
emergency  (b.  c.  225),  when  a  powerful  host  of  the  same  nation 
were  rapidly  advancing  towards  Rome  and  conquering  the  troops 
who  opposed  their  passage,  the  armies  of  the  two  consuls  arrived 
at  the  same  time,  and  without  previous  concert,  from  different 
points,  and  overtook  the  invaders  near  Telamon.  The  Gauls, 
thus  hemmed  in  between  two  Roman  armies,  and  compelled 
to  fight  on  such  unfavorable  ground,  were  entirely  defeated,  and 
Rome  was  saved  from  their  iuvasion^^L — 

Thus  did  Almighty  God,  in  his  just  and  all-wise  Providence, 
watch  over  the  safety  of  the  Romans,  remove  obstacles  from  their 
way  and  facilitate  their  progress,  till  they  reached  the  summit  of 
human  glory  and  prosperity.  This  was  the  recompense  which 
ho  granted  to  their  moral  good  works  and  civil  virtues,  as  St. 
Augustine  observes  in  many  passages  of  his  writings.* 

As  to  the  secondary  causes,  first  of  tJie  greatness  and  power  of 

*E.  g./>c  Cwitate  Dei.,  lib.  v,  c.  xii,  xv  et  xviii ;  and  Episf.cxxxyinad 
llarcellinum,  ncs  16  and  17. 


324  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VL 

Rome,  and  secondly  of  its  subsequent  decline  as  a  republic ;  we 
shall  find  them  both  in  the  spirit  and  manners  which  distinguished 
the  Romans  at  the  various  periods  of  their  existence.* 

Among  all  the  nations  of  the  ancient  world,  the  Roman  people 
wereffcbeyond  comparison,  the  loftiest  in  their  sentiments  and  the 
boldest  in  their  enterprises;  the  most  prudent  in  council,  the 
most  steady  in  conduct,  and  the  wisest  in  political  maxims;  the 
most  laborious,  indefatigable,  courageous  and  patient;  the  most 
affectionate  to  their  country ;  the  most  jealous  of  their  liberty,  and 
yet  the  most  docile  and  submissive  to  their  leaders  and  magistrates. 

This  reunion  of  different  and  apparently  opposite  qualities 
produced,  on  the  one  hand,  the  best  sort  of  soldiers,  and  or.  che 
other,  the  most  regular,  consistent,  firm  and  sagacious  policy  that 
ever  existed. 

To  speak  first  of  the  Roman  troops,  it  is  manifest  that,  being 
composed  of  men  remarkable  for  their  strength,  valor,  patriotism, 
and  all  their  habits  of  labor  and  obedience,  they  could  not  fail  to 
be  excellent.  When  headed  by  skilful  generals,  as  was  commonly 
the  case,  they  might  justly  be  looked  upon  as  invincible. 

The  laws  of  military  discipline  were  strict,  and  enforced  with 
unflinching  severity.  Life  was  often  at  stake,  not  only  for  hav- 
ing deserted  or  fled  and  thrown  away  one's  arms,  but  also  for 
having  gone  forward  and  commenced  to  fight  without  the  gene- 
ral's command.  Victory  itself  was  dangerous,  and  sometimes 
proved  fatal  to  those  who  obtained  it  without  superior  orders. 
Such  as  surrendered  to  the  enemy,  or  suffered  themselves  to  be 
taken  prisoners  instead  of  fighting  to  the  last  for  their  country, 
if  no  extraordinary  circumstance  pleaded  in  their  behalf,  were 
thought  unworthy  of  relief,  and  ceased  to  be  reckoned  as  members 
of  the  republic.  Thus  for  instance,  after  the  battle  of  Cannje, 
when  Rome,  exhausted  by  the  severest  losses,  stood  most  in  need 
of  soldiers  to  defend  her  very  existence,  the  senate  chose  to  arm 
eight  thousand  slaves,  rather  than  redeem  eight  thousand  legion- 
aries who  had  surrendered  to  the  Carthaginians.  In  this  urgent 
crisis,  it  was  more  strictly  than  ever  enforced  as  an  inviolablt* 
law,  that  a  Roman  soldier  should  conquer  or  die. 

With  courage  and  activity,  the  Romans  joined  an  inventive^ 
genius  and  great  proficiency  in  the  science  of  war.  The  improve-' 
ments  which  they  did  not  find  out  themselves,  they  readily' 
borrowed  from  their  neighbors,  and  even  from  their  enemies  • 

*  Most  of  the  following  remarks  are  taken  from  Bossuet's  Discourse 
on  Universal  History,  part  iii,  c.  6 ;  Rollin,  Traite  des  etudes,  vols  iii  and 
iv; — Ferguson,  History  of  the  progress  and  termination  of  the  Roman  Ee- 
puhlic; — Montesquieu,  Grandeur  et  decadence  des  Romains. 


CAUSES  OF  ROMAN  POWER,  ETC.  326 

uus  thoy  learned  from  the  sight  of  a  Carthaginian  galley,  how 

K»  build  vessels  fit  for  war;  from  Pyrrhus,they  took  the  art  of 

iMicanipments  in  which  that  prince  excelled,  and  to  it  they  them- 

Ivcs  added  the  salutary  practice  of  fortifying  their  camp  with 

renchments  and  ditches,  although  the  army  should  have  to 

y  in  it  only  one  night.     In  a  word,  they  adopted  for  their  own 

whatever  they  saw  best  in  others,  and  derived  from  all  nations 

tlic  means  to  subdue  them  all.     The  mightiest  states  and  the 

most  warlike  tribes  were  thus  successively  compelled  to  yield  to 

their  efforts.     Rome  triumphed  over  courage  in  the  Gauls ;  over 

courage  and  discipline  in  the  Greeks ;  over  courage,  discipline, 

»nd  the  most  refined  skill  in  Annibal ;  finally,  such  were  her 

'  victories  and  conquests-,  that  no  nation  ever  surpassed  or  equalled 

the  Romans  in  military  glory. 

But,  as  it  is  not  sufficient  for  the  prosperity  of  a  nation  to  have 
brave  troops  and  able  generals,  unless  there  be  also  a  wise  gov- 
ernment, we  should  also  consider  with  great  attention,  the  char- 
acter, views  and  policy  of  the  Roman  senate. 

Never  was  there  an  assembly  in  which,  for  a  long  course  of 
'  ages,  objects  of  public  administration  were  discussed  with  greater 
maturity,  foresight,  wisdom,  concord,  and  zeal.  Here  were 
faithfully  preserved  the  ancient  maxims  of  the  commonwealth. 
Here  were  contrived  the  best  schemes' for  the  welfare  and  glory 
of  the  state.  AVhat  should  appear  still  more  admirable,  was  their 
conduct  in  times  of  great  adversity  or  peril ;  through  a  loftiness 
of  mind  quite  characteristic  of  the  Roman  people,  their  senate 
never  assumed  a  more  threatening  attitude,  never  adopted  more 
vigorous  measures,  than  under  such  circumstances.  Weak  coun- 
sels were  not  so  much  as  listened  to,  and  the  senators  and  officers 
of  state  showed  themselves  more  firm,  even  after  the  most  disas- 
trous defeat,  than  after  a  decisive  victory. 

Let  the  reader  call  to  mind  the  time  in  which  the  republic, 
still  weak  and  in  its  infancy,  was  distracted  at  home  by  the  in- 
flammatory speeches  of  the  plebeian  tribunes,  and  attacked  in  the 
field  by  an  illustrious  and  angry  exile  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
army  of  the  Yolsci ;  it  was  in  this  terrible  situation  that  the 
Reman  senate  appeared  most  intrepid.  The  Volsci,  always 
defeated  before,  but  now  constantly  victorious  under  Coriolanus, 
wcr3  threatening  Rome  with  the  most  serious  evils,  if  their  peti- 
tion of  certain  rights  and  privileges  was  not  granted.  The  city 
had  DO  sufficient  force  to  oppose  to  the  enemy  Every  thing  was 
to  be  feared ;  still  the  senate  issued  this  astonishing  decree,  that 
nothing  should  be  yielded  to  a  threatening  foe,  nor  any  treaty 
whatever  concluded  with  him,  till  he  should  have  withdrawn  his 

2d 


326  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

armies  from  the  territory  of  the  republic.  They  acted  in  like 
manner  towards  Pyrrhus;  and,  still  more  resolute  towards  Anni- 
bal,  they  would  not  so  much  as  receive  a  deputy  sent  by  this  great 
general  to  make  overtures  of  peace  after  his  victory  at  Cannae. 

It  was  therefore  a  fundamental  principle  of  Roman  policy, 
never  to  make  any  concession  to  a  victorious  enemy,  ^'  Other 
nations,  when  in  distress,  could  weigh  their  sufferings  against  the 
concessions  which  they  were  required  to  make ;  and  among  the 
evils  to  which  they  were  exposed,  preferred  what  appeared  to  be 
the  least.  The  Romans  alone  spurned  the  advances  of  a  victo- 
rious enemy ;  were  not  to  be  moved  by  sutferings ;  and,  though 
they  cautiously  avoided  difficulties  that  were  likely  to  surpass 
their  strength,  did  not  allow  it  to  be  supposed  that  they  were 
governed  by  fear  in  any  case  whatever.  They  willingly  treated 
with  the  vanquished,  and  were  ready  to  grant  the  most  liberal 
terms,  when  the  concession  could  not  be  imputed  to  weakness  or 
fear.  By  such  free  and  unforced  concessions,  indeed,  they  estab- 
lished a  reputation  for  generosity,  which  contributed  no  less  than 
their  valor  to  secure  the  dominion  they  acquired.''* 

The  conduct  of  the  Roman  senate  was  not  less  admirable 
towards  their  fellow-citizens,  than  steady  and  firm  towards 
foreign  enemies.  The  senators  often  evinced  towards  the  people 
a  truly  parental  condescension.  Among  numerous  facts  of  this 
nature,  we  may  adduce  the  liberal  and  humane  decree,  by  which, 
in  a  time  of  great  necessity,  the  leaders  of  the  government  not 
only  imposed  a  higher  tax  upon  themselves  than  upon  the  other 
Romans,  as  was  commonly  the  case,  but  even  released  the  poor 
citizens  from  all  taxation,  and  said  that  the  latter  did  enough  for 
the  service  of  the  republic  by  their  labor  and  the  care  of  their 
families.  These  mafks  of  disinterested  kindness  quite  enraptured 
the  minds  of  the  people,  and  rendered  them  more  than  ever 
determined  to  do  and  suffer  every  thing  for  the  service  of  so 
generous  a  countr-y. 

The  government  of  Rome,  whose  approval  was  of  itself  a  re- 
compense, knew  well  how  to  bestow  praise  or  blame,  as  circum- 
stances required.  Immediately  after  a  battle,  the  consuls  and 
other  generals  assembled  the  army,  and  distributed  among  the 
officers  and  soldiers  the  rewards  and  congratulations,  and  &ome- 
times  the  reproaches,  which  they  deserved;  but  they  themselves 
generally  waited  for  the  decision  of  the  senate,  to  know  whether 
thc}^  should  enjoy,  or  not,  the  honors  of  a  triumphal  entry  into 
Rome.     Praises  were  highly  valued,  because  given  after  mature 


*  Ferguson,  b.  ii,  c.  2. 


i 


CAUSES  OF  ROMAN  TOWER,  ETC.  827 

deliberation;  and  reproaches  were  greatly  apprebended,  because 
fuldresscd  to  sensible  and  lofty  minds.  The  fear  of  military  chas- 
tisements kept  the  Roman  soldier  within  the  bounds  of  duty, 
whilst  the  sense  of  national  glory,  and  rewards  properly  distri- 
buted, raised  him,  as  it  were,  above  himself. 

A  nation  composed  of  citizens  and  magistrates,  generals  and 

UUcrs  of  this  description,  is  conscious  of  its  incomparable 
strength,  never  yields  to  despondency,  and  never  believes  itself 
devoid  of  resource.  Hence  the  Romans  stood  undismayed,  when 
]?orseuna  confined  them  within  the  walls  of  Rome;  when  the 
Gauls,  after  burning  the  city,  closely  besieged  them  in  their  last 
refuge,  the  capitol ;  when  Pyrrhus  terrified  them  by  the  sight  of 
bis  elephants,  and  defeated  their  legions ;  and  when  Anuibal,  not 
to  mention  his  previous  victories  over  them,  destroyed  in  the 
battle  of  Cannae  the  most  numerous  and  gallant  army  that  they 
had  ever  equipped. 

On  the  last  mentioned  occasion,  the  consul  Terentius  Varro, 
whose  temerity  had  occasioned  so  signal  a  defeat,  was  received 
at  Rome  with  great  honors  and  public  thanks,  merely  because  in 
this  dreadful  disaster  he  had  not  despaired  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  senate  redoubled  its  energy ;  the  people  took  courage ;  new 
levies  of  troops  were  made,  who  fought  like  veterans ;  in  a  short 
time,  Rome  regained  her  ascendancy ;  and  Annibal,  successful 
as  he  had  hitherto  been,  and  formidable  as  he  continued  to  be, 
could  not  resist  her  efforts.  This  great  man,  weakened  by  his 
own  victories,  did  not  receive  from  his  country  the  same  support 
which  Rome  gave  to  her  vanquished  generals ;  he  was  at  length 
entirely  defeated  by  Scipio,  and  with  him  fell  the  glory  and  power 
of  Carthage. 

Such  was  the  fruit  of  Roman  constancy,  and  in  this  manner 
did  the  Romans  advance  towards  the  conquest  of  the  whole  world. 
It  is  true  that  they  from  that  time  joined  with  courage  and 
patience,  a  variety  of  means  less  just  or  less  honorable  :  the  splen- 
dor of  their  past  success  increased  their  ambition,  and  thirst  after 
new  glory  and  advantages  frequently  rendered  them  ungenerous 
Such  in  particular  was  their  conduct  towards  Carthage,  Greece, 
and  the  last  Macedonian  kings.  From  this  time  especially,  they 
applied  themselves,  on  the  one  hand,  to  gain  and  secure  allies, 
and  on  the  other,  either  by  artful  negociations  or  by  open  force, 
to  disunite  and  weaken  their  enemies.  Hence,  indeed,  no  one 
should  be  surprised  to  sec  them,  for  some  time  longer,  advance 
with  rapid  strides  in  the  career  of  conquest ;  being  now  upheld 
by  so  much  strength  already  acquired  and  so  many  means  of  fu- 
tare  progress,  they  subdued  powerful  kingdoms  with  even  greater 


328  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Takt  VL 

facility  tlian  tliey  formerly  conquered  villages.  But  this  Leiglit 
of  prosperity  soon  produced  a  fatal  reaction.  Its  effect  on  the 
nation  at  large,  on  the  private  citizens  in  particular,  and  on  the 
magistrates,  officers  and  leaders  of  the  state,  inflicted  a  mortal 
wound  on  the  primitive  spirit  of  the  commonwealth,  and  prepared 
by  degrees  its  change  into  an  empire. 

When  the  republic,  says  Sallust,  had  become  prosperous 
by  industry  and  justice;  when  powerful  kings  had  been  con 
quered  in  war,  and  numerous  nations  subdued;  when  CarthagCj 
the  rival  of  Rome,  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  all  seas  and  lands 
had  passed  under  the  Roman  sway :  a  deplorable  change  began 
to  manifest  itself  in  the  manners  of  the  whole  nation.  Men, 
whom  neither  hardships,  nor  dangers,  nor  adversities,  had  been 
able  to  overcome,  were  vanquished  by  repose  and  wealth.  Am- 
bition and  avarice,  the  fatal  source  of  all  evils,  grew  in  proportioo 
to  the  extent  of  the  empire  :*  avarice  expelled  fidelity,  honesty, 
and  other  virtues,  substituting  in  their  stead  pride,  contempt  of 
religion,  extortion,  and  wide-spread  venality ;  ambition  introduced 
fraud  and  perfidy,  afterwards  party  spirit,  dissension,  proscription, 
and  bloodshed. 

To  the  private  citizens,  the  increase  of  territory  and  the 
conquests  made  by  the  state  became  the  source  of  ruinous 
corruption.  The  treasures  of  the  subdued  provinces  began  to 
flow  incessantly  into  Rome,  and  filled  the  coffers  of  private 
individuals,  as  well  as  those  of  the  commonwealth.  When  there 
was  no  longer  any  peril  threatening  their  prosperity,  the  Roman 
population,  now  recruited  in  a  great  measure  from  emancipa- 
ted captives  or  slaves,  became  almost  ungovernable,  indolent,  and 
eager,  as  it  were,  for  nothing  but  gratuitous  distribution  of  corn 
and  the  games  of  the  circus. t  Their  affection  was  confined 
to  those  persons  who  gratified  them  by  liberal  gifts  and  bj 
the  frequency  of  public  exhibitions,  such  as  that  of  gladiators  oi 
combatants  fighting  for  the  barbarous  diversion  of  the  people 
Besides  these  disorders,  tke  former  feuds  between  the  patricians 
and  plebeians,  which  had  been  suspended  by  the  importance 
of  foreign  events,  were  renewed  with  increased  animosity;  and 
there  needed  but  a  spark  to  produce  a  dreadful  conflag^tion 
in  the  very  centre  of  the  republic. 

In  fine,  the  offices  of  the  state,  the  command  of  the  armies,  and 
the  government  of  the  provinces,  as  they  now  led  their  possess- 
ors to  great  fortune,  began  also  to  be  coveted  and  sought  with 

*  Primo  pecunice,  deinde  imperii  cupido   crevit;  ea  quasi  materies 
omnium  malorum  fuere. — Sallust.    Catilin.  c   x. 
f  Panem  et  circenses. — Juvenal,  Sat   x,  1.  81. 


B.  c.  163—133.  ROMANS  IN  SPAIN.  329 

(ho  greatest  avidity.  Instead  of  the  former  illustrious  men  who 
strove  only  for  the  palm  of  merit  in  the  service  of  the  common- 
^vo:llth,  men  of  a  factious  spirit  arose,  who  contended  for  the 
greatest  share  of  its  spoils;  sacrificing  the  public  good  to  private 
interests  and  animosities,  they  endeavored,  by  every  means 
ill  their  power,  by  bribery,  intrigue,  or  violence,  to  draw  the 
|u  ople  and  soldiers  to  their  side,  and  make  them  subservient 
to  the  views  of  their  lawless  ambition.  Accordingly,  Rome  was 
exposed  during  this  period  to  the  constant  danger  of  dissensions 
»nd  wars  between  her  own  citizens,  till  some  daring,  ambitious 
uid  uncommonly  skilful  leader  might  prevail  over  all  his 
competitors,  and  become  absolute  master  of  the  state. 

This  was,  at  the  epoch  which  our  narrative  has  reached,  so 
manifestly  the  tendency  of  alFairs  at  Rome,  that  Polybius,  the 
historian,  who  lived  at  that  time,  foresaw  and  announced  the 
approaching  change  of  the  Roman  republic  into  a  monarchy.* 
The  recital  of  the  ensuing  events  will  plainly  show  the  depth 
and  correctness  of  his  observation,  while  it  will  impart  to  the 
reader  a  knowledge  of  the  conquests  by  which  Rome  completed 
the  formation  of  her  empire. 


AFFAIRS  OF  THE  ROMANS  IN  SPAIN.— b.  c.  158—133. 

Of  all  the  countries  which  the  Romans  subdued,  none  offered 
them  a  more  determined  and  protracted  resistance  than  Spain. 
At  the  very  epoch  of  their  success  in  Greece  and  Africa,  they 
met  with  a  most  terrible  opposition  from  the  Spanish  tribes. 
On  the  one  side,  the  Lusitanians,  headed  by  Yiriathus,  on 
the  other,  the  Numantines,  often  defeated  them,  and  covered 
their  generals  with  disgrace  and  shame.  This  contest  was 
carried  on  for  about  twenty  years,  with  some  short  intervals 
of  repose,  but  still  with  extreme  animosity;  nor  could  it  be 
otherwise  brought  to  a  termination,  than  by  the  death  of  Viria- 
thus  and  the  entire  destruction  of  the  city  of  Numantia. 

This  Viriathus  was  a  Lusitanian,  of  low  birth,  but  of  lofty 
sentiments,  possessing  great  energy  of  soul  and  an  uncommon 
share  of  natural  abilities.  Having  escaped  from  a  dreadful 
massacre  of  the  inhabitants  of  his  district  ordered  by  a  Roman 
proDtor,  he  became,  from  a  hunter  and  shepherd,  the  chief  leader 
of  his  exasperated  countrymen.  Either  by  open  force  or  skilful 
stratagem,  he  frequently  overcame  the  armies  sent  against 
him  from  Romo  under  the  command  of  praetors  and  consuls :  on 
*Polybius,  b.  vi,  Extracts  1  and  3. 
28* 


880  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

one  occaslou  particularly,  witli  only  six  thousand  followers, 
he  defeated  an  army  of  nearly  twenty  thousand  men,  many 
of  whom  were  killed.  Yiriathus,  it  is  true,  was  himself  occa- 
sionally  defeated ;  yet,  he  never  ceased  to  be  as  formidable  to  the 
Romans  by  his  valor,  as  ho  was  endeared  to  his  soldiers  by 
his  moderation,  disinterestedness  and  generosity.  This  hero, 
after  having  resisted  the  attacks  of  Rome  for  ten  years,  at  length 
fell  a  victim  to  an  odious  treason  contrived  by  a  Roman  consul, 
and  was  basely  assassinated  in  his  own  camp  and  during  his 
sleep  (b.  c.  140). 

The  death  of  Viriathus  ended  the  war  against  the  Lusitanians, 
but  not  the  Numantine  war,  which,  on  the  contrary,  gave  for 
several  years  longer  immense  trouble  and  vexation  to  the  Ro- 
mans. Those  generals  who  were  successively  appointed  to 
conduct  it,  either  disgusted  the  natives  by  their  breach  of  faith, 
or  ruined  their  own  troops  by  their  imprudence.  The  city 
of  Numantia  alone,  inconsiderable  in  itself,  but  remarkable  for 
the  courage  of  its  inhabitants,  withstood  and  baffled,  during 
several  years,  all  the  efforts  of  these  conquerors  of  the  world. 
The  assailants  were  often  repelled  with  great  loss,  and  compelled 
to  abandon  or  interrupt  the  siege.  It  once  happened  that  only 
four  thousand  Numantines  put  to  flight  a  consular  army  of 
twenty  thousand  men,  and,  closely  surrounding  them  in  a 
narrow  defile,  obliged  their  leader,  the  consul  Mancinus,  to 
conclude  a  treaty  of  peace  equally  necessary  to  his  troops  and 
dishonorable  to  the  Roman  name. 

The  senate  and  the  people  of  Rome  were  afflicted  and  ashamed 
to  see  their  armies  constantly  defeated  by   an  enemy  compar- 
atively so  weak  and  so  inferior  in  number.     They  at  last  de- 
termined to  select  a  general  both  willing  and  able  to  retrieve 
the  honor  of  the  republic.     The  eyes  of  all  were  directed  to 
Scipio  ^milianus,  the  conqueror  of  Carthage ;  he  was  therefore 
appointed  consul,  and  set  out  for  Spain.     Here  he  found  the 
army   without   subordination    and  discipline,  and  given  up   to 
luxury,  indolence   and  licentiousness.     The  consul  immediately 
understood  that,  before  attempting  to  fight  the  enemy,  he  must^ 
restore    order,   and    eifect   a    thorough   reformation    among   his'.' 
own  troops.     He  commenced  this  necessary  work  by  removing ' 
from  the  camp  whatever  savored  of  efFemii!tcy  or  mere  comfort;  i 
and  confined  the  soldiers  to  the  plain  necessaries  of  life.     He 
afterwards  compelled  them  to  make  long  marches,  each  soldier 
carrying  his  baggage,  his  arms,  his  provision  of  corn  for  fifteen 
or  twenty  days,  and  seven  stakes  for  making  intrenchments.     At 
other  times,  for  the  mere  purpog^  of  inuring   them    to  labor 


I 


8.  c.  186— IS^.        INSURRECTION  IN  SICILY.  331 

and  fatigue,  he  required  them  to  dig  the  ground,  build  walls  and 
erect  palisades,  which  he  caused  a  moment  after  to  be  demol- 
ished: ''Let  them,"  said  he,  "be  covered  with  mud,  since  they 
dare  not  be  covered  with  the  blood  of  the  enemy.''* 

In  a  short  time,  the  condition  of  the  army  became  entirely 
different  from  what  it  was  before.  The  soldiers  seemed  to  have 
boon  changed   into  other   men,  and  they   who  formerly    could 

^  bear  the  sight  or  voice  of  the  Numantines,  were  now  ready 
tight  them  with  advantage  in  the  open  field.  Scipio  ap- 
proached Numantia,  and  surrounded  it  with  a  line  of  intrench- 
ments  composed  of  a  ditch  and  wall  flanked  with  towers.  Want 
of  provisions  was  soon  felt  in  the  city ;  it  gradually  became 
terrible,  and  made  so  frightful  ravages  among  the  unfortunate 
iiihabitants,  that,  after  having  exhausted  all  the  means  of 
support  Avhich  necessity  can  suggest,  they  at  last  fed  on  human 
tlesh.  Starvation  and  the  usual  train  of  attendant  evils  had 
so  for  emaciated  them,  that  they  looked  no  longer  like  men, 
but  like  walking  and  ghastly  skeletons.  Finally,  not  to  outlive 
their  freedom,  they  killed  one  another  :  yet,  a  few  among  them, 
of  less  desperate  feelings,  surrendered  to  the  Romans  at  dis- 
cretion. Scipio  reserved  fifty  of  them  for  his  triumph,  sold 
the  rest,  and  levelling  their  city  to  the  ground,  distributed 
the  lands  which  had  belonged  to  it  among  the  neighboring  tribes 
(b.  c.  13.S).  Although  the  Spanish  peninsula  was  not  yet 
entirely  subdued,  still  the  capture  and  destruction  of  Numantia 
firmly  established  the  power  of  the  Romans  in  that  country. 
Shortly  after,  their  legions,  having  completed  the  reduction 
of  northern  Italy  by  the  defeat  of  the  Ligurians,  crossed  the 
Alps  and  subdued  likewise  the  southern  part  of  Gaul,  where 
they  founded  the  cities  of  Aix  and  Narbonne. 


H.  INSURRECTION  IN  SICILY.— b.  c.  135—132. 

Whilst  the  Romans  extended  their  conquests  on  ditferen? 
sides,  they  were  very  near  losing  the  most  ancient  and  valuable 
of  their'provinces,  the  island  of  Sicily.  A  vast  number  of  slaves 
were  engaged  in  cultivating,  for  the  profit  of  Rome,  that 
fertile  and  extensive  territory,  which  was  justly  considered  the 
granary  and,  as  it  were,  the  nurse  of  the  commonwealth.  These 
slaves,  exasperated  by  the  ill-treatment  inflicted  on  them  by 
their  masters,  revolted  against  them  and  flew  to  arms  in  every 

*Luto  inquinari,  qui  sanguine  nollent,  jubebantur. — Florus,  Epitome, 
ii.  c.  18' 


I 


ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

part  of  tlie  island.  They  cliose  for  their  chief  leader  a  man 
called  Eunus,  a  native  of  Syria,  who  took  the  insignia  of  royalty 
together  with  the  name  of  Antiochus.  His  armyiose  in  a  short 
time  to  seventy  thousand  men;  and  it  is  thought,  besides, 
that  the  total  number  of  revolted  slaves  in  Sicily  was  not 
less  than  two  hundred  thousand. 

Thus  organized,  the  insurgents  committed  frightful  cruelties  and 
depredations  throughout  the  island.  They  conquered  the  Roman 
iroops  who  attempted  to  stop  their  progress,  and  defeated  four 
praetors  in  succession;  so  that  it  became  necessary  to  send 
vjonsuhir  armies  in  order  to  suppress  the  revolt.  After  an 
undecisive  campaign  under  the  consul  Fulvius,  his  successor, 
CalpuVnius  Piso,  gave  a  severe  check  to  the  rebels  near  Messina. 
Still  it  was  only  a  third  consul,  P.  Rupilius,  who  succeeded 
in  terminating  the  war  by  destroying  great  numbers  of  them, 
capturing  their  fortified  places,  and  putting  to  death  their 
principal  leaders. 

Rupilius  made  it  the  chief  object  of  his  care,  to  leave  in  Sicily 
no  vestige  of  the  late  insurrection.  With  a  body  of  chosen 
troops,  he  went  through  the  island,  and  having  entirely  pacified 
it,  made  regulations  which  greatly  pleased  the  people,  and  were 
regarded  as  the  basis  of  public  tranquillity  (b.  c.  132). 


DISTURBANCES  EXCITED  BY  THE  GRACCHI.— u.  c.  133—121. 

The  destruction  of  Numantia,  and  the  close  of  the  war 
against  the  revolted  slaves  in  Sicily,  coincided  with  the  begin- 
ning of  the  civil  wars  in  Rome.  Hitherto  the  warmest  contests 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians  had  been  carried  on,  and 
their  diff'erences  adjusted,  without  resorting  to  arms ;  the  ani- 
mosity of  the  parties  did  not  go  beyond  a  certain  limit,  and 
either  the  condescension  of  the  senate  or  the  moderation  of 
the  people  prevented  the  effusion  of  blood.  But  we  have  now 
reached  the  period  when  ambition,  interest  and  jealousy,  con- 
cealed under  an  apparent  zeal  for  the  public  good,  prevailed  over 
true  patriotism,  wise  counsels  and  moderate  government.  In- 
sidious and  illegal  attacks  on  one  side,  extreme  measures  and 
violent  remedies  on  the  other,  gave  rise  to  those  bloody  dis- 
gensions  which,  being  often  renewed  with  increased  animosity, 
terminated  in  the  downfall  of  the  republic. 

There  existed  an  ancient  agrarian  law  forbidding  any  Roman 
.o  possess  more  than  five  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  it  was  also 
tto  ancient  custom  to  distribute  a  part  of  the  conquered  ter- 


B.  c.  183—121.  THE  GRACCHI.  833 

I 

ritories  among  the  poor  citizens.  But  tLese  regulations  had 
'  pot  been  enforced  for  some  centuries,  and  the  wealthy  fam- 
iliir!  of  Home  continued  with  impunity  to  enlarge  their  estates, 
which  they  caused  to  be  cultivated  by  slaves;  whereas  the  lower 
Ll;isses  of  the  people  had  neither  land  enough  nor  sufficient 
lucrative  employment  to  provide  for  their  support.  This  in- 
oiuality  of  fortune  appeared  to  many  persons  an  intolerable 
disorder,  and  one,  too,  peculiarly  shocking  in  a  republic.  An 
attempt  to  suppress  it  by  the  revival  of  the  agrarian  law,  was 
made  by  two  illustrious  brothers,  Tiberius  Gracchus  and  Caius 
G  racchus,  who,  besides  being  allied  by  birth  and  matrimonial 
c(»nnexions  with  the  first  families  of  Eome,  were  still  more 
commendable  for  their  talent,  eloquence,  courage  and  liberality. 
The  Gracchi  were  the  sons  of  Tiberius  Sempronius  Gracchus, 
who,  though  once  raised  to  the  censorship,  twice  to  the  consu- 
late, and  twice  honored  with  a  triumph,  yet  derived  still  greater 
dignity  from  his  virtues.  There  had  always  existed  an  op- 
position between  him  and  the  family  of  the  Scipios  :  but  when 
both  Publius  and  Lucius  Scipio  were  persecuted  by  a  powerful 
faction  at  Rome,  Sempronius  Gracchus  had  the  generosity  to 
declare  himself  in  their  favor  and  openly  to  take  their  defence, 
even  against  the  tribunes  his  colleagues.  It  is  believed  that 
to  his  conduct  on  this  occasion  he  was  indebted  for  his  subsequent 
alliance  with  their  illustrious  family;  for  towards  the  close 
of  the  life  of  that  Scipio  who  conquered  Annibal,  he  married 
Cornelia,  Scipio' s  daughter,  thus  throwing  new  lustre  around  his 
own  name.  He  died  with  a  well  deserved  reputation  for  wisdom 
and  virtue,  and  had  a  statue  erected  in  his  honor. 
I  Cornelia,  being  left  a  widow,  devoted  her  whole  attention  to 
i  the  management  of  her  house  and  the  education  of  her  chil- 
dren. Two  of  them,  Tiberius  and  Caius,  the  objects  of  the 
present  section,  so  faithfully  corresponded  to  the  cares  of  their 
i  mother,  that  though  they  manifested  the  happiest  genius  and 
'  disposition,  it  was  thought  they  owed  still  more  to  education 
than  to  nature.  Hence  they  became  the  peculiar  object  of  Cor- 
nelia's glory  and  pride,  as  she  on  one  occasion  forcibly  manifest- 
ed in  a  conversation  with  a  Campanian  lady.  This  lady  having 
first,  with  much  self-complacency,  laid  her  diamonds,  pearls, 
and  other  precious  jewels  before  the  eyes  of  Cornelia,  beg- 
ged that  she  might  see  those  of  Cornelia  herself.  The  latter, 
instead  of  answering,  turned  the  conversation  to  some  other 
object,  till  her  sons  returned  from  school.  When  they  entered 
the  room  of  their  mother;  ^^  these,''  said  she  to  the  Campanian 
iady,  "are  my  jewels  and  my  ornaments:" — Words  truly  ad 


834  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pari  VI, 

mirable,  and  containing  a  most   important   instruction  for  all 
mothers  and  children,  .^r^ 

The  two  brothers  hec^ne  eminent  orators^  though  there  was  a 
great  dissimilarity  both  in  their  delivery  and  their  language. 
The  delivery  of  Caius  was  extremely  energetic,  and  calculated  to 
produce  terror;  that  of  Tiberius  was  milder,  and  tended  to 
excite  emotion.  Likewise,  the  language  of  Caius  was  splendid 
and  vehement;  that  of  Tiberius, chaste  and  persuasive,  and  this 
difference  in  their  oratory  seems  to  have  arisen  from  the  diiier- 
ence  of  their  tempers.  Tiberius  was  mild  and  gentle;  Caiud 
was  high  spirited  and  uncontrolled,  insomuch  that  he  would  often, 
in  addressing  the  people,  be  carried  away  by  the  vehemence 
of  his  feelings,  exalt  his  voice  above  the  regular  pitch,  indulge  in 
strong  expressions,  and,  hurried  along,  as  it  were,  by  the  fire  of 
action,  would  move  from  one  end  of  the  rostrum  to  the  other. 
To  guard  against  excess,  he  ordered  his  servant  Licinius,  a 
judicious  man,  to  stand  behind  him  during  his  harangues  to 
the  people,  with  a  flageolet,  and  whenever  he  found  him  straining 
his  voice  or  inclined  to  anger,  to  give  him  a  softer  key.  This 
was  sufiicient  to  make  him  immediately  abate  the  violence  of 
both  his  action  and  language,  and  to  resume  a  natural  tone. 

Such  were  the  illustrious  brothers  Tiberius  and  Caius  Grac- 
chus. Their  natural  dispositions  and  mental  acquirements  added 
to  their  virtues,  liberality,  courage,  temperance,  etc.  seemed 
to  prognosticate  in  behalf  of  Eome  a  long  series  of  great  and 
important  services.  Unfortunately,  these  hopes  were  blasted  by 
the  nature  of  the  course  which  they  thought  proper  to  adopt 
and  which  they  too  obstinately  pursued. 

The  design  in  behalf  of  the  poor  citizens  had  every  appear- 
ance of  humanity  and  equity;  still,  in  other  points  of  view, 
it  implied  a  great  abuse  of  power.  It  tended  to  nothing  lesa 
than  to  undermine  the  general  security  of  property,  by  attacking 
possessions  which,  however  unlawful  they  may  have  been  in 
their  origin,  had  quietly  passed,  through  a  long  series  of  ages, 
from  the  former  to  the  present  owners  by  way  of  inheritance, 
dowry,  or  purchase  made  in  good  faith.  To  restore  estates 
of  this  description  to  their  original  destination,  was  manifestly  to 
introduce  confusion  and  trouble  into  the  bosom  of  innumerable 
families,  and  strangely  attempt  to  enrich  one  portion  of  the  I 
citizens  at  the  expense  of  the  other.  Moreover,  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  Gracchi  endeavored  to  carry  out  their  views, 
sometimes  by  illegal  means,  at  other  times  with  strong  signs 
of  resentment  and  animosity  against  the  senate.  Hence  no  one 
should  be  surprised  that;  although  they  may  be  praised  in  som« 


g.  0.  188—121.  THE  GRACCITI.  335 

respects,  for  instance,  for  their  disinterestedness  and  magna- 
nimity, still  they  have  been  generally  considered,  even  by 
tlit^  greatest  men,  as  the  leaders  of  a  faction  and  the  disturbers 
of  public  peace.* 

Tiberius,  the  elder,  being  appointed  plebeian  tribune,  un- 
dertook with  great  vigor  to  effect  the  revival  of  the  agrarian  law 
^.)  untiring  were  his  exertions,  and  so  well  was  he  supported  by 
he  favor  of  the  people  against  the  opposition  of  the  wealthy 
itizcns,  that  he  at  last  carried  his  point,  and  had  the  law 
republished.  Still  his  popularity,  owing  to  some  despotic  meas- 
ures to  which  he  had  resorted,  began  to  be  on  the  decline.  The 
fenate,  at  the  same  time,  forgetting  their  usual  moderation, 
re.^olved  to  oppose  violence  to  the  practices  of  the  tribune. 
They  availed  themselves,  for  this  purpose,  of  the  following 
circumstance  :  Tiberius,  in  a  general  assembly  of  "the  people, 
not  being  able  on  account  of  the  noise  to  make  himself  heard, 
pointed  with  his  hand  at  his  head,  to  mean  that  his  life  was 
at  stake.  This  gesture  was  maliciously  interpreted  by  some 
to  mean  that  he  asked  for  a  royal  diadem.  The  senators,  headed 
by  Scipio  Nasica  and  accompanied  by  their  clients,  ran  forward 
to  attack  the  unhappy  tribune,  notwithstanding  the  crowd  by 
ffhich  he  was  surrounded.  Tiberius  fled,  but  having  fallen  and 
being  overtaken  in  his  flight,  he  was  killed  with  three  huh- 
dred  of  his  partisans  (b.  c.  133). 

Caius  Gracchus,  who  was  nine  years  younger  than  Tiberius 
had  scarcely  any  share  in  these  first  disturbances ;  he  withdrew 
for  a  time  from  the  public  assemblies,  as  though  he  had  no 
desire  to  avenge  the  death  and  pursue  the  projects  of  his  brother. 
But  no  sooner  was  he  himself  raised  to  the  dignity  of  tribune^ 
than  the  people  fotind  in  him  a  most  zealous  defender  of 
their  claims;  and  the  senate,  a  most  formidable  opponent  of 
their  privileges  and  authority.  By  the  magic  power  of  his 
eloquence,  Caius  carried  out  whatever  he  proposed  to  the 
multitude,  and  by  this  means  was  enabled  to  make  a  variety 
of  regulations  more  or  less  hostile  to  the  patrician  order,  and 
some  of  them  subversive  of  the  established  rules  of  government. 
The  senate  devised  a  singular  means  to  weaken  the  amaziug 
popularity  and  influence  of  this  daring  officer;  it  consisted 
in  making  still  greater  concessions  to  the  people  than  he  had 

*  See  in  Plutarch's  life  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  the  decided  opinion  of 
Scipio  iEmilianus;  also  Livy,  Fjjit.,  b.  58— CI ;  Cicero  JJe  officiis,  b.  ii, 
nos  43,  78,  79,  and  80 ;  St.  Augustine  De  Civitate  Dei,  b.  iii,  c.  24 ; 
Bossuet,  Discourse,  part  i,  ad  ann.  133  and  121,  and  part  iii,  ch.  7 ;  Fer- 
guson, b.  ii,  c.  2  ;  etc. 


336  ANCIENT  HlSTOlir.  Part  VI. 

made.  Seeing  their  efforts  attended  with  success,  they  at  lennh 
resolved  to  attack  him  by  open  force.  The  consul  Opimius, 
his  personal  enemy,  marched  against  him  with  a  body  of  chosen 
and  well  armed  men,  and  easily  put  the  attendants  of  the  tribune 
either  to  the  sword  or  to  a  precipitate  flight.  Caius,  abandoned 
by  that  very  people  to  whose  interests  he  had  sacrificed  every 
other  consideration,  was  not  offered  so  much  as  a  horse  to  make 
his  escape.  When  he  saw  his  enemies  almost  upon  him,  not 
to  fall  into  their  hands,  he  ordered  a  slave  to  kill  him  ;  the  slave 
obeyed,  and  immediately  after  ran  his  sword  through  his  own 
body,  and  died  near  his  master.  In  this  terrible  affray,  there 
perished  with  Caius  about  three  thousand  persons,  whose  dead 
bodies  were  thrown  into  the  Tiber  (b.  c.  121). 
,  Such  was  the  unhappy  end  of  Tiberius  and  Caius  Gracchus, 
whom  a  mistaken  zeal  rendered  the  disturbers  of  their  country, 
whereas  they  might  have  been  its  best  defenders  and  brightest 
ornaments.  Together  with  them  disappeared  their  projects 
and  laws,  but,  as  the  sequel  will  show,  not  the  sad  example 
of  those  dissensions  and  violent  contests  which  their  proceedings 
had  occasioned. 

SCIPIO  ^MILIANUS.— HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 

Among  the  victims  of  the  late  disturbances,  there  was  one  still 
jiore  distinguished  than  the  Gracchi  themselves,  viz.  Scipio 
iEmilianus,  the  concjueror  of  Numantia  and  Carthage.  He  had 
just  returned  from  the  Numantine  war,  when,  being  publicly 
asked  what  he  thought  of  the  violent  death  of  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
he  answered  that  Tiberius  had  deserved  it  by  his  illegal  and  fac- 
tious proceedings. 

This  answer  highly  displeased  the  people,  most  of  whom  sided 
with  the  Gracchi.  Scipio  was  aware  of  the  circumstance,  and 
beheld  the  rapid  decline  of  his  popularity ;  yet,  he  never  deviated 
from  the  line  of  conduct  which  he  had  adopted,  as  the  only  one 
calculated  to  secure  the  welfare  of  the  state.  He  moreover  used 
all  his  influence  to  prevent  the  consequences  of  the  late  innova- 
tion, and  with  invincible  firmness  opposed  the  partiality  of  the 
commissioners  who  had  been  appointed  to  make  a  new  distribu- 
tion of  lands  among  the  citizens.  This  conduct  was  the  more 
laudable,  as  Scipio  might  have  been  a  gainer  by  the  rigorous 
execution  of  the  agrarian  law ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was 
not  ignorant  of  the  machinations  which  the  leaders  of  the  popular 
party  were  contriving  against  his  life.  Neither  the  name  and 
character,  nor  the  virtues  and  exploits  of  this  great  man,  could 


J 


SCiriO  JEMILIANUS.  837 

;hcUer  him  against  their  violence  :  he  was  found  dead  in  hi3  bed, 
^ith  evident  marks  of  having  been  strangled  during  the  night 
]!  0.  129).     Scipio  jEmilianus  had  lived  fifty-six  years. 

Ivome  lost  in  him  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  heroes  that  her 
liistory  could    boast  of;    and,  to   use    the    expressions  of  Plu- 
tarch, ''one  incomparably  the  first,  both  in  virtue  and  power, 
f  tlie  Romans  of  his  time."*     Party  spirit  and  animosity  did  not 
"  i\v  the  solemn  celebration  of  his  obsequies;  but  the  intense 
row  manifested  by  every  one  who  loved  virtue,  fully  made  up 
1  >r  this  deficiency  of  exterior  pomp.     Even  his  former  rivals  in 
glory  acknowledged  his  superior  merit.     Q.  Metellus  Macedonicus, 
Olio  of  the  leading  men  in  the  state,  but  who  had  always  been 
o})posed  to  Scipio,  directed  his  sons  to  attend  the  funeral  of  the 
deceased  hero:     '' Gro,  my  sons,"  said  he,  "you  never  will  render 
this  last  duty  to  a  greater  man  and  a  better  citizen."     Another 
sviuitor  of  high  rank  publicly  thanked  the  gods  for  having  made 
Scipio  a  Roman  ;   "because,"  said  he,  "the  empire  of  the  world 
'  must  needs  have  been  for  that  nation  and  country  which  produced 
^nd  nurtured  so  remarkable  a  personage." 

It  was  a  peculiar  feature  in  the  character  of  Scipio  ^railianus, 
that,  belonging  to  one  illustrious  family  by  birth  and  to  another 
by  adoption,  he  perfectly  sustained  and  even  increased  the  honor 
of  both,  as  he  excelled  all  his  contemporaries  in  the  arts  of  war 
and  of  civil  government.f  An  intrepid  warrior  and  an  excellent 
general,  he  equally  signalized  himself  in  the  inferior  rank  of  an 
officer  and  in  the  chief  command  of  armies.  With  valor  and 
prudence  he  joined  greatness  of  views,  and  such  a  firmness  in 
maintaining  military  discipline,  as  contributed  not  less  than  his 
courage  and  skill  to  the  success  of  his  campaigns;  though,  under 
another  respect,  it  is  painful  to  behold  the  inexorable  severity 
which,  in  compliance  with  the  orders  or  views  of  his  government, 
he  used  against  Numantia  and  Carthage.  His  ability  and  applica- 
i  tion  in  civil  afi'airs  were  admirable.  Having  no  other  object  in 
view  than  the  welfare  of  his  country,  he  sacrificed  to  it  every  pri- 
vate interest;  for  the  sake  of  it,  he  despised  every  danger;  and 
died  a  victim  to  his  generous  devot^dness.  His  private  life  was 
marked  by  the  same  nobleness  of  sentiments  and  conduct;  to 
which  he  added  an  amiable  simplicity  of  manners,  beneficence, 
liberality,  and  mildness  without  excessive  indulgence,  as  well  aa 
firmness  without  excessive  rigor. 

*  Plutarch,  in  Paulum  ^mil. 

je  again  Plutarch,  in  Paul  cm  jEmil,  and  Velleius  Paterculus,  Hin. 
13. 

*       29 


338  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

Not  Eomc  and  Italy  only,  but  Spain  and  Egypt,  Greece  and 
Syria,  the  west  and  the  cast,  were  allowed  by  turn  to  witness  and 
admire  the  great  qualities  of  Scipio.  It  was  a  practice  of  the 
Romans  to  send  frequent  embassies  among  their  allies,  in  order  to 
see  how  matters  stood  among  them,  and  to  settle  the  pretensions 
or  disputes  of  the  various  provinces.  Scipio  J^milianus  was 
appointed  with  Sp.  Mummius  and  L.  Metellus,  two  other  dis- 
tinguished  Romans,  to  visit  first  the  kingdoms  of  Egypt  and 
Syria,  both  a  constant  prey  to  agitation  and  disturbances,  and 
afterwards  Asia  Minor  and  Greece.  Their  instructions  were  to 
examine  the  present  condition  of  these  countries;  to  see  how 
punctually  the  conditions  of  the  treaties  of  peace  concluded  with 
the  Romans  were  fulfilled,  and  to  repress,  to  the  best  of  their 
ability,  the  abuses  and  disorders  which  might  come  to  their 
knowledge.  The  ambassadors  accjuitted  themselves  of  their  com- 
mission with  so  much  prudence,  wisdom  and  equity,  and  ren- 
dered so  signal  services  to  those  whom  they  visited,  by  restoring 
order  among  them  and  adjusting  their  differences,  that,  as  soon 
as  they  returned  to  Rome,  deputies  came  from  the  different  pla- 
ces through  which  they  had  passed,  to  thank  the  senate  for  hav 
ing  sent  them  persons  of  such  ability  and  virtue.  Scipio  espo 
cially  had  been  an  object  of  the  highest  admiration. 

It  seems  therefore,  all  things  being  duly  weighed,  that  Scipio 
iEmilianus  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  accomplished  man  o^ 
ancient  Rome.*  He  united  in  himself  the  strict  virtue  of  tho, 
Romans  of  old  with  the  polished  manners  of  later  ages,  and  the. 
qualifications  of  the  general  and  statesman  with  the  character  of 
the  good  son,  the  affectionate  relative,  the  faithful  friend,  and 
even  the  excellent  orator  and  scholar.  For,  in  point  of  literary 
merit,  eloquence  and  poetry,  he  was  thought  by  many  not  infe- 
rior to  Laelius  the  orator,  and  Terence  the  poet;  it  was  even 
believed  that  both  he  and  Laelius  had  a  share  in  the  composition 

*  This  is  to  he  understood,  not  of  absolute  perfection,  but  of  that  nat- 
ural accomplishment  of  which  pagans  were  capable.  Even  the  most 
virtuous  of  them  had  their  faults  and  failings ;  nay,  their  very  best 
actions  were  frequently  tainted  by  motives  of  self-interest,  ambition, 
thirst  after  human  glory,  and -the  like  considerations.  But  these  were 
not  reputed  vices  among  the  gentiles;  and  besides  they  may,  on  several 
other  occasions,  have  been  guided  by  better  motives,  such  as  genuine 
patriotism,  decorum  or  feelings  of  humanity,  benevolence,  compassion, 
and  generosity.  Hence,  although  their  highest  perfection  cannot  be 
compared  with  even  the  beginning  of  christian  and  supernatural  virtue, 
yet  the  moral  conduct  of  several  of  them,  especially  in  the  midst  of 
errors  and  obstacles,  is  really  deserving  of  praise  and  admiration- 
Such,  among  others,  was  the  life  of  Scipio  .^5?tnilianus. 


4 


B.  0.  112— lOG.  WAR  AGAINST  JUGUllTIIA  339 

of  the  theatrical  pieces  of  Terence.  One  thing  is  sure,  namely, 
that  Scipio  lived  iu  great  intimacy  with  them  both,  as  he  also  did 
with  Panaetius  the  philosopher  and  Polybius  the  historian. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  their  friendship,  was  the 
simplicity  with  which  these  great  men  spent  their  leisure  hours. 
A\'hen  Scipio  and  Laelius  were  allowed  to  leave  the  coiifinement 
of  business  and  retire  to  the  country,  they  seemed  to  become 
children  again,  and  freely  indulged  in  the  diversions  and  amuse- 
111  cuts  of  which  young  boys  are  so  fond.  They  were  often 
^oen  gathering  shells  and  pebbles  along  the  sea  shore,  to  make 
them  skip  over  the  surface  of  the  water.  They  did  so  merely 
for  relaxation,  but  showed,  however,  by  their  choice  of  such  an 
amusement,  a  candor,  simplicity  and  innocence  of  manners,  that 
cannot  be  too  much  admired  in  persons  of  their  transcendent 
merit. 

Such  was  the  character  and  life  of  Scipio  the  Younger  or 
iEmilianus.  The  cruel  and  shocking  contrivance  that  put  an 
end  to  his  life,  and  still  more  so,  the  want  of  energy  in  ferreting 
out  the  authors  of  so  great  a  crime,  evidently  showed  how  dread- 
ful a  change  for  the  worse  had  already  begun  to  take  place  in 
the  minds,  hearts  and  conduct  of  the  Romans.  This  will  still 
more  appear  as  we  advance  in  their  history. 

WAR  AGAINST  JUGURTHA.— b.  c.  112—106. 

At  the  time  during  which  the  Gracchi  conducted  the  public 
affairs  in  Rome,  Numidia  was  governed  by  Micipsa,  the  son  of 
the  famous  Masinissa,  who  had  been,  towards  the  end  of  the  second 
I'unic  war,  the  most  useful  ally  of  the  Romans.  Micipsa  reigned 
in  peace  for  the  space  of  thirty  years.  This  prince  had  two  sons, 
Adherbal  and  Hiempsal ;  but  he  adopted  a  third  in  the  person  of 
Jugurtha,  his  nephew,  a  youth  of  splendid  talents,  and  remarkable 
for  his  courage  and  activity.  By  his  last  will  Micipsa  appointed 
Jugurtha,  together  with  Adherbal  and  Hiempsal,  heir  to  his 
kingdom.  He  died  shortly  after  (b.  c.  US),  having  previously 
recommended  to  the  three  brothers  perfect  concord  among  them- 
selves, as  the  essential  means  and  the  surest  pledge  of  prosperity.* 

The  advice  was  good,  b*ut  given  to  no  effect.  Scarcely  had 
Micipsa  expired,  when  Jugurtha,  whose  ambition  was  still  greater 
than  his  talents,  resolved  to  reign  alone,  and  for  the  execution  of 
his  project,  did  not  hesitate  to  imbrue  his  hands  in  the  blood  of 

"Nam  Concordia,"  he  said  to  them,  "res  parvse  crescunt,  discordiil 
dmoe  dilabuntur." — Sallust,  Bdlum  Jugurth.^  c.  x. 


840  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  VI. 

his  adopted  brothers.     He  attacked  them  both  iu  succession,  and 
put  them  to  a  cruel  death. 

The  news  of  these  heinous  deeds  was  quickly  spread  in  every 
direction,  in  Italy  as  well  as  in  Africa.  The  Romans,  under 
whose  protection  the  family  of  Masinissa  was  placed,  and  who 
had  hitherto  contented  themselves  with  embassies  and  remon- 
^jtrances,  at  length  openly  declared  war  against  Jugurtha.  A  first 
campaign  conduct'^d  by  L.  Calpurnius  had  no  other  effect  than 
the  capture  of  several  places,  and  a  mock  treaty,  in  which  bribery 
had  the  greatest  share,  between  that  prince  and  the  consul.  To 
wipe  off  the  disgrace  of  this  transaction,  it  was  determined  to 
make  Jugurtha  come  to  Eome,  to  give  an  account  of  his  conduct; 
he  obe^'cd  the  summons,  and  without  much  reluctance  set  out  for 
that  city,  where  he  knew  that  corruption  and  venality  reigned  to 
a  frightful  extent. 

Besides  the  many  influential  persons  whom  his  deputies  and 
gold  had  already  seduced,  he  succeeded,  on  his  arrival  at  Rome, 
in  bribing  a  tribune  of  the  people,  and  completely  winning  him 
over  to  his  interest.  It  was  agreed  that  this  officer  would  exert 
in  his  behalf  the  tribunitial  power,  which  allowed  its  possessors 
to  stop  any  kind  of  deliberation  by  a  simple  veto.  When  there^ 
fore  Jugurtha  was  publicly  ordered  to  answer  the  charges  brought 
against  him,  the  tribune  forbade  him  to  speak,  and  by  hia 
opposition  put  an  end  to  all  the  proceedings.  Justice  and 
honesty  were  thus  sacrificed;  iniquity  triumphed;  and  the  Numi- 
dian  prince  applauded  himself  for  his  success.  But,  having 
carried  his  criminal  audacity  so  far  as  to  murder,  in  Rome  itself, 
another  grand-son  of  Masinissa,  he  was  expelled  from  Italy,  and 
hostilities  recommenced.* 

The  new  generals  charged  with  the  conduct  of  the  war  in 
Africa,  did  nothing  but  bring  fresh  ignominy  upon  the  Roman 
name,  either  by  their  connivance  at  the  designs  of  the  king,  or 
cheir  incapacity.  One  of  them  suffered  himself  to  be  led  into  a 
variety  of  useless  measures  by  the  stratagems  of  Jugurtha ;  an- 
other, after  being  worsted  in  an  attack  directed  against  his  camp, 
was  obliged  to  accept  of  terms  as  disgraceful  as  those  of  the  treaty 
of  Caudium  in  the  Samnite  war.  Affairs  began  to  assume  a  moro 
favorable  aspect,  only  when  the  command  of  the  legions  in  Africa 
was  given  to  Caecilius  Metellus,  a  man  equally  commendable  for 
his  military  skill  and  his  incorruptible  probity.     His  first  care 

*  It  is  said  that,  when  Jugurtha  went  out  from  Rome,  turning  towards 
the  town,  he  exclaimed  :  "0  venal  city,  which  would  soon  perish,  if  it 
could  find  a  purchaser — Urbem  venalem  et  matur^  perituram,  si  empto- 
rem  invenerit!"— Sallust,  c.  xxxv. 


t  0. 112—106.  WAR  AGAINST  JUGURTIIA.  841 

was  to  restore  discipline  and  to  revive  courage  among  tlic  soldiers, 
to  whom  these  essential  requisites  seemed,  before  his  arrival,  to 
be  totally  unknown.  Advancing  then  against  Jugurtha,  he  gained 
signal  advantages  over  him,  and  notwithstanding  the  courageous 

[  and  well  directed  resistance  that  he  met  from  this  prince,  subdued 
nearly  the  whole  of  his  kingdom.  He  was  on  the  point  of  reap- 
ing the  fruit  of  so  much  labor,  when  the  honor  of  terminating  the 

,  war  was  snatched  from  him  by  one  of  his  lieutenants. 

This  officer  was  the  famous  Marius,  whose  talents  afterwards 
became  so  useful,  and  whose  violent  passions  also  became  so  fatal 
to  his  country.  The  beginnings  of  his  career,  especially  as  a  sol- 
dier, are  described  thus  by  Plutarch  :  He  was  born  of  obscure 
parents,  who  supported  themselves  by  labor.  It  was  late  before  he 
came  to  Rome.  Till  then  he  remained  in  the  country,  and  his 
manner  of  living  there  was  perfectly  rustic,  if  compared  with  the 
elegance  of  polished  life;  but  at  the  same  time  it  was  temperate, 
aud  much  resembled  that  of  the  ancient  Romans. 

lie  had  made  his  first  campaign  against  the  Celtlberians,  when 
Scipio  Africanus  (the  Younger  or  jEmilianus)  besieged  Numantia. 
It  did  not  escape  the  notice  of  his  general  bow  far  he  was  above 

.  the  other  young  soldiers  in  courage,  nor  how  easily  he  came  into 
the  reformation  in  point  of  diet,  which  Scipio  introduced  into  the 

i  army.  It  is  said  likewise  that  he  performed  great  exploits  in  the 
sight  of  this  general,  who,  on  that  account,  distinguished  him 
with  many  marks  of  honor,  so  far  as  to  invite  him  to  his  table.  One 
evening,  as  the  conversation  happened  to  turn  upon  the  great  com- 
manders then  in  existence,  some  person  in  the  coni'pany,  either  to 
please  Scipio,  or  for  a  real  desire  of  informatim,  asked,  "where 
the  Romans  should  find  such  an  able  leader,  when  he  had  departed 
this  life."     Upon  this  question,  Scipio,  putting  his  hand  on    the 

j  shoulder  of  Marius  who  sat  next  to  him,  said:  "Here,  perhaps," 
So  happy  was  the  genius  of  these  great  men,  that  the  one,  while 
but  a  youth,  gave  toliCfls  of  his  future  abilities,  and  the  other  from 
those  beginnings,  could  discover  the  long  series  of  glorious  ex- 
ploits which  was  to  follow. 

When  afterwards  Marius  was  appointed  one  of  the  chief  officers 
of  the  army  in  the  Numidian  war,  he  considered  his  promotion  as 
a  way  open  to  him  for  noble  achievements.  '  That  war  presenting 
many  critical  occasions,  he  endeavored  to  improve  them  all,  and 
neither  declined  the  most  difficult  service,  nor  thought  the  most 
servile  toil  beneath  his  rank  in  the  army.  Thus  surpassing  his 
equals  in  prudence  and  foresight,  and  vieing  with  the  common 
soldiers  in  labor  and  abstemiousness,  he  entirely  gained  their 
aflfections.      llis    glory,    his    influence,    his    reputation,    spread 


842  ANCIENT  IIISTORf.  Part  VI. 

through  Africa,  and  extended  even  to  Rome ;  the  men  under  his 
command  wrote  to  their  friends  at  home,  that  the  only  means  of 
bringing  the  Numidian  contest  to  a  close,  was  to  elect  Marius 
consul ;  he  himself  earnestly  endeavored  to  secure  the  puhlic 
feeling  to  his  cause,  by  using  invectives  and  false  reports  againsi 
Metelius,  and  making  splendid  promises  for  a  speedy  termination 
of  the  war.  The  people  being  thus  prepossessed  in  his  behalf, 
looked  upon  him  as  the  best  general  they  could  intrust  with  the 
command  of  the  Roman  army  in  Numidia,  and  readily  gave  him 
their  votes  for  the  consular  dignity. 

Metelius  was  deeply  afflicted  at  this  preference  given  by  the 
Roman  people  to  his  ungrateful  and  envious  lieutenant.  Con- 
trary however  to  his  expectation,  he  met  at  Rome  with  a  most 
flattering  reception  from  all  orders  of  the  state,  and  obtained  tri- 
umphal honors  with  the  surname  of  Numidicus.  As  to  Marius, 
being  an  excellent  general  himself  and  pursuing  the  war  with 
great  skill  and  activity,  he  easily  completed  the  overthrow  of 
Jugurtha;  not  however  without  adding  negotiations  to  warlike 
eiforts,and  to  victories  won  by  his  valor. 

The  Numidian  prince  had  sought  and  obtained  the  assistance 
of  Bocchus,  king  of  Mauritania.  The  loss  of  two  battles  in  suc- 
cession made  the  latter  waver  in  his  alliance,  and  he  resolved  to 
conclude  a  separate  peace  with  the  Romans }  for  this  effect,  he 
sent  deputies  to  Marius,  who  on  his  part  sent  his  quaestor,  the 
famous  Sylla,  to  deliberate  with  the  king  on  their  respective 
interests.  Sylla  spoke  to  Bocchus  with  much  art  and  address, 
and  gave  him  to  understand  that,  if  he  were  sincere  in  his  desire 
for  peace,  he  ought  to  purchase  the  friendship  of  the  Romans  by 
an  important  service,  that  is,  by  delivering  Jugurtha  into  their 
hands.  The  king  was  reluctant  to  betray  one  who  was  his  ally, 
his  kinsman,  his  relative  ;-nay,  he  seemed  at  times  much  inclined 
to  betray  Sylla  himself,  and  give  him  up  to  Jugurtha  who  re- 
peatedly urged  him  to  do  so.  But  the  Roman,  not  less  eloquent 
than  intrepid,  at  length  carried  the  point.  Private  interest  had 
more  weight  with  Bocchus  than  all  the  ties  of  kindred,  alliance 
and  friendship,  and  finally  prevailed  on  this  base  and  irresolute 
man  to  comply  with  the  views  of  Rome.  Having  invited  Jugur- 
tha to  an  interview,  he  arrested  him,  loaded  him  with  chains,  and 
immediately  gave  him  up  to  the  Romans  (b.  c.  lOG). 

This  event,  although  the  mere  effect  of  intrigue  on  the  one 
side,  and  perfidy  on  the  other,  put  an  end  to  the  Jugurthine  war. 
Sylla,  on  that  occasion,  acted  as  one  excessively  desirous  of  fame: 
instead  of  referring  the  glory  of  the  transaction  (if  glory  it  can 
be  called)  to  his  general,  he  attributed  the  whole  to  himself,  and 


a.  c   105—101.  TEUTONES  AND  CIMBRI.  343 

caused  a  seal  to  he  made,  representing  him  as  receiving  Jugurtba 
from  the  hands  of  ]5occhus.  lie  ever  after  carried  that  seal 
about  his  person,  and  constantly  made  use  of  it  for  his  letters. 
This  highly  provoked  Marius,  who  was  naturally  ambitious  and 
could  not  endure  a  rival  in  glory ;  hence  originated  that  violent 
and  implacable  quarrel  between  these  two  men,  which  almost 
ruined  the  Roman  empire. 

As  to  Jugurtha,  he  was  made  first,  as  was  usual  for  captives  of 
his  rank,  to  grace  the  conqueror's  triumph.  He  was  then  thrown 
into  a  dungeon,  where,  having  suffered  for  six  days  the  pangs  of 
starvation,  he  expired  in  awful  misery  (b.  c.  105) ;  a  death  wor- 
thy of  him  who  had,  during  his  lifetime,  immolated  so  many  in- 
nocent victims  to  his  insatiable  ambition.  ._„.--- 


.  INVASION  AND  DEFEAT  OF  THE  TEUTONES  AND  CIMBRI. 
B.  c.  105—101. 

It  seemed  to  be  the  destiny  of  Rome,  never  to  terminate  a  war 
that  was  not  immediately  followed  by  another.  The  Romans 
had  scarcely  concluded  their  rejoicings  at  the  defeat  of  Jugurtha 
and  the  triumph  of  Marius,  when  they  found  themselves  exposed 
to  total  destruction  from  the  attacks  of  northern  barbarians. 
Countless  bands  of  Teutones  and  Cimbri,  who  were  joined  in 
their  march  by  other  warlike  tribes,  had  been  for  some  time 
advancing  from  the  north-east  of  Europe  towards  the  western  and 
southern  countries.  Besides  their  myriads  of  well  armed  warri- 
ors, they  had  their  families  along  with  them,  and  all  this  vast 
multitude  wanted  cities  in  which  to  settle,  and  lands  on  which 
tlioy  might  subsist. 

The  courage  of  these  barbarians,  their  spirit,  and  the  force  and 
vivacity  with  which  they  made  an  attack,  may  be  compared  to  a 
devouring  flame.  Nothing  could  resist  their  impetuosity.  Many 
respectable  armies  and  generals  (Carbo,  Silanus,  Cassius,  etc.), 
t'luployed  by  the  Romans  to  guard  their  frontiers  in  Noricum  and 
Gaul,  were  overcome;  and  the  feeble  barrier  which  they  opposed 
to  this  new  enemy,  served  only  to  encourage  his  pretensions  and 
favor  his  progress. 

To  increase,  as  it  were,  the  fury  of  the  storm  thus  hanging  over 
Italy,  Rome  had  the  imprudence,  in  the  year  B.  c.  105,  to  intrust 
the  command  of  her  armies  in  Gaul  to  generals  equally  unskilful 
and  presumptuous,  the  consul  Mallius  and  the  proconsul  Caepio. 
This  rash  step  was  the  forerunner  of  the  most  bloody  defeat  ever 
experienced  by  the  Romans.  In  a  battle  fought  near  the  river 
Rhone,  eighty  thousand  of  their  soldiers  were  slain,  together  with 


344  ANCIEJ^T  HISTORY.  Tart  VI.  , 

forty  thousand  in  the  service  of  the  army  ',  it  u  said  tliat  no  more 
than  ten  Romans  escaped  from  this  dreadful  carnage  Fortu- 
nately the  conquerors,  instead  of  invading  Italy  at  once  and 
advancing  towards  Rome,  lost  their  time  in  other  expeditions. 
This  delay  allowed  the  Roman  people  to  recover  from  their  ter- 
ror, and  muster  new  troops ;  but  their  chief  resource  against  the 
still  impending  danger  was  in  Marius.  The  better  to  enable  him 
to  exert  his  talents  and  activity,  by  an  unprecedented  example 
in  the  annals  of  the  republic,  he  was  continued  in  the  consulship 
for  several  years  in  succession. 

He  was  consul  for  the  fourth  time,  when  the  Teutones  and 
Cimbri,  having  laid  waste  a  considerable  part  of  Gaul  and  Spain, 
resumed  their  former  design  of  attacking  Rome.  They  made 
two  grand  divisions  of  their  army,  and,  while  one  intended  to 
follow  the  ordinary  road  through  Liguria  along  the  sea-coast,  the 
other,  making  a  long  circuit,  undertook  to  penetrate  into  Italy  by 
the  valley  of  Trent.  Marius  opposed  the  first,  composed  chiefly 
of  the  Teutones  and  Ambrones ;  and  Catulus  his  colleague, 
marched  against  the  Cimbri. 

Marius  stationed  his  legions  at  the  confluence  of  the  Isere  and 
the  Rhone,  and  fortified  his  camp  in  the  most  eftectual  manner. 
The  barbarians,  reproaching  him  with  cowardice  for  taking  these 
precautions,  challenged  him  to  a  battle  3  but  the  consul,  well  aware 
that  this  was  not  a  proper  opportunity  for  an  engagement,  like  a 
wise  commander,  disregarded  the  challenge,  and  said  to  his  men,  who 
were  surprised  at  his  conduct,  that  their  present  ambition  should 
be  not  to  obtain  triumphs  and  trophies,  but  to  dispel  the  awful 
storm  that  threatened  them,  and  to  save  Italy  from  destruction. 
The  enemy,  then,  not  being  able  in  any  way  to  bring  the  Ro- 
mans to  a  pitched  battle,  attacked  their  intrenchments;  but  they 
were  received  with  a  shower  of  darts  from  the  camp,  which  destroyed 
a  large  number  of  them  and  compelled  the  rest  to  withdraw. 
They  soon  became  weary  of  this  state  of  things,  and  resolved  to 
go  forward,  in  the  hope  that  they  might  cross  the  Alps  without 
opposition  and  difficulty.  Their  immense  numbers  now  appeared 
luore  clearly  than  ever,  from  the  length  of  their  train  and  the 
time  which  they  occupied  in  passing.  For  it  is  said  that,  although 
they  moved  on  without  intermission,  they  were  six  days  in  going 
by  the  Roman  camp,  and  some  of  them  approaching  it,  insultingly 
asked  the  legionaries,  ''whether  they  had  any  commands  to  their 
families."     (See  in  the  Appendix  §  iv.) 

The  barbarians  had  no  sooner  passed,  than  Marius  also 
removed  his  camp  and  closely  followed  tJiem,  using  at  the 
same  time  every  precaution  to  avoid  surprise      When  he  arrived 


IllOO-JOl.  TEUTONES  AND  CIMBRL  345 

Hic  colony  of  Aqujie  Sextinc  (now  Aix  in  Provenco),  he  resolvca^ 
^out  going  further,  to  give  them  battle.  Having  chosen 
spot  extremely  favorable  to  his  army,  he  attacked  the  enemy 
M'ith  immense  advantage,  and  in  a  combat  which  lasted  two  days, 
put  the  greater  part  of  them  to  the  sword.  According  to  tho 
'Latin  historians,*  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  thousand 
'barbarians  were  slain,  and  about  eighty  thousand,  with  Teuto- 
'boehus  their  king,  taken  prisoners.  Thus,  one-half  of  the  hordes 
that  had  been  for  several  years  so  formidable  to  the  Romans, 
was  destroyed  by  the  valor  and  skill  of  Marius,  (b.  c.  102). 

This  general,  being  now  appointed  consul  for  the  fifth  time, 

went  to  join  Catulus,  whose  first  exertions  against  the  Cimbri, 

without   any   fault   of    his,    had    not   been    equally    successful 

with   those  of  his  colleague.     The    overwhelming  numbers  of 

the  invaders  so  terrified  the  legionaries  under  him,  that  many 

began  to  desert  their  colors;  still,  on  the  junction  of  the  two 

'armies,  their  courage  was  revived,  and  the  generals  determined  to 

give   another   battle.      But   the    Cimbri   deferred   the    combat, 

pretending  that  they  were  waiting  for  the  Teutones,  at  whose  de- 

'lay  they  wondered,  either  being   really  ignorant  of  their   fate 

or  not  believing  their  defeat.     For  they  punished  with  stripes 

those   who   brought   them   the  news  of  the  late    engagement, 

and  sent  to  ask  of  Marius  lands  and  cities  sufficient  both  for 

themselves  and  their  brethren. 

When  Marius  enquired  of  their  ambassadors  who  their  breth- 

>  ren  were,  they  answered,  '^  the  Teutones."    The  assembly  laughed, 

'  and  Marius   replied   in  a  taunting  manner :  "  Do   not   trouble 

'  yourselves  about  your   brethren ;    for  they  have  land  enough, 

'  which  we   have    already  given    them,   and  they  shall  have    it 

i!for  ever."      The   ambassadors,  perceiving   the  irony,   answered 

"in  sharp  and  scurrilous  terms,  assuring  him    that  the  Cimbri 

I  would  chastise  him  immediately,  and  that  the  Teutones  would  do 

the   same  when    they  arrived.      ''And    they  are    not   far  oif," 

said  Marius;  "it  would,  therefore,  be  very  unkind  in  you  to  go 

away   without   saluting  your   brethren."      At   the    same  time, 

he  ordered  the  chieftains  of  the  Teutones  to  be  brought  forward, 

'  loaded   as   they  were   with   chains;  for   they  had   been    taken 

prisoners  after  their  defeat,  as  they  were  endeavoring  to  escrpe 

over  the  Alps. 

No  sooner  did  the  Cimbri  learn  from  their  ambassadors  what 
had  passed,  than  they  marched  directly  against  Marius;  but 
he,  for  the  present,  remained  within  his  trencher.     Then  Boiorix, 

*  Livy's  Epitome,  b.  Ixviii ; — Velleius  Paterc.  b.  ii,  c.  11 ; — and  Floras, 
though  Dot  equally  explicit,  b.  iii,  c.  3. 


346  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

their  king,  with  a  small  party  of  horse,  approached  the  Roman  ; 
camp,  and  challenged  the  consul  to  appoint  a  time  and  place  i 
at  which  ihey  might  meet,  and  decide  by  arms  to  whom  tho 
country  should  belong.  Marius  answered  that  the  Romans  were 
not  in  the  habit  of  consulting  their  enemies  about  the  place  and 
time  in  which  they  thought  proper  to  fight;  still,  he  would 
gratify  the  Cimbri  in  this  point.  Accordingly,  they  agreed 
to  fight  the  third  day  after,  and  chose  for  their  field  of  battle  the 
plain  of  Vercellae,  which  was  well  adapted  for  the  Roman 
cavalry  to  act  with  perfect  ease,  and  convenient  for  the  bar- 
barians to  display  their  numbers  (b.  C.  101). 

Both  parties  kept  their  promise,  and  drew  up  their  forces. 
Catulus  received  the  enemy  in  front;  Marius  made  a  movement 
to  assail  them  on  their  flank,  but  as  they  were  concealed  by  the 
clouds  of  dust  which  every  where  rose  from  the  plain,  he  for 
a  time  missed  his  way,  and,  it  appears,  could  not  engage  the 
Cimbri,  till  they  had  already  been  repulsed  with  great  loss 
by  the  troops  of  Catulus.  Marius  at  least  concurred  in  com- 
pleting their  overthrow,  by  attacking  them  when  they  were 
already  quite  exhausted  by  their  own  efi"orts,  their  loss  on  the 
field  of  battle,  and  the  heat  of  the  day.  One  hundred  and 
twenty  or  forty  thousand  of  them  were  slain  with  their  king 
Boiorix ;  sixty  thousand  submitted  to  be  taken  prisoners.  The 
remainder  perished  by  their  own  hands;  and  this  numerous  host, 
so  terrific  and  threatening  a  few  hours  before,  disappeared, 
as  it  were,  in  a  moment  from  the  face  of  the  earth.* 

On  receiving  at  Rome  the  news  of  this  decisive  result,  the 
whole  city  resounded  with  joy.  Extraordinary  marks  of  grati- 
tude were  conferred  on  Marius;  and,  besides  the  honors  of 
a  solemn  triumph,  which  he  enjoyed  together  with  Catulus, 
he  received  from  the  people  the  flattering  title  of  third  founder 
of  Rome,  which  placed  him  in  their  esteem  next  to  Romn- 
lus  and  the  great  Camillus. 

*  According  to  certain  memoirs  cited  by  Plutarch,  "the  baggage  "vcas 
plundered  by  the  soldiers  of  Marius  ;  but  the  other  spoils,  with  the  en- 
signs and  trumpets,  were  brought  to  the  camp  of  Catulus,  and  the  lat- 
ter availed  himself  chiefly  of  this  fact,  to  show  that  the  defeat  of  the 
Cimbri  had  been  achieved  by  him  and  the  legions  which  he  commanded. 
It  appears,  indeed,  that  a  warm  dispute  arose  between  his  troops  and 
those  of  Marius,  which  of  the  two  had  the  greater  share  in  the  victory; 
and  some  ambassadors  from  Parma,  who  happened  to  be  in  the  Roman 
camp,  were  chosen  as  arbitrators.  The  soldiers  of  Catulus  led  them  to 
the  field  of  battle  to  see  the  dead,  and  clearly  proved  that  the  Cimbri 
were  killed  by  their  javelins,  because  Catulus  had  taken  care,  before  the 
confl^ict,  to  have  the  shafts  inscribed  with  his  name.  Nevertheless,  the 
whole  honor  of  the  day  was  ascribed  to  Marius,  on  account  of  his  formoi 
victory  and  his  present  superiority  of  power ;"  for  he  was  then  a  consul* 
whereas  Catulus  acted  only  as  a  proconsul. — Plutarch,  in  Caium  Marium, 


B.  C. 


100-78.  MAUI  US — SYLLA.  347 


MAR1U3  COXTiNUED — WAR  OF  THE  ALLIES,  OR  THE  COX- 
FEDERATE  Vv^AR. — FIRST  WAR  AGAINST  MITHRI DATES. 
— CIVIL  WAR  BETWEEN-  MARIU3  AND  SYLLA VICTO- 
RIES, rOWEU,  ABDICATION,  AND  DEATH  OF  SYLLA.— 
I.,  t.  100—78. 

Wo  place  these  diSercnt  wars  and  facts  under  the  same  title,  not 
only  becjiuse  ihey  occurred  during  the  same  period  of  time,  but 
espet'iuily  on  account  of  their  close  connection  with  each  other."* 

It  would  I  ave  been  fortunate  for  Marius,  if  satisfied  with  the 
honor  which  he  had  gained  at  the  head  of  armies,  he  hud  with. 
drawn  from  public  affairs.  But  his  ambition  could  not  brook  the 
i«lea  of  being  reduced  to  the  occupations  of  private  life.  By  dint 
of  intrigues,  be  succeeded  in  being  re-elected  consul  a  sixth  time, 
and,  having  no  military  expedition  to  conduct,  found  employment 
for  his  rtstle?s  mind  by  joining  a  fiction  of  demagogues,  whose 
Eule  object  was  to  excite  new  disturbances  in  the  republic.  II is 
jealousy  was  particularly  directed  against  the  illustrious  ISietellus 
Numidius,  whom  he  caused  for  a  time  to  live  m  exile ;  and 
still  more  so  against  Sylla,  whose  reputation  for  sKill  and  valor 
daily  increased.  The  latter,  although  bat  the  second  in  command 
during  the  late  war,  both  under  Marius  himself  and  Catulus,  had 
gained  much  glory  by  his  exploits  and  services,  lie  was,  more- 
over, on  his  own  part,  too  proud  and  too  loi'ty  in  his  pretensions, 
to  bear  with  patience  the  envious  opposition  of  JNIarius.  New 
incidents  added  fuel  to  their  animosity,  and  this  disposition 
seemed  ready  to  break  out  into  open  hostilities,  when  the  war  of 
the  allies  required  the  exertions  of  Loth  Murius  and  Sylla  for  the 
defence  of  the  con^monwealth,  and  delaved  the  efl'ects  of  their 
mutual  resentment. 

The  various  nations  of  Italy  had  long  petitioned  for  the  title 
of  Roman  citizens.  Their  reasons  for  obtaining  this  privilege 
were,  that  they  paid  considerable  taxes;  that  in  time  of  war  they 
fiiruithed  more  than  onc-hilf  of  the  Roman  armies  ;  that  the 
(onn  onwealth  was  greatly  indebted  to  their  valor  for  the  high 
degree  cf  power  and  glory  which  it  enjoyed,  and  consequently,  it 
was  but  just  that  they  should  be  admitted  to  share  in  the  privi- 

*See  Livy's  Epitome,  b.  lxix~xc ; — Freinshercius,  Svpplem.  to  thetanw 
looks  of  Livy ; — Florus,  b.  iii,  c.  5,  18,  21 — Velloius  Patei-culu.s,  b.  ii,  c 
14—20; — Plutarch's  lives  of  Marius  and  Sylla  ; — Ferguson's  Rome,  b.  ii, 
c.  6,  7 ; — Vevtot,  Revolutions  Romnmes,  b.  x  and  xi ; — Crevipv  (Rollin'g 
continuator),  Ilistoire  liomaine,  \o\.  ix  ar.J  x; — etc. 


^48  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

leges  of  a  statc^,  whose  empire  they  had  contributed  so  much 
to  extend.  But  the  senate  and  the  people  of  Rome  generally 
disliked  to  accept  for  their  equals  men  whom,  under  the  specious 
name  of  allies,  they  were  used  to  consider  as  the  subjects  or 
vassals  of  the  repuJilic.  Accordingly,  the  Italians  determined  to 
wrest  by  force  of  arms  what  they  could  not  obtain  by  mere  re- 
quest. They  sent  into  the  field  numerous  bodies  of  troops,  not 
inferior  in  j:esolution,  courage  and  discipline,  to  the  llomans 
themselves,  with  whom  they  had  so  often  fought  against  foreign 
,  enemies.  The  senate,  on  their  part,  were  not  idle  in  making 
preparations  for  the  approaching  conflict.  They  hastened  to 
muster  a  larger  number  of  legions  than  was  customary,  and  dis- 
tributing them  into  various  bodies  for  the  purpose  of  acting  in 
various  places  at  once,  put  them  under  the  command  of  all  the 
ablest  generals  of  the  republic.  Such  was  the  origin  of  what  is 
called  in  Roman  history  the  War  of  the  allies,  or  the  Confederate 
war — Sociale  helium. 

This  war  occasioned  many  bloody  engagements,  pitched  battles, 
captures  or  surrenders  of  cities,  and  other  similar  events  whose 
particulars  are  little  known.  '^  It  cost,'^  says  Yelleius  Paterculus. 
"the  lives  of  more  than  three  hundred  thousand  men,  the  flowei 
of  the  Italian  youth."  During  the  years  B.  C.  90 — 89,  victor} 
repeatedly  passed  from  one  side  to  the  other,  and  the  two  hostile 
parties  did  little  else  than  inflict  and  incur  losses,  without  abating 
their  pretensions  and  animosity.  Towards  the  end,  indeed,  the 
Romans  gained  signal  advantages;  yet  the  senate,  perceiving 
that  even  their  victories  were  hurtful  to  them,  by  depriving  the 
commonwealth  of  many  brave  defenders,  began  to  alter  their  line 
of  conduct  towards  the  Italians,  though  they  did  so  with  caution 
taking  great  care  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  the  Roman  name 
They  at  first  granted  the  title  of  Roman  citizens  to  those  onl} 
who  had  persevered  in  their  alliance  with  Rome;  but  they,  after 
w^ards,  extended  it  to  such  among  the  confederates  as  consented 
to  lay  down  their  arms. 

This  policy  was  perfectly  successful.  The  ardor  of  the  enemy 
was  greatly  damped  by  the  hope  of  obtaining  in  this  easy  mannei' 
the  object  of  their  wishes.  The  several  tribes  of  Italy  hastened  tc 
make  a  treaty,  and  the  Romans,  with  their  usual  magnanimity 
or  prudence,  conceded  in  behalf  of  divided  and  weakened  enemies, 
what  they  had  refused  in  the  time  of  their  confederacy  and 
greatest  vigor.  There  only  remained  to  carry  on  the  contest,  the 
Samnitos  and  Lucanians,  the  ancient  enemies  of  Rome;  and 
even  these,  in  maintaining  it  for  some  years  longer,  displayed 
Tuore  animosity  than  real  strength,  nor  did  they  keep  the  field 


fl.  0.  100— 78  MARIUS.-SYLLA.  349 

otherwise  than  by  joining  in  the  civil  feuds  which  shortly  after 
distracted  and  harassed  the  commonwealth. 

During  the  war  of  the  allies,  the  reputation  of  Sylla  increased, 
.vliilst  that  of  Marius  decreased  in  the  same  proportion,     Tho 
latter  now  seemed  slow  in  his  attacks,  as  well  as  dilatory  in  his 
•  solutions,  whether   it  was  because  age  had  chilled  his  martial 
lor  (for  he  was  more  than  sixty-five  years  old),  or  because,  as 
;!(.'  himself  acknowledged,   the  fatigues  of  war  were   above  his 
h  )dily  strength.     However,  he  took  care  to  give  the  enemy  no 
ailvantage  over  him,  and  once  he  even  defeated  them  in  a  great 
liattle,  in  which  at  least  six  thousand  of  them  were  killed.     But 
J I  re  tending   soon  to  be  incapacitated  for  the  service  by  his  in- 
Himities,  he  resigned  the  command.     Sylla,  still  full  of  vigor  and 
tivity,  had  acted  in  a  very  different  manner:  by  the  combined 
.ortions   of  his    courage   and    skill,   he    w^on    several   battles, 
.-ubdued  important  cities,   and  performed  so  many  memorable 
things,  that  he  was  considered  by  the  citizens  at  large  as  a  great 
ueral,  by  his  friends  as  the  greatest  in  the  world,  and  by  his 
omies  as  the  most  fortunate.     Under  such  circumstances,  it 
IS  easy  for  him  to  obtain  the  dignity  of  consul,  and  together 
!ih  it  the  command  of  those  legions  that  were  destined  to  fight 
ainst  the  famous  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus. 
Mithridates,  a  talented  and  warlike,  and  at  the  same  time,  an 
■ambitious,  unjust  and  savage  prince,  was,  next  to  Annibal,  the 
most  implacable  enemy  of  the  Romans.     His  empire  chiefly  con- 
sisted of  territories  lately  acquired  by  force  of  arms.     His  troops 
amounted  to  nearly  three  hundred  thousand,  with  whom  he  con- 
quered Asia  Minor  and  Greece,  whilst  a  fleet  of  four  hundred 
vessels  made  him  master  of  the  neighboring  seas  and  of  many 
islands.    These  forces  were  under  the  pommand  of  able  generals ; 
but  Mithridates  himself  was  their  chief  commander,  and,  when  he 
did  not  lead  them  in  person,  he  at  least  directed  their  principal 
operations.     The  conquests  which  he  had  most  at  heart,  were 
those  of  Cappadocia  and  Bithynia,  two  neighboring  kingdoms : 
he  wrested  them  from  Ariobarzanes  and  Nicomedes,  their  sove- 
reigns and  the  allies  of  Kome;  and  to  destroy,  with  the  least  pos- 
sible delay,  the  influence  of  that  city,  and  secure  his  own  power 
over  all  the  cast,  he  caused  about  a  hundred  thousand  Romans  or 
Italians  who  inhabited  Asia  Minor,  to  be  slaughtered  on  the  same 
day  (R.  c.  88). 

This  barbarous  act,  added  to  the  other  aggressions  of  Mithrida- 
tes, deserved  severe  and  prompt  chastisement.  The  charge  of 
inflicting  it  was  confided  to  Sylla,  then  a  consul,  who  immediately 
began  to  prepare  every  thing  for  his  departure.     But  Marius 

30 


85C  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Part  VL  ' 

could  not  see,  without  the  utmost  jealousy,  so  important  a  com- 
mission  given  to  any  one  but  himself;  by  intrigues  and  violence, 
during  the  absence  of  Sylla  from  Rome,  he  caused  the  appoin^ 
ment  to  be  changed  in  his  own  favor.  The  consul,  not  having  yet 
left  Italy  and  being  apprised  of  this  insult,  returned  at  the  head  of 
his  legions,  entered  the  city  as  a  conqueror,  and,  though  he  used 
great  moderation  towards  the  generality  of  the  citizens,  put  the 
chief  partisans  of  his  envious  competitor  either  to  death  or  to  fliglit 

Marius  himself,  whom  the  senate,  at  Sylla's  request,  declared 
a  public  enemy,  was  one  of  the  fugitives.  Being  closely  pursued, 
he  narrov/ly  escaped  with  his  life,  and  was  obliged  first  to  con- 
ceal himself  in  marshes,  and  then  to  cross  the  sea  and  seek  a 
shelter  on  distant  shores,  amidst  the  dreary  ruins  of  Carthage. 
Even  there  he  was  not  safe.  For,  he  had  scarcely  landed  with  a  few 
of  his  men,  when  an  officer  came  from  Sextilius,  the  Roman  go- 
vernor in  Africa,  to  forbid  him  to  set  his  foot  in  that  region ; 
otherwise,  Sextilius  would  obey  the  decree  of  the  senate,  and 
treat  him  as  a  public  enemy.  Marius,  hearing  this,  was  struck 
with  grief  and  indignation  ;  he  uttered  not  a  word  for  some  time, 
but  regarded  the  officer  with  a  menacing  aspect.  At  length  this 
man  asked  what  answer  he  should  carry  to  the  governor  ?  "  Go, 
and  tell  him,"  said  the  unhappy  exile  with  a  sigh,  ''  that  thou 
hast  seen  Marius  a  fugitive,  sitting  on  the  ruins  of  Carthage  !" 
This  was,  indeed,  a  striking  coincidence,  and  a  forcible  exemplifi- 
cation of  the  vicissitudes  of  human  prosperity.  Marius  continued 
to  exemplify  it  in  his  person,  by  wandering  in  search  of  a  hos- 
pitable land,  till  a  new  change  (to  be  afterwards  noticed)  in  the 
state  of  afiairs  recalled  him  to  Italy  and  to  Rome. 

In  the  interim,  Sylla  with  his  legionaries  had  set  out  for  the 
east,  and  commenced  a  vigorous  war  against  Mithridates.  Find- 
ing Greece  occupied  by  the  troops  of  this  prince,  he  began  his 
military  operations  with  the  siege  of  Athens,  and  carried  that 
city  by  storm  after  a  long  and  brave  resistance.  From  thence  he 
proceeded  to  Chscronea  in  Boeotia,  where  he  found  himself  op- 
posed by  an  army  three  or  four  times  as  numerous  as  his  own,  and 
amounting  to  upwards  of  a  hundred  thousand  men.  They  were 
under  the  command  of  Archelaus,  the  ablest,  perhaps,  among 
all  the  generals  of  Mithridates.  It  was  not  the  intention  of  this 
general  to  give  battle  to  the  Romans,  but  rather,  by  a  dilatory 
war,  gradually  to  undermine  their  strength;  his  chief  officers, 
however,  at  length  prevailed  on  him  to  fight,  and  all  prepared  for 
a  general  engagement.  This  was  perfectly  in  accordance  with  the 
views  of  Sylla.  He  made  the  necessary  preparations,  and  so  well 
did  he  concert  his  measures  and  animate  his  troops,  that  he  gaine^' 


8.  0.  100-  -78.  MARIUS.-SYLLA..  351 

a  complefc  victory;    of  so  many  myriads    of  the  enemy's  sol- 
diers, only  ten  thousand  escaped  the  swords  of  the  Romans. 

Shortly  after,  he  obtained  another  signal  advantage,  in  the 
plains  of  Orehomenus,  over  a  new  and  powerful  army  sent  by 
^Iithridates  into  Greece.  The  beginning  of  the  action  was  very 
unfavorable  to  the  Romans;  several  bodies  of  their  troops,  terri- 
licd  by  a  sudden  attack  of  the  barbarians,  gave  way  and  fled.  At 
the  sight  of  this  panic,  Sylla  dismounted  from  his  horse,  seized 
one  of  the  colors,  and  fearlessly  advancing  towards  the  enemy, 
cried  out  to  those  around  him  that  were  flying:  "It  is  glorious 
fir  me  to  die  here;  as  for  you,  Romans,  when  you  shall  fee  asked 
where  you  abandoned  your  general,  remember  to  say  that  it  was 
at  Orehomenus.^'  These  reproaches  and  his  example  revived  the 
courage  of  his  soldiers ;  they  returned  to  the  charge,  and  repulsed 
the  enemy.  A  similar  attack  which  the  troops  of  Mithridates 
made  a  short  time  after  the  first,  likewise  ended  in  their  defeat. 
Finally,  a  third  engagement  completed  their  overthrow.  They 
experienced  such  a  loss,  that  the  fens  were  filled  with  the  blood 
of  the  slain,  and  the  small  lakes  of  the  neighborhood  with  dead 
bodies ;  Archelaus,  their  general,  escaped  only  by  remaining  for 
the  space  of  two  days  concealed  in  the  marshes.  From  thence  he 
went  to  Chalcis,  where  he  occupied  himself  in  collecting  the  rem- 
nants of  his  two  armies  (b.  c.  86). 

Mithridates,  dismayed  both  by  these  defeats  and  by  other  losses 
8ufi"ered  at  the  same  time  in  Asia,  commissioned  Archelaus  to 
make  proposals  of  peace.  This  general  was  aware  of  the  neces- 
sity which  urged  Sylla  to  return  speedily  to  Rome  for  the  recov- 
ery of  his  party,  now  oppressed  there  and  nearly  crushed  by  that 
of  Marius  :  he  off'ered  him  the  money,  vessels  and  troops  of  his 
sovereign  to  make  war  in  Italy,  provided  the  undisturbed  posses- 
sion of  Lesser  Asia  should  be  left  to  Mithridates.  Sylla's  indig- 
nation was  roused  at  this  offer;  still  he  dissembled  his  feelings  for 
a  moment,  and  in  his  turn  exhorted  Archelaus  to  make  himself 
king  in  the  place  of  Mithridates,  promising  to  aid  him  in  this  en- 
terprise, provided  he  would  deliver  the  fleet  under  his  command 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Archelaus  protested,  and  declared 
his  detestation  of  such  perfidy.  ''Why!''  exclaimed  Sylla,  ''you, 
tlie  slave,  or  at  best,  the  friend  of  a  barbarian  king,  look  upon  it  as 
baseness  to  betray  your  master;  and  dare  you  propose  the  like 
treason  to  Sylla,  the  Roman  general !  As  if  you  were  not  that 
Archelaus,  who  at  Chaeronea  fled  with  a  handful  of  men,  the  sad 
remains  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand;  who  concealed 
himself  two  days  in  the  marshes  of  Orehomenus ;  and  left  the 
roads  of  Boeotia  blocked  up  with  heaps  of  dead  bodies.'' 


352  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VL 

Archela'as  was  thunderstnick  at  this  answer;  ho  lowered  hia 
pretensions,  and  accepted  all  the  terms  which  Sylla  thought  pro- 
per  to  impose  on  the  king  of  Pontus.  But  when  the  king  him. 
self  was  desired  to  ratify  the  treaty,  he  showed  great  reluctance 
with  respect  to  two  of  its  conditions,  the  delivery  of  his  vessels, 
and  the  surrender  of  Paphlagonia.  "■  What,'^  said  Sylla  with  ani- 
mation, ^'does  Mithridates  pretend  to  keep  Paphlagonia,  and 
refuse  the  vessels  which  I  have  demanded  ?  Mithridates,  I  say, 
who  ought  rather  to  have  entreated  me,  on  his  knees,  to  spare  the 
man  who  has  slain  so  many  Romans.''  The  king  was  obliged  to 
yield.  He  lost  by  this  treaty  his  conquests,  his  navy,  a  great 
part  of  his  treasures,  and  was  confined  to  the  former  limits  of  the 
kingdom  of  Pontus;  a  loss  much  embittered  by  the  contrast  of 
the  great  designs  he  had  formed,  added  to  the  odium  of  the  many 
crimes  he  had  committed  to  gratify  his  ambition. 

Whilst  Sylla  caused  the  Roman  power  to  be  respected  abroad, 
he  was,  in  consequence  of  the  animosity  of  the  party  opposed  to 
him,  ill  requited  at  home  for  his  services.  During  his  long  ab- 
sence, Marius  had  re-entered  Rome,  and  being  supported  by  nu- 
merous bands  of  factious  men  and  slaves,  he  employed  them  in 
destroying  his  real  or  imaginary  opponents.  Such  of  the  citizens, 
even  the  most  illustrious  senators  and  magistrates,  as  were  obnox- 
ious to  him  and  would  not  or  could  not  make  their  escape,  werej 
mercilessly  put  to  death.  The  slaughter  was  extended  to  a  mul- 
titude of  other  persons  whose  only  crime  was  to  be  possessed  of 
great  wealth,  or  to  have  ever  so  little  incurred  the  suspicions  of 
the  vindictive  Marius.  It  was  understood  by  his  partizans  that 
his  refusal  to  return  a  salutation  should  be  considered  as  a  death 
w^arrant.  Rancor  and  exasperated  ambition  had  rendered  him  a 
real  monster  of  cruelty.  His  very  friends  did  not  approach  him 
without  fear;  and  as  the  meanest  retainers  of  his  party  had  their 
personal  resentments  as  well  as  himself,  and  took  this  opportunity 
to  indulge  their  passions,  the  city  resembled  a  place  taken  by 
storm,  and  every  quarter  of  the  city  was  a  theatre  of  robbery, 
violence  and  murder.  This  frightful  state  of  things  continued 
without  intermission  five  days  and  five  nights. 

Nor  was  the  evil  confined  to  Rome ;  all  Italy  felt  the  effects 
of  the  implacable  fury  of  Marius.  Every  road,  every  town,  was 
full  of  assassins,  pursuing  and  hunting  the  unhappy  victims  of  his 
suspicion.  Few  of  the  latter  escaped.  They  could  trust  neither 
friends  nor  relatives,  and  most  of  them  were  betrayed  by  those 
in  whose  dwellings  they  had  sought  shelter.  As  to  Marius,  the 
chief  author  of  so  many  evils,  being  yet  at  a  very  advanced  age 
not  less  ambitious  than  cruel,  he  caused  himself  to  be  appointed 


■I 


1100—78.  MARIUS,— SYLLA.  353 

ul  for  the  seventh  time,  not  by  the  people,  but  by  Cinna,  the 
r  consul.     In  the  mean  while,  the  fear  of  Sylla's  return  gave 
nm  incessant  uneasiness.     He  was  agitated  with  nocturnal  ter- 
•ors,  and  betrayed  symptoms  of  a  distracted  mind.     Either  to 
ivoid  a  new  misfortune,  or  to  shake  off  the  pressure  of  increasing 
'  irms,  he  began  to  indulge  in  the  excessive  use  of  wine,  and  fell 
k    of  the    pleurisy,  of  which  he  died  on  the  7th  day  of  his 
iiiess,  the  17th  day  of  his  last  consulate,  and  in  the  70th  year 
-f  his  life  (b.  c.  80),  leaving  behind  him  a  name  more  worthy 
of  the  execration  than  of  the  admiration  of  posterity.* 

After  the  death  of  Marius,  the  government  continued  in  the 
hands  of  his  abettors.  Many  of  the  senators  and  other  citizens, 
obnoxious  to  the  prevailing  party,  took  refuge  with  Sylla.  This 
general  himself  was  declared  a  public  enemy;  his  house  was  de- 
molished; and  his  children,  with  Metella  their  mother,  having 
narrowly  escaped  the  pursuit  of  their  enemies,  fled  to  their  father 
in  Greece.  So  many  unpleasant  tidings  did  not  change  Sylla's 
mind  and  conduct  with  regard  to  the  war  which  he  was  still  wag- 
ii'u-  against  the  king  of  Pontus,  nor  induce  him  to  make  any  con- 
sions  to  the  enemies  of  Rome.  He  declared  indeed  hisinten- 
..  u  to  avenge  the  blood  of  his  friends  and  punish  the  disturbers 
of  the  commonwealth,  but  not  till  he  had  forced  Mithridates  to 
make  reparation  for  the  wrongs  he  had  done  to  the  Romans  or 
tlicir  allies.  Having  at  length  settled  the  affairs  of  the  east  by 
a  treaty  equally  honorable  to  the  Roman  name  and  to  himself, 
he  set  out  for  the  west  at  the  head  of  forty  thousand  brave  vet- 
erans, devoted  to  the  cause  of  their  general.  With  this  force 
he  landed  on  the  shores  of  Italy,  and  found  that  amazing  prepa- 
rations  had  been  made  against  him  by  the  party  of  Marius.  His 
enemies,  who  had  been  joined  by  the  Samnites  and  Lucanians, 
were  supposed  to  have,  at  different  stations,  upwards  of  two  hun- 
dred thousand  men  under  fifteen  generals. 

Against  so  many  opponents,  who,  happily  for  him,  did  not 
well  combine  their  efforts,  Sylla  dexterously  and  successfully 
employed  stratagem  blended  with  valor.  Carbo,  one  of  the  chief 
;  leaders  in  the  opposite  party,  said,  on  this  account,  that  in  Sylla 
!  he  had  to  contend  both  with  a  fox  and  a  lion,  but  that  the  fox 
gave  him  the  greater  trouble.  INIoreover,  the  great  reputation  of 
this  general  drew  numbers  of  soldiers  to  his  standard,  and  being 
ably  seconded  by  Crassus  and  Ponipey,  who  then  began  to  signa- 

*  Fuit  Caius  Marius,  quantum  bello  optimus,  tantum  pace  pessitnus... 
in  bello  hostibus,  in  otio  civibus  infestissimus. — Velleius  Patcrc.  fc.  ii, 
c.  10,  16. 

30* 


354  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VL 

IKG   tlicm selves,  he  every  where  prevailed  over   the  party  of  I 
Marius.  i 

Still,  a  decisive  battle  fought  under  the  walls  of  Rome,  was 
very  near  snatching  from  him  the  fruit  of  all  his  labors.  The 
last  of  the  enemy's  armies  was  under  the  command  of  Telesinus, 
the  Samnite,  an  experienced  and  intrepid  man,  worthy  of  being 
an  antagonist  of  Sylla  and  Pompey.  Having  deceived  these  two 
generals  by  a  skilful  march,  he  reached  by  night  the  neigh- 
borhood  of  the  Roman  capital,  which  he  knew  to  be  almost 
defenceless.  The  day  following,  Sylla  followed  him  closely,  and 
when  he  arrived  found  the  enemy  preparing  to  force  the  gates 
of  the  city.  He  gave  orders  for  an  immediate  attack.  The  conflict, 
carried  on  between  two  armies  of  determined  valor  and  rendered 
still  more  furious  by  inveterate  hatred,  was  obstinate  in  the  ex- 
treme, and  victory  remained  for  a  long  time  doubtful.  The 
left  wing  of  Sylla' s  army,  being  attacked  by  the  whole  strength 
of  the  Samnites,  was  much  distressed,  and  at  first  compelled 
to  give  way ;  but  the  right  wing  under  Crassus  was  completely 
victorious.  The  action,  so  varied  in  its  results  throughout 
different  parts  of  the  field,  became  at  length  completely  decisive 
in  behalf  of  the  Romans.  Telesinus,  whilst  animating  his  troops 
by  word  and  example,  fell  covered  with  wounds,  and  together 
with  him  nearly  the  whole  of  his  army  was  cut  to  pieces;  for 
Sylla  had  ordered  to  give  no  quarter.  This  battle  was  a  death- 
blow  to  the  party  of  Marius,  and  prostrated  it  for  ever  in  Italy 
(B.  c.  82).  ^^ 

Until  this  period,  Sylla' s  conduct  in  his  capacity  of  magistrate 
and  general  had  been  praiseworthy,  or  at  least  generally  excusable. 
Had  he  ceased  to  live  on  the  day  on  which  he  conquered  the  rest 
of  his  enemies,  he  might  have  seemed  worthy  of  his  fortune,  and 
of  the  surname  of  fortunate^  or  prosperous,  which  he  liked  to 
assume.  But  from  this  time  forward,  he  appeared  chiefly  as  an 
odious  tyrant.  His  prosperity,  his  resentment  of  personal  wrongs, 
and  perhaps  an  idea  that  the  state  was  to  be  purged  of  its  evils 
by  the  death  of  all  their  authors,  changed  his  former  moderation 
into  unflinching  rigor,  and  made  him  sully  the  glory  of  his  tri- 
umph by  cruel  and  bloody  retaliation.  The  day  after  his  victory 
over  Telesinus  and  the  Samnites,  he  put  to  death  several  thousand 
eoldiers  of  the  Marian  party,  who  had  surrendered  to  him  under 
promise  of  life.  Even  that  butchery  was  only  the  beginning  of 
the  terrible  executions  which  he  contemplated.  Causing  himself 
to  be  invested  by  the  people,  or  rather  investing  himself,  with 
unlimited  power  and  the  dictatorial  dignity  for  an  indefinite 
time,  he  doomed  to  death  the  remnants  of  the  vanquished  with 


I 


».  0.  100—78.  MARIUS.-SYLL.V.  855 

anabated  animosity.     The  lists  of  proscription  wore  put  up  not 
only  in  Home,  but  in  all  the  cities  of  Italy.     Neither  the  temple, 
nor  the  paternal  roof,  nor  the  hospitable  hearth,  was  any  suie 
protection  against  murder;    and  those   who   were   sacrificed  to 
I  party  spirit  and  private  resentment,  were  not  to  be  compared  in 
number  with  those  who  perished  on  account  of  their  wealth. 
I  There  were  put  to  death  for  one  or  the  other  of  these  reasons, 
I  about  two  thousand  senators  and  knights,  and  a  far  greater  num- 
ber of  other  citizens  or  allies,  whose  blood  flowed  like  a  stream 
i  in  some  parts  of  Italy. 

I      When  these  dreadful  executions  began  to  subside,  the  dictator 

'  set  himself  about  enacting  various  regulations,  and  endeavor- 

'  ing    to    restore    the    commonwealth,  as  far  as  possible,  to  its 

:  former   state.     He  revived   or  increased  the  penalties  against 

I  crimes  peculiarly  hurtful  to  society,  such  as  perjury,  the  adulte- . 

[  ration  of  coin,  poisoning,  and  assassination.     Being  aware  how 

'  often  and  how  much  the  tribunitial  power  had  been  misused,  he 

'  considerably  weakened  it,  and  replaced  the  chief  authority  in  the 

hands  of  the  senate  and  patrician  order.     These  measures  were 

wholesome  and  expedient;  not  so,  however,  was  the  course  which 

he  pursued  in  behalf  of  the  troops  who  had  fought  under  his 

'  banner,  and  whose  number  had  increased  to  more  than  a  hundred 

I  thousand   men.     As  a  reward   for  their  services  to  his  cause, 

he  distributed  among  them  the  lands  of  those  who  had  belonged 

'  to  the  opposite  party.     Besides   the    violence   implied   in    this 

measure,  subsequent  leaders  of  parties  in  the  state  learned,  from 

!  his  example,  how  to  gain  the  legions  over  to  their  interests,  and, 

by  immense  largesses,  to  attach  them  much  more  to  their  per- 

I  sons  than  to  the  republic. 

I  Sylla,  by  this  time,  had  governed  the  state  for  two  years  with 
absolute  power,  and  public  opinion  or  flattery,  repeatedly  ex- 
i  pressed  in  his  behalf,  seemed  to  have  sanctioned  his  authority, 
when  he  resolved  to  lay  it  down  of  his  own  accord.  In  fact,  this 
singular  man,  to  the  astonishment  of  every  one,  freely  resigned 
that  high  station,  the  highest  indeed  ever  obtained  by  any  Roman, 
which  he  had  only  reached  through  torrents  of  human  blood. 
But,  although  he  had  now  reduced  himself  to  the  condition  of  a 
private  citizen,  he  continued  to  inspire  so  much  respect  or  fear, 
that  among  the  myriads  of  persons  who  had  to  consider  him  as 
the  destroyer  of  their  relatives  and  friends,  not  one  thought  or 
dared  to  avenge  them  by  his  death. 

yylla  spent  his  leisure  hours,  first  in  country  amusements  and 
the  composition  of  his  memoirs,  and  then  also,  to  his  own  cost, 
in  licentiousness  and  debauchery.     His  excessoa  occasioned  ot 


i 


356  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

increased  a  distemper,  wliich  carried  him  off  in  tbe  sixtieth  year  of 
his  life  (b.  c.  78).  Like  Marius,  he  had  been  successively  a  mosl 
useful  instrument  and  a  most  terrible  scourge  to  his  country ;  and 
he  himself  expressed  the  exact  truth  about  his  character,  when 
he  prepared  the  following  inscription  to  be  engraved  on  his  tomb: 
^'Here  lies  Sylla,  who  never  was  outdone  in  good  offices  by  a 
friend,  nor  in  acts  of  hostility  and  revenge  by  an  enemy." 
''Being  rapacious  in  a  high  degree,"  says  Plutarch,  "he  was  still 
more  liberal ;  and  in  preferring  or  disgracing  whom  he  pleased 
equally  unaccountable.  .  .  .  He  would  sometimes  put  men  to 
cruel  tortures  on  slight  grounds,  and  sometimes  overlook  tho 
greatest  crimes.  He  would  easily  take  some  persons  into  favor 
after  the  most  unpardonable  offences,  while  he  took  vengeance 
on  others  for  small  and  trifling  faults  by  death  or  confiscation  of 
goods.  These  things  can  be  no  otherwise  reconciled,  than  by 
admitting  that  he  was  severe  and  vindictive  in  his  temper,  bul 
occasionally  checked  those  inclinations,  when  his  own  interest 
was  concerned."* 

Such  is  the  judgment  of  Plutarch  on  Sylla;  a  judgment  adop- 
ted by  the  generality  of  historians,  and  unfortunately  too  well 
substantiated  by  facts.  Stiil,  there  are  not  wanting  grave 
authors  who,  without  intending  to  justify  Sylla  altogether,  yet 
think  much  less  unfavorably  of  this  famous  lloman  with  respect 
to  his  character  as  a  politician,  his  motives,  and  the  acts  of  hid 
public  life.  Such,  in  particular,  is  the  view  taken  of  the  subject 
by  the  learned  Ferguson,  in  his  History  of  the  progress  and 
termination  of  tJie  Ro7nan  Repuilic.'\  Whether  the  view  be 
accurate  or  not,  is  left  to  the  judgment  of  the  reader;  but  tlie 
following  quotation  will  serve  at  least  to  throw  much  light  on 
this  important  part  of  Roman  history. 

''  Sylla's  resignation  throws  a  new  light  on  his  character,  and 
leads  to  a  favorable  construction  of  some  of  the  most  exception- 
able part  of  his  conduct.  When,  with  the  help  of  the  comment 
it  affords,  wo  look  back  to  the  establishments  he  made  while  in 
power,  they  appear  not  to  be  the  act  of  a  determined  usurper, 
but  to  be  fitted  for  a  republican  government,  and  for  the  restora- 
tion of  that  order  which  the  violence  and  corruption  of  the  times 
had  suspended. 

''That  he  was  actuated  by  a  violent  resentment  of  personal 
wrongs,  cannot  be  questioned;  but  it  is  likewise  evident  that  he 
felt  en  proper  occasions  for  tho  honor  and  preservation  of  Hi 

*  Plutarch,  in  Syll. 
•j-  See  \  .  M,  7,  towards  the  end  of  the  chapter. 


n.  0.  100—78.  MARIUS.— SYLLA.  857 

3oimtry,  in  the  noblest  sense  of  these  words.  .  .  .  In  hb  capa- 
\  of  a  political  reformer,  he   had  to  work  on  the  dregs  of  a 
1  iipted  republic. — Where  the  gangrene  spread  in  such  a  bod}', 
it  was  likely  to  require  the  amputation-knife :  however  violent 
tlic  remedy,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  Sylla  deemed  it  abso- 
lutely requisite; — and    although  the  effect  fell  short  of  what 
is  ascribed  to  fabulous  legislators,  yet  to  none  ever  were  ascribed 
0  tokens  of  magnanimity  and  greatness  of  mind.* 
•  There  remained,  in  the  city,  at  his  death,  a  numerous  body 
M  new  citizens  who  bore  his  name.  .  .  .  numbers  throughout  the 
I  uipire,  who  owed  their  safety  to  his  protection,  and  who  ascribed 
tlu'  existence  of  the  commonwealth  itself  to  the  exertions  of  his 
in  I  at  ability  and  courage :  numbers  who,  although  they  were 
nllVnded  with  the  severe  exercise  of  his  power,  yet  admired  the 
magnanimity  of  his  resignation. 

''  When  he  was  no  longer  an  ubject  of  flattery,  his  corpse  was 
carried  in  procession  through  Italy  at  the  public  expense.  The 
fasces,  and  every  other  ensign  of  honor,  were  restored  to  the 
dead.  Above  two  thousand  golden  crowns  were  fabricated  in 
haste,  by  order  of  the  towns  or  provinces  he  had  protected,  or  of 
the  private  persons  he  had  preserved,  to  testify  their  veneration 
for  his  memory. 

"  His  merit  or  demerit  in  the  principal  transactions  of  his  life 
may  be  variously  estimated.  His  having  slain  so  many  citizens 
in  cold  blood,  and  without  any  form  of  law,  if  we  imagine  them 
to  have  been  innocent,  or  if  we  conceive  the  republic  to  have 
been  in  a  state  to  allow  them  a  trial,  must  be  considered  as  mon- 
strous or  criminal  in  the  highest  degree :  but  if  none  of  these  sup- 
positions were  just;  if  they  were  guilty  of  the  greatest  crimes, 
and  were  themselves  the  authors  of  that  lawless  state  to  which 
their  country  was  reduced,  his  having  saved  the  republic  from 
the  hands  of  such  ruffians,  and  purged  it  of  the  vilest  dregs  that 
ever  threatened  to  poison  a  free  state,  may  be  considered  as 
meritorious.'^ 

*  AVe  present  here  in  a  few  words,  taken  nearly  all  from  the  author 
himself,  what  he  says  at  much  greater  length  in  two  successive  parj^ 
grapha. 


358  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  VI 


EXPLOITS  OF   SERTOPvIUS    IN    SPAIN,  AND  OF  SPARTACUS  IH    I 
ITALY.— B.  c.  80—71. 

After  the  year  e,  C.  82,  the  party  of  Marius  was  prostrated 
in  Italy;  but  it  continued  some  3^ears  longer  in  Sicily,  Africa, 
and  Spain;  to  Pompey  was  reserved  the  honor  of  crushing  its 
last  remains  in  these  various  regions.  Africa  and  Sicily  did  not 
cost  him  much  trouble;  but  he  had  terrible  difficulties  to  en- 
counter in  Spain.  Here  the  struggle  was  carried  on  with  great 
vigor  and  success  by  Sertorius,  probably  the  best  man,  and, 
beyond  all  comparison,  the  ablest  general  of  the  Marian  party. 
No  leader  of  an  army,  during  the  period  of  the  civil  war,  sur- 
passed him  in  wisdom  of  measures,  boldness  of  execution,  in- 
trepidity in  danger,  and  especially  skill  in  taking  advantage  of 
the  mountains,  passes  and  defiles,  in  a  word,  of  every  part  of 
the  country.  In  this  respect,  he  was  a  second  Annibal ;  and  the 
Spaniards,  among  whom  the  memory  of  the  great  Carthaginian 
leader  was  not  yet  obliterated,  gave  him  the  name  of  that  famous 
general.  He  deserved  it  the  more,  as  he  knew,  like  him,  by  a 
happy  mixture  of  justice,  moderation  and  liberality,  how  to  ac- 
quire and  preserve  a  wonderful  influence  over  the  minds  of  hia 
soldiers. 

The  natives  themselves  were  taught  to  place  an  unbounded 
confidence  in  Sertorius ;  and  the  astonishing  increase  of  his  power, 
far  above  what  they  could  reasonably  expect,  confirmed  them  in 
this  disposition.  For,  with  scarcely  eight  thousand  men  at  first, 
he  maintained  the  contest  against  four  Iloman  generals,  who  had  ' 
a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot,  six  thousand  horse,  and 
cities  without  number  under  their  command ;  whilst  he,  at  thfl 
commencement  of  his  campaigns,  had  no  more  than  twenty  cities. 
Yet,  with  so  trifling  a  force  he  subdued  several  great  nations, 
took  many  cities,  and  won  many  battles.  The  great  l*ompej^ 
himself,  one  of  the  generals  sent  against  Sertorius,  was  severely 
handled  by  him ;  being  worsted  a  first  and  second  time,  he  ran 
the  risk  of  still  greater  loss,  when  he  was  rescued  from  it  by  the 
timely  assistance  of  his  colleague,  Metellus  Pius.  As  Metellus 
was  much  older  than  Pompey,  Sertorius  said  on  this  occasion.* 
•^If  the  old  woman  had  not  been  here,  I  would  have  flogged  the 
boy  well,  and  sent  him  back  to  Home.'' 

But  Sertorius  himself  had  in  his  own  camp  a  secret  enemy 
much  more  to  be  feared,  than  those  who  opposed  him  in  the  field. 
This  was  Perpenna,  his  second  in  command,  an  ambitious  and 


0.80—71.  SERTORIUS.— SPARTACUS.  359 


alous  mail,  wlio,  on  account  of  liis  high  birth  and  parentage, 

>uld  not  bear  to  hold  an  inferior  rank  in  the  army.     To  reach 

|,ie  object  of  his  ambition,  the  title  of  commander-in-chief,  he 

Ireachcrously  invited  Scrtorius  to  a  repast,  during  which  he 
auscd  this  great  man  to  be  murdered  by  a  band  of  assassins 
rB.  c.  73).  In  consequence  of  this  melancholy  event,  the  war  in 
flpain  was  soon  brought  to  an  end;  Pompey  defeated  with  tho 
l-rcatest  ease  the  remains  of  that  party,  put  Perpenna  to  death, 

nd  returned  with  Metellus  Pius  to  Rome,  where  they  enjoyed 

ogether  the  honors  of  a  triumph. 
The  struggle  against  Sertorius  and  Perpenna  was  not  yet  end- 

fd,  when  a  new  and  more  dangerous  contest  broke  out  in  Italy, 
i'hcre  prevailed  among  the  Eomans  a  barbarous  custom  of 
;naking  slaves  meet  in  mortal  combat,  for  the  amusement  of  the 

Deople,  or  the  diversion  of  their  masters.  These  unfortunate 
fnen  were  chiefly  Thracians  and  Gauls  or  Germans,  but  bore  the 
;(5ommon  name  of  gladiators.  Seventy  or  eighty  of  them,  having 
[•escaped  from  their  place  of  confinement,  retired  to  some  fastness 
\}n  the  ascent  to  Mount  Vesuvius^  whence  they  began  to  harass 
r);he  neighborhood  with  a  terrible  warfare.  They  acknowledged 
For  their  leader  Spartacus,  a  Thracian  captive,  whose  talents, 
courage  and  magnanimity  raised  him  far  above  the  servile  con- 
dition to  which  he  had  been  reduced.  Success  increased  his 
Qunibers ;  multitudes  of  slaves  from  every  quarter  flocked  to  his 
Btandard,  and  in  a  short  time  gave  a-very  serious  appearance  to 
the  insurrection. 

Spartacus,  by  his  valor  and  conduct,  and  even  by  his  wisdom 
md  generosity,  acquired  as  much  authority  as  if  he  had  been  a 
legal  commander.  Pie  employed  many  of  his  followers  in  fabri- 
cating arms,  and  formed  the  multitudes  that  resorted  to  him  into 
regular  bodies,  till  at  length  he  collected  an  army  of  seventy 
thousand  men,  which  overran  the  country  to  a  great  extent.  He 
liad  already  defeated  the  praetors  Clodius,  Varinus  and  Cossinius 
with  all  their  forces ;  so  that  it  became  necessary  to  send  another 
praetor,  Arrius,  and  the  two  consuls  Gellius  and  Lentulus,  at  the 
[lead  of  their  respective  armies,  against  this  formidable  enemy. 
But  these  new  generals,  although  they  obtained  at  first  a  great 
advantage  over  a  separate  body  of  the  insurgents,  were  in  their 
turn  signally  defeated  by  Spartacus;  shortly  after,  he  likewise  re- 
pulsed the  proconsul  Cassius  and  the  praetor  Manlius,  and  by  this 
fresh  series  of  victories,  not  only  retrieved  his  loss,  but  even  was 
rnabled  to  raise  the  number  of  h.\s>  men  to  a  hundred  and  twenty 
Uiousand. 
The  Eomans,  greatly  embarrassed  and  thrown  into  some  degree 


360  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

of  consternation,  at  length  committed  the  conduct  of  their  troops 
in  Italy  to  Marcus  Crassus,  the  same  who  had  given  proofs  of 
judgment  and  courage  in  the  civil  wars  under  Sjlla.  Crassus 
assembled  no  less  thun  six  legions,  with  which  he  went  in  search 
of  the  enemy.  Upon  his  arrival  in  Lucania,  he  cut  off  ten 
thousand  men,  who  were  stationed  at  some  distance  from  the  main 
body  of  their  army,  and  pursuing  his  advantage,  endeavored  to 
shut  up  the  rest  of  their  troops  in  the  narrow  peninsula  of  Bru- 
tium.  Having  failed  in  this  measure,  owing  to  a  bold  contri- 
vance of  Spartacus  who  forced  the  lines  during  the  dark,  he  at 
least  closely  followed  him,  harassed  him  in  his  flight,  and  by 
another  attack  skilfully  prepared  and  well  directed,  again  de- 
stroyed a  large  number  of  gladiators. 

The  two  leaders,  at  length,  came  simultaneously  to  the  resolu- 
tion of  hazarding  a  general  and  decisive  battle.  Spartacus,  in 
order  to  show  his  full  determination  to  conquer  or  to  die,  killed  hia 
own  charger  in  presence  of  all,  saying  that,  '^if  he  were  victo- 
rious, he  would  have  plenty  of  horses,  and  if  conquered,  he  would 
not  stand  in  need  of  any."*  He  fought,  indeed,  with  the  most 
undaunted  valor,  and  made  his  chief  attack  where  he  understood 
that  the  Roman  general  was  posted.  He  intended  to  decide  the 
action  by  forcing  the  Romans  in  that  quarter;  but,  after  much 
bloodshed,  after  he  had  killed  two  centurions  with  his  own  hand, 
and  made,  to  the  last,  extraordinary  exertions  of  courage,  he 
himself  was  wounded,  overwhelmed  by  superior  numbers,  and 
slain. 

His  death  gave  a  complete  victory  to  the  Romans;  as  they 
allowed  no  quarter,  the  carnage  was  frightful,  and  no  fewer  than 
forty  thousand  of  the  insurgents  were  put  to  the  sword.  More- 
over, soon  after  the  battle,  many  of  the  fugitives  having  rallied 
and  formed  a  body  of  five  thousand,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pom- 
pey,  who  had  just  arrived  from  Spain,  and  were  cut  in  pieces. 
This  trifling  and  easy  advantage  furnished  his  vanity  with  a  pre- 
tence for  boasting  that,  not  Crassus,  but  he  had  rooted  out  the 
very  seeds  of  the  rebellion.  History  has  been  more  equitable, 
and  every  one  admits  that  to  Crassus,  and  to  his  equally  judicious 
and  brave  conduct,  incontestibly  belongs  the  honor  of  having 
icrminuted  so  dangerous  a  war  (b.  c.  71). 


*  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Crassus. 


.H' 


a. 


I 


71-G7.  MITIIR1DATES.--LUCULLUS.  361 


SiiCOND  WAR  AGAINST  MITIIRIDATES.— SPLENDID  VICTORIES 
OF  LUCULLUS.— PRIVATE  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  THIS 
GENERAL.— B.  c.  74—67. 

MiTiiRiDATES,  the  king  of  Pontus,  bad  been  principally  occu- 
pied, since  his  treaty  with  Sylla,  in  devising  the  proper  means  to 
renew  the  war  with  success.  Aware  of  the  difficulties  created 
by  Sertorius  against  Rome,  he  availed  himself  of  them  to  execute 
his  own  designs.  Having  again  mustered  numerous  forces,  he 
attacked  the  possessions  or  allies  of  the  Romans  situated  near  his 
frontier,  and  soon  recovered  the  ground  which  he  had  recently 
lost  in  that  portion  of  Asia.  Cotta,  one  of  the  consuls  for  the 
vear  B.  c.  74,  far  from  being  able  to  check  his  advance,  wag 
himself  defeated  in  two  battles;  and  the  conqueror  then  proceed- 
;ed  to  attack  Cyzicum,  an  important  maritime  city  on  the  shore 
.of  the  Propontis,  and  invested  it  with  three  hundred  thousand 
men  by  Jand  and  four  hundred  vessels  by  sea. 

Such  wj!^  the  situation  of  affairs,  when  the  other  Roman  consul 
arrived  at  the  head  of  his  legions.  This  was  Licinius  Lucullns, 
formerly  one  of  Sylla's  lieutenants  during  the  first  war  against 
Mithridates,  and  now  an  excellent  commander  himself,  the  more 
'worthy  of  admiration,  as  the  first  period  of  his  life  did  not  seem 
to  promise  anything  very  remarkable  in  this  respect.  lie  had 
spent  his  youth  in  forensic  studies  ;  and  whilst  he  exercised  the 
office  of  quaestcr  in  Asia,  the  province  had  always  enjoyed  peace. 
But  his  natural  genius  made  ample  compensation  for  bis  want 
of  adequate  experience.  Having  employed  the  time  of  bis  jour- 
ney from  Rome  to  the  east,  partly  in  consulting  expert  warriors, 
and  partly  in  reading  books  of  history,  he  arrived  in  Asia  an  able 
commander,  though  be  bad  left  Italy  with  only  an  imperfect  know- 
ledge of  the  art  of  warfare.* 

But  the  Ecience  of  war  was  but  a  secondary  quality  in  Lucullus. 
He  displayed,  during  his  expedition,  other  qualities  still  more  wor- 
thy  of  esteem,  such  as  magnanimity  towards  Cotta,  his  rash  and 
envious  colleague,  to  whom  he  gave  speedy  relief  in  misfortune  ; 
humanity  towards  his  soldiers,  whose  blood  and  lives  be  spared 
as  much  as  he  could;  justice  and  unflinching  zeal  to  re- 
press the   rapacity  of  the   Roman  farmers  and  usurers  in   the 

*  Ingenii  magnitudo  non  desideravit  usus  disciplinam.  Itaque  cum 
totum  iter  et  navigationem  consurapsisset  partim  in  percontando  a  peri- 
tis,  partim  in  rehus  gestis  Icgendis ;  in  Asiam  factus  imperator  venit, 
cum  csset  Roma  profectus  rci  militaris  rudis. — Cicero  Acad.  Quoest.  b 
iv,  n.  2. 

31 


362  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  VI 

countries  of  Asia;  in  fine,  generosity  and  kindness  towards  even 
prisoners  of  war.  These  noble  actions  and  virtues  do  more  honor 
to  Lucullus,  than  all  his  splendid  victories. 

MithridateS;  as  we  before  remarked,  had  laid  siege  to  Cjzicum, 
a  town  of  considerable  importance,  and  occupied  himself  in  bat- 
tering the  place  with  a  vast  number  of  engines.  But  the  defence 
was  not  less  vigorous  than  the  attack,  and  the  besieged  made 
prodigious  exertions  to  repel  every  effort  of  the  assailants,  eitlier 
burning  their  machines,  or  in  a  thousand  other  ways  endeavoring 
to  render  them  useless.  What  encouraged  most  effectually  the 
inhabitants  of  Cyzicum,  was  the  promise  which  Lucullus  had 
made  to  them,  that  if  they  continued  to  defend  themselves  with 
courage,  he  would  surely  prevent  their  city  from  being  taken  bj 
Mithridates. 

He  fully  redeemed  his  pledge,  and  did  even  more  than  he  had 
promised.  Taking  possession  of  a  neighboring  height,  he,  from 
this  advantageous  post,  so  annoyed  the  besiegers  by  cutting  off 
their  detachments  and  convoys,  that  he  made  them  experience  all 
the  horrors  of  famine,  and  finally  compelled  them,  afifCf-  fruitless 
efforts  during  nearly  two  years,  to  abandon  their  undertaking 
Mithridates  withdrew  by  sea,  whilst  his  generals  had  orders  to 
lead  the  remnant  of  their  army  by  land  to  Lampsacus.  Lucullus 
pursued  these  fugitives,  and  overtaking  them  near  the  river 
Granicus,  killed  twenty  thousand  of  them  and  made  a  great  num- 
ber of  prisoners.  It  is  said  that  the  enemy  lost  in  this  cam- 
paign nearly  three  hundred  thousand  men,  including  soldiers  and 
servants  of  the  army.*  The  royal  fleet  met  with  an  equally 
disastrous  overthrow;  after  being  twice  defeated  by  Lucullus,  it 
was  almost  entirely  destroyed  by  a  tempest  on  the  Euxine  sea. 

The  first  fruit  of  so  many  victories  won  in  a  short  time,  was  the  re- 
duction of  all  Bithynia.  The  conqueror  then  advanced  by  the  way  of 
Galatia,  and  entering  Pontus,  transferred  the  seat  of  war  into  the 
heart  of  the  king's  dominions.  Mithridates  still  made  some  show 
of  resistance,  but  was  again  routed  with  his  whole  army ;  nay, 
the  victorious  Bomans  followed  him  so  closely,  that  he  was  on 
the  point  of  becoming  their  captive,  but,  either  by  accident  or  by 
the  contrivance  of  that  prince,  a  mule  loaded  with  gold  came 
between  him  and  his  pursuers.  The  attention  of  the  soldiers  was 
immediately  turned  to  the  precious  treasure,  and  while  they  were 
contending  about  their  booty,  a  much  more  important  prey,  the 
king  himself,  escaped  from  their  hands  (b.  c.  72). 

Mithridates,  being  now  stripped  alike  of  all  his  conquests  and 

*  Plutarch,  in  Lucull, 


B.  c.  74— G7.  MITIIRIDATES.— LUCULLUS.  863 

n  of  bis  hereditary  kingdom,  hastened  to  seek  a  refuge  at  the 
iirt  and  obtain  the  assistance  of  his  son  in  law,  Tigranes,  king 
of  Armenia.  This  monarch,  who,  on  account  of  his  great  power 
and  extensive  dominions,  was  called  klnrf  of  kings,  was  the  per- 
sonification of  the  despotism  and  pride  of  oriental  sovereigns.  On 
tlic  present  occasion,  he  assembled  an  army  of  fifty-five  thousand 
li  use,  of  which  number  seventeen  thousand  were  clad  in  steel,  a 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  heavy-armed  infantry,  and  twenty 
iliousand  archers  or  slingers ;  besides  thirty -five  thousand  pioneers, 
uliose  presence  gave  to  the  army  an  appearance  of  still  greater 
strength  and  number.  Lucullus,  always  indefatigable  and  in- 
trepid, fearlessly  advanced  against  this  numerous  host,  at  the  head 
of  a  body  of  troops  whose  whole  number  did  not  amount  to  fifteen 
thousand. 

Tigranes,  at  the  sight  of  this  handful  of  men,  could  not  refrain 
from  smiling,  and  said :  "  If  they  come  as  ambassadors,  they  are 
too  many ;  if  as  soldiers,  too  few.''  While  he  thus  indulged  with 
his  courtiers  in  railleries  and  jestsj  Lucullus  was  preparing  to  attack 
him.  Some  Roman  officers  remarked  to  their  general  that  this 
was  a  very  inauspicious  day,  because  on  that  very  day,  the  sixth 
of  October,  Caepio's  army  had  been  defeated  by  the  Cimbri : 
^^Well,"  replied  Lucullus,  "I  will  make  it  an  auspicious  one." 
Having  said  this,  and  animated  his  soldiers,  he  instantly  led  them 
against  the  enemy.  It  required  but  a  moment  to  break  these 
countless  battalions  bristling  with  iron  and  steel,  and  to  throw 
them  into  irremediable  confusion.  They  did  not  even  strike  a 
blow  and  attempt  to  defend  themselves,  but  fled  in  disorder,  or 
rather  only  endeavored  to  fly,  and  being  slaughtered  with  the 
greatest  ease,  they  lost  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men  ; 
whereas  the  conquerors  had  only  five  men  slain  in  the  tumult  of 
the  action,  and  about  one  hundred  wounded. 

This  battle  reflected  considerable  lustre  on  Roman  valor  and 
discipline.  The  troops  of  the  republic  had  never  engaged,  in  a 
pitched  battle,  so  great  a  number  of  enemies  with  so  few  soldiers, 
that  is,  in  the  proportion  of  one  to  twenty;  nor  had  they  ever 
gained  so  signal  a  victory  with  so  trifling  a  loss.  Lucullus,  above 
all,  had  won  immortal  honor  both  in  this  particular  action  and  in 
the  whole  campaign.  The  ablest  and  most  experienced  persons 
in  the  science  of  war  observed  that  it  was  his  peculiar  praise,  to 
have  defeated  two  of  the  mightiest  kings  in  the  world  by  meth- 
ods entirely  difi'erent ;  the  one  by  a  quick,  and  the  other  by  a 
slow  process.  For  he  ruined  Mithridates,  when  in  the  height  of. 
his  power,  by  protracting  the  conflict ;  and  on  the  contrary,  he 
overthrew  Tigranes  by  the  celerity  of  his  movements  (b.  c.  69.) 


864  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pari  VI 

The  result  of  his  last  victory  was  the  submission  of  many  couii' 
tries  in  the  neighborhood,  and  the  capture  of  the  royal  city  of 
Tigranocerta,  the  booty  and  spoils  of  which  enriched  his  arnjy 
The  vanquished  monarch,  learning  wisdom  from  his  defeat,  now 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  king  of  Pontus,  in  whose  absence  he 
liad  purposely  fought  the  last  battle,  in  order  not  to  lose  any 
portion  of  that  glory  which  he  had  anticipared.  The  two  kings 
levied  another  army  consisting  of  seventy  thousand  foot,  and 
thirty-five  thousand  horse.  Yet,  with  this  superior  force,  they 
did  not  venture  to  encounter  Lucullus  in  a  regular  engagement ; 
their  plan  was  to  weaken  him  by  degrees,  to  harass  him  by  fre- 
quent skirmishes,  and  to  endeavor  to  intercept  his  convoys,  till 
be  should  be  compelled  to  quit  the  country  for  want  of  provisions. 
This  mode  of  warfare,  had  his  opponents  persevered  in  it,  might 
have  thrown  serious  difficulties  in  the  way  of  Lucullus.  The 
Koman  general  neglected  nothing  that  might  bring  them  to  a 
decisive  action;  he  drew  a  line  of  circumvallation  about  their 
camp,  laid  waste  the  country  before  their  eyes,  but  all  to  no  pur- 
pose. He  therefore  marched  against  Artaxata,  the  capital  of 
Armenia,  where  Tigranes  had  left  his  family  and  nearly  all  hi? 
treasures,  expecting  that  the  king  would  not  suffer  that  city  to  be 
taken  without  making  an  effort  in  its  defence. 

This  last  expedient  succeeded ;  Tigranes,  rather  than  abandon 
so  important  a  place,  resolved  to  fight,  and  advanced  against  the 
Komans.  Lucullus,  on  his  part,  eagerly  prepared  for  battle.  He 
so  animated  his  troops  by  word  and  example,  that  the  enemy,  at 
the  first  onset,  fled  in  every  direction.  No  flight,  however,  ap- 
peared more  disgraceful  than  that  of  Mithridates ;  for  he  could 
not  resist  even  the  shouts  of  the  Romans.  The  defeat  of  the 
barbarians  was  entire,  although  the  slaughter  was  not  so  great  aj 
in  the  battle  of  the  preceding  year. 

Lucullus,  emboldened  by  success,  resolved  to  complete  the  sub- 
jection of  the  Armenian  states.  But  among  the  many  great  and 
noble  qualities  of  this  general,  one  was  wanting  :  he  had  not  the 
talent  to  win  the  affection  of  his  troops  by  kindness;  or,  perhaps, 
he  disdained  to  obtain  it  at  the  cost  of  firmness  and  discipline. 
His  legions,  particularly  two  of  them,  had  already  given  several 
marks  of  indocility  ;  but  when  he  wished,  after  his  late  victory 
to  go  forward  and  finish  the  work  which  he  had  so  gloriously  be- 
gun, they  openly  mutinied,  and  refused  to  follow  him  any  farther. 
This  invincible  conqueror  of  so  many  enemies  was  thus  checked 
by  his  own  troops  in  the  most  prosperous  part  of  his  career.* 
lieing  superseded  in  the  command  of  the  army,  he  returned  tcl 
Rome,  where  prejudice,  party-spirit  and  jealousy  prevented  him,* 


J 


•  B.  0.  74—07.  MITIUUDATES.— LUCULLliS.  365 

for  a  long  timo,  from  obtaining  the  triumphal  honors  which  he 
had  so  well  deserved. 

Lucullus  spent  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  comparative  obscu- 
ritv;  he  took  little  part  in  the  affairs  of  government,  and  being 
{assessed  of  immense  riches,  henceforth  made  use  of  them  to  en- 
joy repose.  Nothing  was  more  splendid  than  his  houses,  his 
villas,  his  gardens,  and  especially  his  banquets.  His  furniture 
uas  of  the  most  costly  kind,  and  his  daily  repasts  remarkable  for 
the  varied  and  exquisitely  dressed  dishes  served  up  at  his  table. 
On  a  certain  day,  as  he  was  taking  his  evening  repast  by  himself, 
and  saw  but  a  moderate  supper,  he  called  the  steward,  and 
expressed  his  dissatisfaction.  The  steward  answered  that,  as  no 
body  was  invited,  he  had  not  thought  it  necessary  to  make  a 
greater  provision  :  "  What,"  exclaimed  his  master,  "  did  you  not 
know  that  Lucullus  was  to  sup  with  Lucullus  ?" 

As  this  refined  magnificence  was  the  subject  of  much  conver- 
sation in  Rome,  Cicero  and  Pompey,  then  the  greatest  personages 
of  the  state,  desired  to  know  it  from  actual  observation.  For  this 
purpose,  they  addressed  Lucullus  one  day  in  the  forum,  when  he 
appeared  perfectly  disengaged.  Cicero  was  one  of  his  most  inti- 
mate friends;  and,  although  a  serious  altercation  had  occurred 
between  Lucullus  and  Pompey  about  the  command  of  the  army 
in  Asia,  yet  they  continued  on  terms  of  friendly  intercourse,  and 
used  to  converse  freely  and  familiarly  with  each  other.  Cicero, 
after  the  usual  salutation,  asked  Lucullus  whether  he  was  at  lei- 
sure to  receive  company;  he  answered  that  ^'nothing  would  be 
more  agreeable,"  and  pressed  them  both  to  come  to  his  house. 
They  went  together  with  him,  but  would  not  allow  him  to  say 
any  thing  to  his  servants,  lest  he  should  order  them  to  make  some 
addition  to  the  supper  provided  for  himself.  Only,  at  his  request, 
they  suffered  him  to  tell  the  steward  in  their  presence,  that  he 
'•  would  sup  in  the  Apollo ;"  which  was  the  name  of  one  of  his 
most  magnificent  rooms.  By  that  single  word,  he  eluded  the 
vigilance  of  his  two  illustrious  guests;  for  each  of  the  dining 
rooms  in  the  house  of  Lucullus  had  its  particular  allowance  of 
provisions,  service  of  plate  and  other  furniture,  a  circumstance 
wi  II  known  to  the  servants.  Now,  the  stated  expense  of  an  enter- 
tainment in  the  Apollo  was  fifty  thousand  drachms  (at  least  five 
thousand  dollars);  and  the  whole  sum,  says  Plutarch,  was  expen- 
ded that  evening.  Pompe}  and  Cicero  were  not  less  surprised  at 
the  magnificence  of  the  feast^  than  at  the  expf,'dition  with  which 
it  was  prepared.*'  

*  Plutarcli  in  Lucull. 
31* 


366  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI 

This  manner  of  living  was,  it  is  true,  more  worthy  of  an 
eastern  prince  than  of  a  Roman  general ;  but  it  should  be  observed 
that,  whilst  I*ucullus  indulged  in  such  pomp  and  refinement,  he 
also  made  a  noble  and  generous  use  of  his  riches,  in  obliging  his 
friends,  patronizing  learned  men,  and  collecting  books  or  master- 
pieces of  art,  etc.  A  still  greater  service  rendered  by  him, 
though  at  less  cost,  was  the  transplantation  of  the  Cerasus  or 
cherry-tree,  which  he  found  near  the  city  of  Cerasus  in  the  king- 
dom of  Pontus,  and  which  he  made  known  in  Europe. 

Lucullus,  after  the  close  of  his  campaigns  in  Asia,  lived  ten 
years.  At  his  death  he  was  much  and  deservedly  regretted  by 
the  Romans;  for,  notwithstanding  his  profuse  magnificence,  it 
would  have  been  dijBScult  to  find  a  man  of  more  exact  and  strict 
probity.  As  he  had  constantly  proved  himself  a  generous  mas- 
ter, an  affectionate  relative,  and  a  patriotic  citizen,  as  well  as  an 
able  general,  he  left  behind  him  the  reputation  of  having  been 
Sylla's  equal  in  military  glory,  and  by  far  his  superior  in  civil  and 
social  virtues. 

WAR   AGAINST    THE  PIRATES.— EXTRAORDINARY   SUCCESS 
AND  REPUTATION  OF  POMPEY.— b:  c.  G7.  | 

When  Lucullus  could  no  longer  control  the  Roman  legions  in 
Asia,  the  two  kings  of  Pontus  and  Armenia  soon  recovered  the 
possession  of  their  states.  The  former,  besides,  defeated  several 
bodies  of  Roman  troops.  This  pew  advantage  of  Mithridates  occa- 
sioned some  uneasiness  at  Rome,  and  the  people  began  to  look  on 
Pompey  as  the  only  one  who  could  effectually  deliver  them  frooL 
this  implacable  and  relentless  enemy.  |l 

Pompey  was  now  in  the  most  conspicuous  part  of  his  career? 
Fortunate  in  all  his  undertakings,  he  had  just  obtained  most  sig 
nal  success  in  a  war  against  the  pirates  of  the  Mediterranean  sea 
These  pirates,  a  medley  of  different  nations,  although  they  all 
went  by  the  name  of  Cilicians,  had  become  within  a  few  years 
absolute  masters  at  sea,  from  the  Asiatic  shores  to  the  coasts  of  | 
Spain  and  the  strait  of  Gibraltar.  They  interrupted  commerce, 
cut  off  the  free  communication  between  the  islands  and  the  conti- 
nent, infested  the  maritime  provinces,  and  having  at  their  com- 
maud  upwards  of  a  thousand  vessels  well  equipped  and  directed 
by  skilful  pilots,  they  extended  their  depredations  to  every  place 
within  their  reach,  to  Africa,  Sardinia,  Sicily,  and  even  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber  and  almost  to  the  very  walls  of  Rome. 

Some  expeditions  had  already  been  sent  f\gainst  these  formida 
bio  banditti ;  but  they  either  failed,  or  produced  only  a  partial 


I  B.  c.  66-63.        THIRD  WAR  AGAINST  MITHRIDATES.  367 

and  transient  check.  The  boldness  as  well  as  the  strength  of  the 
pirates  was  constantly  on  the  increase.  The  ditficulties  of  com- 
merce and  national  intercourse,  the  scarcity  of  provisions  even  at 
Home,  and  the  insults  offered  to  the  lloman  power,  increased  in 
tlie  same  proportion;  and  besides  many  temples,  more  than  foui 
liundred  cities  had  been  taken  nnd  plundered  by  these  corsairs. 
To  put  an  end  to  so  many  evils,  it  was  thought  expedient  to  in- 
vest Pompey  for  three  years  with  extraordinary  power  at  sea, 
and  to  supply  him  with  all  the  forces  and  means  requisite  to  effect 
the  entire  overthrow  of  piracy.  For  this  purpose,  five  hundred 
ships,  with  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand  men  and  a 
large  amount  of  money  for  the  necessary  expenses,  were  placed 
at  his  disposal. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  Pompey  displayed  singu- 
lar prudence  and  judgment  in  the  distribution  of  his  forces;  he 
divided  the  whole  of  the  Mediterranean  into  thirteen  parts,  ap- 
pointing a  lieutenant  for  each,  to  whom  he  gave  command  of  a 
f^quadron;  by  thus  stationing  his  galleys  in  all  quarters,  he  com- 
pletely hemmed  in  the  pirates,  and  was  enabled  to  drive  them  all 
before  him.  He  himself,  with  sixty  of  his  best  vessels,  went  to 
attack  them  where  the  greatest  effort  was  to  be  made.  His  plans 
were  eminently  successful.  He  indeed  displayed  during  the  whole 
expedition  so  much  intelligence  and  activity,  and  was  so  ably  se- 
conded by  his  lieutenants,  among  others  by  the  celebrated  Varro, 
that,  instead  of  the  space  of  three  years  allow^ed  for  the  discharge 
of  his  commission,  three  months  were  sufficient  to  annihilate  the 
piratical  power.  All  the  forces  of  these  plunderers,  their  men, 
fleets,  harbors  and  strongholds,  dockyards  and  military  stores,  fell 
within  that  short  interval,  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans. 

The  defeat  of  the  pirates  was  so  complete,  so  decisive,  that,  of 
all  their  hostile  squadrons,  which  a  short  time  before  infested  all 
maritime  countries  and  even  blockaded  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber 
near  Rome,  not  a  galley  was  now  to  be  seen  over  all  the  vast  ex- 
tent that  stretches  from  the  coasts  of  Spain  to  the  most  eastern 
part  of  the  Mediterranean  sea. 


THIRD  AND  LAST  WAR  AGAINST  MITHRIDATES.— FURTHER 
CONQUESTS  OF  POMPEY.— AFFAIRS  OF  PONTUS,  ARMENIA, 
SYRIA,  AND  PALESTINE.— B.  c.  6G— G3. 

Pompey  had  just  achieved  this  memorable  exploit,  when  news 
reached  him  from  Rome  that  he  had  been  appointed  to  a  ne\» 
charge,  namely,  the  conduct  of  the  war  against  Mithridates.    He 


868  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  PartYI. 

did  not  disappoint  tlie  confidence  reposed  in  him,  and  tliQ  final 
overthrow  of  the  king  of  Pontus  was  the  result  of  one  short  cam- 
paign. This  prince,  whom  the  victories  of  Lucullus  had  so  much 
humbled,  evidently  could  not  oppose,  for  any  length-  of  time,  a 
general  like  Pompey  ;  being  forced  to  engage  in  a  battle  near  the 
Euphrates,  he  experienced"  so  signal  a  defeat,  that  no  resource 
was  left  him  but  a  precipitate  flight.  The  king  of  Armenia,  un- 
willing to  support  his  cause  any  longer,  refused  him  every  kind,:' 
of  shelter  and  assistance,  declared  him  an  enemy,  and  set  a  price 
of  a  hundred  talents  upon  his  head. 

In  this  distress,  the  unhappy  monarch,  although  abandoned  by 
others,  did  not  yet  despond.  Going  forward,  with  all  possible 
speed,  he  advanced,  notwithstanding  a  thousand  obstacles,  along 
the  coasts  of  the  Euxine  sea,  and  finally  reached  the  Cimmerian 
Bosphorus,  where  one  of  his  sons  possessed  a  princely  establish- 
ment. Pompey  pursued  him  at  first,  but  not  being  able 'to  over- 
take him,  contented  himself  with  chastising  by  severe  defeats  the 
Albanians  and  Iberians,  two  warlike  tribes  of  Mount  Caucasus, 
who  had  attempted  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  Romans  (b,  c.  65). 

Most  of  the  eastern  states  were  at  that  time  in  a  deplorable 
condition.  Above  all,  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  formerly  so  flour- 
ishing and  extensive,  had  been  reduced  to  the  lowest  degree  of 
weakness  by  foreign  attacks,  civil  dissensions,  and  the  incapacity 
or  profligacy  of  its  sovereigns.  As  it  happened  to  be  in  some 
measure  involved  in  the  cause  of  Tigranes  whom  the  Romans  had 
previously  defeated,  Pompey  seized  upon  this  occasion  to  subdue 
that  kingdom,  and  made  it  a  Roman  province  (b.  c.  64). 

From  Syria  he  was  called  into  Palestine.  The  new  sovereignty: 
of  Judea,  founded  by  Jtidas  Machabaeus  and  his  brothers  Jonathan 
and  Simon,  had  continued  in  the  line  of  their  descendants;  but 
it  did  not  preserve  long  the  high  degree  of  respectability  and 
power  which  it  had  enjoyed  under  the  first  Machabees,  and  under 
Hircanus  I,  the  worthy  son  and  successor  of  Simon.  Whilst  Pom- 
pey was  extending  throughout  the  whole  east  the  influence  and 
authority  of  Rome,  the  sovereign  power  among  the  Jews  was  dis- 
puted by  two  brothers,  Hircanus  II  and  Aristobulus.  They 
appealed  to  the  Roman  general  for  the  adjustment  of  their  diff"er- 
cnces.  Pompey  summoned  them  before  him,  and  having  listened 
to  their  reasons,  easily  perceived  that  the  better  claim  was  on  the 
side  of  Hircanus;  Aristobulus,  on  his  part,  easily  conjectured 
that  the  decision  would  be  against  him,  and  to  avoid  sucli  a  re- 
sult, he  prepared  to  assert  his  pretensions  by  open  force.  This 
conduct  exasperated  Pompey,  who  immediately  marched  his  troops 
towards  Jerusalem,  and  entered  the  city  as  a  coni^ueror.     He  re- 


B.  c.  66— G3.     THIRD  WAR  AGAINST  MITHRIDATES.  8<»d 

instated  Ilircanus  in  the  dignity  of  high-priest,  but  took  from 
him  the  title  and  insignia  of  king ;  he  moreover  obliged  the  Jews, 
not  only  to  restore  the  cities  and  territories  which  they  had  con- 
quered from  the  Syrians,  but  likewise  to  pay  a  considerable  tri- 
'bute  to  the  Roman  government. 

Thus  did  the  unhappy  discord  of  Iavo  brothers  become  a  source 
•f  cvilfj  for  the  Jewish  nation,  and  the  greatest  among  the  natural 
causes  of  its  decline.  It  changed  the  friendly  protection  which 
the  country  had  sought  and  obtained  from  the  Romans,  into  a 
beginning  of  subjection  to  their  power,  as  the  Jews  themselves, 
however  reluctantly,  acknowledged  under  the  form  of  tribute.* 
2>'or  did  the  course  of  their  national  depression  stop  here.  A  few 
years  later,  the  leaders  of  the  government  at  Rome  transferred 
the  Jewish  sceptre  to  a  foreign  prince,  the  famous  Herod  the 
Idumaean.  This  transaction  is  the  more  worthy  of  notice  as  it 
was,  conformably  to  the  prediction  of  the  holy  patriarch  Jacob,f 
one  of  the  signs  immediately  preceding  the  coming  of  the  Mes- 
sius,  whose  temporal  birth  really  occurred  before  the  end  of  He- 
rod's reign. 

While  Pompey  was  engaged  in  these  momentous  affairs,  the 
career  of  Mithridates  was  drawing  to  its  close.  This  restless  and 
indefatigable  prince,  who  could  no  longer  face  the  Romans  in  Asia, 
had  resolved  to  carry  the  war  from  the  Euxine  shores,  through 
the  greater  part  of  Europe,  into  Italy.  But  his  soldiers  had  not 
the  same  courage  with  himself.  They  refused  to  follow  him  in 
this  perilous  and  gigantic  expedition,  and  openly  revolted  against 
him,  proclaiming  his  son  Pharnaces,  king  in  his  place.  This 
young  prince  was  more  eager  than  any  one  to  deprive  his  ftither 
of  both  crown  and  life.  Mithridates,  reduced  to  this  terrible  ex- 
ti'cmit}',  and  utterly  unable  to  escape,  distributed  poison  among 
the  persons  of  his  family,  and  took  some  himself;  still,  as  the  fre- 
quent use  which  he  had  made  of  antidotes  prevented,  it  is  said, 
the  poison  from  having  its  effect  on  him,  he  had  recourse  to  a 
more  expeditious  means,  and  caused  himself  to  be  despatched  with 
a  sword,  at  the  age  of  seventy-two,  after  a  reign  of  sixty  ycara 
(B.  G.  64  or  63). 

Thus  perished  the  famous  Mithridates  Eupator,  who  during 
thirty  yeais  had  waged  war  against  the  Romans.  His  death,  oc- 
casioned by  the  horrid  crime  of  parricide,  is  dreadful  even  to 
relate;  unfortunately  for  the  character  of  that  prince,  it  had  been 
too  well  merited  by  his  own  crimes,  and  may  be  viewed  as  a  part  of  the 
just  punishment  of  one  who,  in  order  to  gratify  his  jealousy,  re- 
sentment and  ambition,  spared  neither  his  mother,  nor  wives,  nor 

*See  Josephus,  Jewish  Antiq.  b.  xiv,  c.  5 — 8.  |  Gen.  xlix,  10. 


870  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

children,  nor  myriads  of  friends  and  foes.  In  other  respects  and 
in  natural  talents,  Mithridates  was  a  remarkable  man,  a  vast  ge- 
nius, a  scholar  acquainted  with  twenty-two  languages;  a  politician, 
a  warrior,  a  general,  and,  by  his  implacable  animosity  against  the 
Romans,  another  Annibal;  one,  too,  who  resisted  them  longer 
than  any  other  monarch  or  commander,  and  who  could  not  be 
fully  overthrown  but  by  the  successive  attacks  of  three  of  the 
ablest  generals  of  Rome,* 

When  Pompey  was  informed  of  his  death,  he  returned  to  the 
north  of  Lesser  Asia,  where  many  affairs  were  yet  to  be  settled. 
Pontus  remained  a  Roman  province ;  Tigranes  was  acknowledged 
king  of  Armenia,  and  Pharnaces  allowed  to  possess  the  kingdom 
of  the  Bosphorus  under  the  protection  of  the  Romans.  Care  was 
likewise  taken  to  bestow  suitable  rewards  both  on  the  victorious 
legions  and  on  the  faithful  allies  of  the  republic.  After  making 
all  these  arrangements,  Pompey  at  last  set  out  for  Italy,  and  made 
his  entry  into  Rome,  with  a  pomp  and  solemnity  proportioned  to  the 
greatness  of  his  exploits :  the  solemn  inscriptions  prepared  for  his 
triumph  stated  that  he  had  conquered  the  pirates  and  twelve  orien- 
tal nations,  and  besides  the  capture  of  eight  hundred  galleys, 
had  subdued  nineteen  hundred  cities  or  fortresses.  He  brought 
into  the  public  treasury,  in  money  and  in  gold  or  silver  vessels, 
the  value  of  twenty  thousand  talents  (at  least  twenty  millions  of 
dollars),  and,  by  the  vast  acquisition  of  territory  he  had  made  for 
the  state,  caused  its  revenues  to  be  nearly  doubled. 

But,  in  the  midst  of  all  this  splendor  and  glory,  the  most  honor- 
able circumstance  for  Pompey,  and  one,  too,  which  no  Roman 
before  him  could  claim,  was,  that  his  third  triumph  was  over  the 
third  quarter  of  the  earth,  afUr  his  former  triumphs  had  been 
over  the  two  other  continents.  His  first  triumph  wa^  over  Africa, 
the  second  over  Europe,  and  the  third  over  Asia;  so  that  the 
three  together  seemed  to  declare  him  conqueror  of  the  world. 

*  This  is,  in  substance,  the  idea  which  the  Greek  and  even  the  llomau 
historians  give  us  of  Mithridates. 

"  Ponticarum  gentium  rex,"  says  Florus,  "  omnium  longe  maximus 
Mithridates:  quippe  cum  quatuor  Pyrrho,  decern  et  septem  anni  Anni- 
bali  suiFecerint,  ille  per  quadraginta  annos  restitit,  donee  tribusingen- 
tibus  bellis  subactus,  felicitate  SuUas,  virtute  Luculli,  mugnitudinc 
Pompeii  consumeretur." — b.  iii,  c.  5. 

The  following  are  the  words  of  Velleius  Paterculus:  "Mithridates, 
Ponticus  rex,  vir  neque  silendus,  neque  dicendus  sine  cura,  bello  acer- 
rimus,  aliquando  fortuna,  semper  animo  maximus,  consiliis  dux,  mile* 
manu,  odio  in  Romanes  Annibal." — b.  ii,  c.  14. 


i.e.  03— 82.        CICERO.— CATILINE.  371 


CONSULATE  OF  CICERO.— CATILINE'S  CONSPIRACY  DE- 
TECTED  AND  SUPPRESSED— b.  c.  63—62.* 

AVhilst  Pompey  was  extending  the  glory  of  Rome  to  the  ex 
tremities  of  the  world,  and  only  one  year  before  his  return,  the 
very  existence  of  the  commonwealth  was  threatened  by  a  most 
I'lugcrous  conspiracy.  Sergius  Catiline,  a  senator  of  high  rank, 
:it  bodily  strength,  daring  mind,  and  consummate  profligacy, 
,  iceived  the  awful  design  of  slaughtering  the  senate,  firing  the 
(.ity  of  Home,  and  overturning  the  republic.  For  the  execution 
)f  this  horrid  plot,  accomplices  were  needed.  Catiline  secured  a 
l;;rgc  number  of  them,  by  applying  to  persons  equally  profligate 
witli  himself,  men  lost  to  every  sense  of  honor  and  duty,  and 
Inaded  with  debts  and  crimes.  Citizens  of  this  description  were 
I  hou  easily  found  in  Home.  The  expected  abolition  of  their  debts, 
tho  plunder  of  the  rich,  and  the  hope  of  preferments  and  dignities 
in  the  new  government  to  be  created  by  their  intervention,  were 
p'>  many  ties  which  attached  them  to  their  desperate  leader. 

Catiline  was  not  so  much  occupied  in  the  organization  of  his 
I-l  )t,  as  not  to  endeavor,  by  every  means  in  his  power,  to  obtain 
the  supreme  magistracy  in  the  government  which  he  intended 
to  overthrow;  nay,  he  hoped  that  the  dignity  of  consul,  if  he 
could  once  possess  it,  w^ould  be  the  best  means  to  promote  his  se 
crot  views.  He  therefore  presented  himself  among  the  candidates 
for  the  consulship.  In  a  city  in  which  almost  every  preferment 
could  be  obtained  through  cabal  and  intrigue,  there  was  a  strong 
probability  of  success  in  his  favor.  Most  happily  for  all  good 
citizens  and  for  the  state  at  large,  the  secret  of  the  conspiracy 
began  to  be  disclosed  by  one  of  the  accomplices.  The  informa- 
tion, imperfect  as  it  was,  spread  great  terror  among  the  people ; 
Catiline  was  rejected,  and  all  the  suff'rages  fell  to  M.  Tullius 
Cicero,  his  competitor. 

No  better  choice  could  have  been  made  in  the  existing  crisis. 
The  name  of  Cicero  awiikes  the  idea  of  the  highest  talent,  elo- 
quence, and  patriotism.  He  had  already  pleaded  at  the  bar  with 
extraordinary  renown ;  he  had  honorably  acquitted  himself  of  the 
oflices  of  quaestor,  aedile  and  praetor,  and  manifested  in  every  em- 
ployment his  love  of  justice  and  zeal  for  the  public  good.     The 

^  From  Velleius  Paterc.  b.  ii ,  c.  24  ;  Plutarch,  in  ike  life  of  Cicero  ;— 
the  eloquent  speeches  of  Cicero  himself;  and  especif^y  ?«Vns*'s  adm» 
rable  work  on  the   Conapiracy  and  War  of  Calilme. 


372  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

more  he  advanced  in  the  career  of  honors,  the  more  these  valua* 
ble  qualities  appeared  in  him,  and,  together  with  them,  exquisite 
judgment,  prudence,  vigilance,  activity,  and  in  a  word,  all  the  ne- 
cessary qualifications  to  rescue  the  state  from  a  terrible  and  presS' 
ing  danger.  This  great  man  was  appointed  consul,  with  C.  An- 
tonius  for  his  colleague,  for  the  year  b.  c.  63. 

Catiline,  rendered  still  more  furious  by  the  ill-success  of  his 
intrigues,  determined  to  dispatch  Cicero  by  assassination.  Two 
of  the  conspirators  were  directed  to  obtain  admittance  into  the 
consul's  house  under  pretence  of  a  visit,  and  to  murder  him  with- 
out  delay ;  but  Cicero  received  timely  intelligence  of  this  daring 
attempt,  and  rendered  it  abortive.  He,  moreover,  placed  guards 
and  bodies  of  troops  in  every  quarter  of  the  city,  so  that  Eome 
wore  the  appearance  of  a  fortified  and  well  garrisoned  place  threat- 
ened with  a  siege. 

So  many  vigorous  measures  did  not  intimidate  the  man  against 
whom  they  were  directed.  He  still  presumed  to  take  his  seat  in 
the  senate.  As  his  criminal  projects  were  now  sufficiently  known, 
he  received  no  salutation ;  on  the  contrary,  all  the  senators  re- 
moved from  him,  and  vacated  the  seats  near  that  which  he  occu- 
pied. The  consul,  fired  with  indignation  at  the  sight  of  so  much 
audacity  united  with  so  much  guilt,  addressed  him  in  the  most 
vehement  language,  as  one  convicted  of  high-treason  and  worthj 
of  death.  Catiline  endeavored  in  vain  to  vindicate  himself;  the 
senators,  more  and  more  indignant,  interrupted  him  with  cries  of 
traitor,  conspirator,  public  enemy,  and  parricide.  Transported 
with  rage,  he  abruptly  left  the  assembly,  and  quitting  the  city. 
hastened  to  join  the  troops  whoni  his  partisans  had  assembled  foi 
him  at  some  distance  from  Rome. 

But  the  chief  accomplices  of  Catiline  still  remained  in  the  cap 
ital,  men  of  high  standing,  and,  like  him,  ready  for  ejery  crime 
at  his  departure,  he  had  given  them  directions  to  procure,  b} 
every  means  in  their  power,  the  murder  of  the  consul  and  th( ; 
firing  of  the  city.  Cicero,  ever  watchful,  detected  and  exposec  I 
these  new  machinations,  and  had  the  happiness  to  prevent  thei  '| 
execution.  By  his  orders,  which  were  ratified  by  the  senate,  th( ' 
ringleaders  of  the  plot  were  arrested,  convicted,  and  immediateb 
condemned  to  suffer  capital  punishment. 

In  all  this  proceeding,  Cicero  was  vigorously  supported  by  Cat' . 
surnamed  the  Younger,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  senator 
and  influential  persons  of  his  time.     This  virtuous  citizen,  thei 
about  thirty -three  years  old,  had  followed  from  his  early  years 
course  very  different  from  that  of  the  degenerate  Boman  youth 
and,  both  by  disposition  and  education,  was  averse  to  the  laTS 


CATO  THE  YOUNGER.  373 


HBage.     On  the  day  on  which  the  fate  of  the  conspirators  was 

^Hpe  decided  in  the  senate,  he  perceived  that  most  of  the  senators, 

^wsuaded  by  the  eloquence  of  Julius  Cassar,  whose  ambitious 

principles  tended  rather  to  encourage  than  suppress  innovations, 

vcrc  inclined  to  milder  measures  than  the  safety  of  the  republic 

demanded.     This  filled  his  soul  with  sentiments  of  indignation 

md  alarm.     He  boldly  protested  against  the  pusillanimity  of  his 

•iilleagues,  as  well  as  the  dangerous  tendency  of  Caesar's  views. 

Ill'  spoke  with  so  much  eloquence,  vehemence   and  energy;  he 

;>icted  in  such  vivid  colors  the  virtue  of  the  consul,  the  wretch- 

aess  of  the  conspirators,  and  the  greatness  of  the  public  danger 

in  the  threatened  subversion  of  the  state,  as  well  as  the  ruin  and 

tniiflagration  of  the  city,  that  a  complete  change  was  wrought  in 

the  minds  of  the  senators.     They  retracted  their  former  votes,  and 

agreeably  to  the  opinion  of  both  Cato  and  Cicero,  unanimously 

decreed  the  death  and  immediate  execution  of  the  criminals. 

The  news  of  their  punishment  was  a  thunderbolt  for  Catiline. 
Deprived  of  all  hope  and  resource  in  Rome,  where  the  influence 
of  his  party  had  been  destroyed,  he  determined,  by  a  rapid  march 
towards  the  north  of  Italy,  to  cross  the  mountains,  and  escape 
with  his  followers  into  Gaul.  But  he  found  it  impossible  to  ex- 
ecute his  design ;  and  seeing  himself  beset  by  two  Roman  armies, 
resolved  to  hazard  a  battle.  After  exhorting  his  troops  to  con- 
fiucr  or  die,  he  set  them  an  example  of  courage,  and  with  indom- 
itable fury  rushed  against  his  opponents. 

This  example  was  faithfully  imitated  :  of  all  the  followers  of 
Catiline,  none  perished  without  having  fought  bravely,  and  most 
fell  in  the  very  spot  which  they  had  first  occupied.  Their  despe- 
rate leader  fell  together  with  them,  covered  with  wounds.  He 
I  was  found  among  heaps  of  the  dead,  still  breathing,  and  showing 
on  his  countenance  the  same  fierceness  and  audacity  which  had 
always  actuated  him,  and  caused  him  to  be  so  much  dreaded  by 
all  virtuous  citizens.  His  bloody  designs  perished  with  him;  and 
Cicero,  to  whose  activity  and  zeal  Rome  owed  her  preservation, 
I  received  from  the  gratitude  of  his  citizens  the  glorious  surname 
of  Father  of  his  country. 


^ 


CATO  THE  YOUNGER 

Although  Cato  the  Younger  acted  only  a  secondary  part  m 
the  great  events  of  his  time,  his  virtue  however  placed  him  so 
high  in  the  public  esteem,  and  gave  him  such  an  influence  among 


374  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  VL 

the  good  citizens  of  Rome,  that  scarcely  any  character  mentioned 
in  ancient  history  is  more  deserving  of  notice.  Besides  this, 
nothing  perhaps  affords  a  better  insight  into  the  state  of  affairs 
at  that  period,  than  the  life  of  this  illustrious  Roman. 

Cato  the  Younger  was  the  great-grandson  of  the  famous  censor 
Cato,  who  lived  in  the  interval  between  the  second  and  third  Pu- 
nic wars.  The  austere  virtues  of  the  one  had  ranked  him  with 
persons  of  the  greatest  reputation  and  authority  in  Rome.  The 
enthusiastic  and  unflinching  patriotism  of  the  other,  the  object  of 
this  article,  rendered  him  still  more  illustrious.  It  is  related  of 
him,  that  from  his  infancy  he  discovered  in  his  voice,  his  look, 
and  his  very  diversions,  a  steadiness  and  firmness  of  soul  which 
neither  passion  nor  any  thing  else  could  move.  He  pursued  every 
object  he  had  in  view  with  a  vigor  far  above  his  years,  and  a  re- 
solution that  nothing  could  resist.  Those  who  were  inclined  to 
flatter,  were  sure  to  meet  with  a  severe  rebuke;  and  with  regard 
to  those  who  attempted  to  intimidate  him,  he  was  still  more 
inflexible. 

Whilst  Cato  was  yet  a  boy,  during  Sylla's  administration,  his 
preceptor  often  took  him  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  dictator.  The 
house  of  Sylla  at  that  time  looked  like  a  place  of  execution,  so 
great  were  the  number  of  people  put  to  death  by  his  orders.  Cato, 
who  was  in  his  fourteenth  year,  seeing  the  heads  of  many  illus- 
trious personages  carried  out,  and  observing  that  the  bystanders 
deplored  these  scenes  of  blood,  asked  why  there  was  no  body  who 
would  undertake  to  kill  that  man.  ^'The  reason,"  answered  his 
preceptor,  "is  because  they  fear  him  still  more  than  they  hate 
him.^^  "Why  then,"  said  Cato,  "do  you  not  give  me  a  sword, 
that  I  may  kill  him,  and  deliver  my  country  from  slavery  T* 
When  the  preceptor  heard  him  speak  thus,  and  saw  the  stern  and 
angry  look  which  accompanied  his  language,  he  was  greatly 
alarmed,  and  closely  watched  him  afterwards,  to  prevent  him 
from  attempting  any  rash  action. 

Catj)  had  the  happiness  to  be  under  excellent  masters.  Hia 
favorite  study  was  the  Stoic  philosophy,  the  best  suited  to  his  dis- 
position. He  eagerly  embraced  the  course  of  a  moral  and  virtuous 
life ;  but  among  all  the  virtues,  he  evinced  the  greatest  attachment 
to  justice,  and  justice,  too,  of  that  severe  and  inflexible  kind  which 
is  biassed  by  neither  favor  nor  compassion.  Hence,  although 
humane  and  compassionate  in  private  society,  he  was  in  public 
Ihe  inexorable  avenger  of  wrongs.  Seeing  that  a  great  reforma- 
iion  was  needed  in  the  customs  and  manners  of  his  country,  he 
ietermined  to  take  a  stand  against  the  corrupt  fashions  of  the 
lime.     Not  that  he  affected  to  be  noticed  on  this  account;  but 


CATO  THE  YOUNGER.  8^5 

ho  wished  to  acquire  the  habit  of  never  being  ashamed  of  any 
thing  but  what  w^as  really  shameful,  and  of  disregarding  what 
depended  only  on  human  opinion.  Even  in  the  midst  of  riches, 
he  chose  a  simple  and  frugal  manner  of  living,  took  most  labor- 
ious exercise,  inured  himself  to  all  the  inconveniences  of  the 
weather,  and  travelled  on  foot  at  every  season  of  the  year. 

Cato   served  as  a  volunteer  in  the  war  with  Spartacus,  but 
^  could  not  signalize  his  courage  and  activity  as  he  desired,  be- 
cause the  war  then  was  ill-conducted.     Still,  amidst  the  efFemi- 
uncy  and  luxury  which  prevailed  in  the  army,  he  faithfully  ob- 

rved  discipline,  and  when  the  occasion  offered  itself,  behaved 
V,  ith  so  much  spirit  and  valor  as  well  as  coolness  and  capacity, 
that  he  appeared  not  in  the  least  inferior  to  Cato  the  Censor. 
Ciollius,  his  general,  made  him  an  offer  of  the  best  military  re- 
wards, which  he  refused,  saying  that  he  had  done  nothing  worthy 
of  such  a  recompense. 

He  was  shortly  after  sent  into  Macedon  in  the  capacity  of 
tribune,  and  had  the  command  of  a  legion.  In  this  post,  he 
thought  it  no  great  nor  extraordinary  thing  to  be  distinguished 
by  his  personal  virtue;  it  was  his  ambition  to  make  all  the 
troops  under  his  care,  like  himself.  With  this  view  he  abated 
nothing  in  the  requisite  and  proper  use  of  his  authority,  but,  at 
the  same  time,  called  reason  to  its  assistance.  By  instruction 
and  persuasion,  no  less  than  by  rewards  and  punishments,  he 
succeeded  so  well,  that  it  was  difficult  to  say  whether  his  troops 
were  more  peaceable  or  warlike,  more  valiant  or  more  just.  By 
his  virtue,  his  magnanimity,  and  especially  by  doing  first  what 
he  commanded  others  to  do,  he  so  perfectly  won  the  respect  and 
affection  of  all,  that,  when  his  commission  expired,  the  soldiers 
could  not  refrain  from  tears  at  his  departure,  and  gave  him  such 
marks  of  esteem,  as  few  generals  met  with  from  the  Romans  in 
those  times. 

But  Rome  itsell  was  to  be  the  chief  theatre  of  Cato's  eloquence 
and  magnanimity.  On  his  return  to  that  ciiy,  and  as  soon  as  ho 
was  admitted  to  offices  of  state,  he  declared  and  showed  him- 
self the  open  enemy  of  injustice,  fraud,  intrigue  and  corruption  ; 
his  manly  spirit  of  integrity  appeared  in  every  thing,  though  he 
evinced  it  chiefly  in  fulfilling  the  office  of  quaestor  or  public  trea- 
surer. Before  assuming  this  charge,  he  had  qualified  himself  for 
it,  by  acquiring  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the  laws  and  matters 
connected  with  its  various  obligations.  By  his  indefatigable  ap- 
plication and  zeal,  he  so  well  cleared  this  important  branch  of  the 
administration  of  the  many  abuses  that  had  crept  into  it,  an(i,of 
the  corrupt  practices  of  its  officers,  as   to  render  the  treasury 


37G  ANCIENT   inSTOKY.  Part  VI. 

more  respectable  than  the  senate  itself;  and  it  was  commonly 
thought  and  said,  that  Cato  had  given  to  the  qiiasstorship  all  the 
dignity  of  the  consulate. 

He  performed  in  the  same  manner  the  functions  of  tribune  of 
the  people,  and  pra3tor,  to  which  he  was  successively  appointed. 
Yet,  in  no  capacity,  perhaps,  did  he  appear  so  worth}/  of  praise, 
as  in  that  of  senator.  Whenever  the  senate  was  summoned,  he  was 
the  first  in  his  place,  and  the  last  to  withdraw;  he  would,  on 
such  occasions,  neither  absent  himself  from  town,  nor  undertake 
any  other  business.  For,  his  attention  to  the  concerns  of  gov- 
ernment  was  not,  as  is  too  frequently  the  case,  guided  by  views 
of  honor  and  profit,  nor  the  mere  efi"ect  of  chance  or  humor;  but 
he  thought  'Hhat  a  good  citizen  ought  to  be  as  solicitous  about 
ihe  public  good,  as  a  bee  is  about  her  hive." 

In  deliberations,  measures  for  the  support  of  order  and  moral- 
ity  were  sure  to  find  in  him  a  powerful  defender;  those  of  a  cou* 
trary  nature,  a  formidable  opponent.      He  made  it  a  point  to  op 
pose  Clodius,  the  seditious  demagogue  so  famous  in  the  history  of 
those  times,  who  was  always  proposing  some  dangerous  law  or 
some  change  in  the  constitution,  or  accusing  the  most  respecta-, 
ble  persons  before  the  people.     But  Cato  defended  the  cause  of 
these  injured  persons  so  well,  that  Clodius  was  forced  to  withdraw 
in  great  confusion,  and  leave  the  city.     As  Cicero,  who  had  been 
deeply  interested  in  this  particular  for  a  near  relative,  came  to 
thank  his  friend,  Cato  said  to  him:  ''You  ought  to  thank   our 
common  country,  whose  welfare  is  the  spring  of  all  my  actions." 
Indeed,  very  different  in  some  respect  from  this  great  oratoi,  he- 
cared  little  for  human  applause :  he  preferred,  according  to  thej^ 
expression  of  Sallust,  rather  to  be  good  than  to  appear  so ;  but 
the  less  he  sought  after  glory,  the  more  it  followed  him."^     His    • 
reputation  and  the  esteem  entertained  for  him  were  so  great,  that 
Cicero  once  said  that  Cato  might  do  without  Rome,  but  Homo 
could  not  do  without  Cato.f  i 

Yet  this  distinguished  man  was  never  raised  to  the  consulship,  'f. 
although  he  once  presented  himself  as  a  candidate  for  that  digni- 
ty.    His  failure,  however,  was  in  some  measure  a  new  homage 
to  his  virtue.     As  bribery,  fraud,  and  intrigues  had  the  greatest 
ahare  in  the  election  of  magistrates,  Cato  moved  and  procured  ' 
decrees  from  the  senate  against  these  infamous  practices;  tho> 
measure  highly  displeased  the  people,  because  it  cut  off  at  once  ; 

*Esse  quam  videri  bonus  malebat;    ita  quo   minus   gloriam  petebat^   , 
DO  magis  absequebatur. — Sallust,  Bcllum  Catilin.  n.  5-4. 
■(■  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Calo  tin  Younger. 


c.  60  FIRST  TKIUMVIRATK.  877 

the  means  of  cultivating  favor  and  making  use  of  bribes,  and  tliua 
rendered  the  lower  order  of  citizens  poor  and  insignificant.  Ofl 
the  other  hand,  Cato  had  personally  too  much  elevation  of  senti- 
ments, too  much  dignity,  to  court  the  popular  favor  by  entreaties 
or  flatteries.  Under  circumstances  of  this  description,  and  with 
60  little  chance  of  success  in  his  behalf,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered 
that  he  lost  the  consulship.  Nor  did  the  loss  afflict  him,  at  least 
in  any  perceptible  degree:  whilst  an  accident  of  this  kind  filled 
other  candidates  with  shame  and  sorrow,  Cato  was  so  little  aflfeoted 
by  it,  that  he  anointed  himself  to  play  at  ball,  and  walked  as 
usual  after  dinner  with  his  friends  in  the  forum. 

But  if  he  failed  to  obtain  the  consular  dignity,  he  at  least  ably 
supported  the  consuls,  whenever  occasion  required.  This  he  did 
most  eifectually,  as  has  been  already  related,  during  the  turbu- 
lent times  of  Catiline,  when  the  state  was  threatened  with  total 
subversion.  Next  to  Cicero's  vigorous  counsels  and  conduct,  the 
energy  of  Cato,  in  that  dreadful  danger,  most  contributed  to  save 
the  commonwealth  and  the  city  of  E,ome. 

After  this  tempest  was  over,  new  storms  arose,  which  called 
forth,  more  than  ever,  the  eiForts  of  his  patriotic  zeal  and  forti- 
tude. He  had  then  to  contend  against  both  Pompey  and  Caesar, 
the  two  most  aspiring  men  of  the  state,  who  wished  to  have  the 
whole  authority  in  their  hands.  He  boldly  opposed  the  doubtful 
measures  of  the  one  and  the  crafty  ambition  of  the  other,  and 
with  much  personal  danger,  endeavored  to  remove  the  new  perils 
that  threatened  the  existing  government.  Nor  did  the  want  of 
success  ever  turn  him  from  the  line  of  duty  which  he  had  adop- 
ted :  he  persevered  in  that  course  with  unabated  constancy  to  the 
end  of  his  life ;  not  being  able  to  save  the  public  liberty,  he  per- 
ished with  it,  and  was  buried,  as  it  were,  under  its  ruins.  Happy 
would  it  have  been  for  his  character  and  reputation,  if  he  had 
not  tarnished  the  lustre  of  his  otherwise  admirable  conduct,  by 
excessive  sternness,  by  obstinacy,  and  by  suicide  !  ^ 


i 


ST  TRIUMVIRATE,— POMPEr,    JULIUS  C^SAR,  AND  CRAS- 
SUS.— B.  c.  60. 


We  have  now  to  speak  at  greater  length  of  J  alius  Caesar,  that 
famous  Roman  whose  name  is  so  prominent  in  the  history  of  the 
world.  No  nation  ever  produced  a  more  gifted  individual  as  to 
natural  talents,  no  politician  exercised  a  more  extensive  and  pow- 
erful influence  over  his  contemporaries,  no  leader  of  armies  won 
more  laurels  and  erected  more  trophies  in  every  part  of  the  earth 

32* 


■ 


378  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  PARr  VI. 

Besides  these  titles  to  imperishable  fame,  Caisar  was  character^ 
ized  by  an  unbounded  liberality,  and  a  generosity  and  clemencj 
towards  his  enemies  which  almost  surpassed  the  glory  of  hig 
exploits.  Even  in  point  of  strictly  mental  endowments,  he  chal- 
lenges unqualified  admiration.  The  rapidity  of  his  conceptions 
seemed  to  equal  the  lightning's  speed;  his  genius  appeared  vast 
as  the  universe ;  his  language  was  dignified  and  at  the  same  time 
almost  irresistible;  amidst  the  turmoils  of  politics  and  war,  he 
wrote  annals  which  have  ranked  him  among  the  best  historians; 
and,  as  an  orator,  he  would  have  been  the  successful  rival  of 
Cicero,  had  he  chosen  to  follow  the  career  of  eloquence. 

Unfortunately,  both  for  others  and  for  himself,  he  chose  to  fob 
low  a  very  different  course  :  his  aim  was  to  become,  by  all  means, 
exclusive  and  absolute  master  of  the  empire.  To  the  attainment 
of  this  object  he  sacrificed  every  thing,  his  repose,  his  safety^* 
his  existence,  his  country,  and  the  tranquillity  of  the  world. 

Caius  Julius  Cassar  was  born  in  the  year  b.  c.  99,  of  the  an- 
cient and  noble  fiimily  of  the  Julii.  Some  maintain  that  his 
birth  was  accompanied  with  many  presages  of  future  greatness. 
If,  indeed,  we  were  to  believe  that  nature  gives  of  its  own  accord 
an  intimation  of  future  events,  we  should  not  be  surprised  that 
its  most  ominous  signs  were  employed  to  mark  the  birth  of  a 
personage  destined  to  change  the  face  of  the  whole  political 
world,  and  to  place  Rome  herself,  with  all  the  nations  she  had 
conquered,  under  the  iron  rod  of  military  government. 

At  the  age  of  eighteen,  Ca3sar  was  placed  by  Sylla  in  the  list 
of  the  proscribed,  for  disobedience  to  his  orders.  He  was  saved, 
however,  by  the  intercession  of  some  common  friends,  and  as  they 
insisted  that  there  was  no  necessity  of  putting  such  a  boy  to 
death:  '' Beware  of  him,^'  said  Sylla;  '^your  sagacity  is  limited 
indeed,  if  you  do  n"ot  see  many  a  Marius  in  that  young  man;''  a 
remark  w^hich  proved  at  once  the  penetration  of  Sylla,  and  the 
early  appearance  of  something  extraordinary  in  Caesar. 

When  the  words  of  Sylla  were  reported  to  Caesar,  he  at  first 
concealed  himself  in  the  country  of  the  Sabines,  and  afterwards 
embarked  for  Asia.  Shortly  after  he  was  taken  by  pirates,  who 
asked  him  twenty  talents  for  his  ransom.  Caesar  laughed  at  their 
demand,  as  implying  their  ignorance  of  the  quality  of  the  person 
whom  they  had  made  prisoner,  and  instead  of  twenty,  he  promised 
them  fifty  talents  (at  least  fifty  thousand  dollars).  To  raise 
the  money,  he  sent  most  of  his  attendants  to  different  cities,  and 
in  the  mean  time  remained  among  the  corsairs.  Although  they 
considered  murder  as  a  trifle,  he  did  not  betray  the  least  symp- 
tom of  fear;  nay  he  held  them  in  great  contempt,  and,  wbe 


eO.  FIRST  TRIUMVIRATE  379 


|..,.,.. „._.„..,... 

^^t  them  orders  to  keep  silence. 

I  Csrsar  lived  in  this  manner  among  them  as  if  they  had  been 
liis  guards  and  not  his  keepers,  for  the  space  of  thirty-eight  days. 
1  Varloss  and  secure,  he  joined  in  their  diversions,  wrote  poems 
and  orations  which  he  rehearsed  in  their  presence,  and  when  they 
-xpressed  no  admiration,  called  them  a  set  of  ignorant  people 


liiid  barbarians.  lie  gained  such  an  ascendancy  over  their  minds, 
tliat  he  often  threatened  to  punish  them  by  crucifixion;  whilst 
they,  taking  his  language  in  jest,  were  delighted  with  the  man- 
iK  rs  of  their  captive,  which  they  ascribed  to  a  facetious  disposi- 
tion. But  as  soon  as  the  money  was  brought  for  his  ransom, 
and  he  had  recovered  his  liberty,  he  manned  some  vessels  in  the 
'port  of  Miletus,  and  embarking  again,  pursued  and  took  his 
captors.  He  left  them  prisoners  at  Pergamus,  whilst  he  him- 
self hastened  to  Junius  Silanus,  the  praetor  or  proconsul  of 
]>ithynia,  and  applied  for  an  order  to  have  them  executed;  being 
r(^fused  by  this  officer,  he  made  his  way  back  with  still  greater 
celerity,  and,  before  any  contrary  instructions  could  arrive, 
caused  the  banditti  to  be  crucified. 

On  his  return  to  Rome  after  the  death  of  Sylla,  he  began  to 
exert  his  manifold  talents  to  gain  partisans.  The  eloquence  with 
wliich  he  defended  persons  under  indictments,  procured  him  con- 
siderable influence;  and,  by  his  engaging  manners,  address  and 
cniidescension,  he  easily  found  access  to  the  hearts  of  the  people. 
At  the  same  time,  the  magnificence  of  his  suite  and  his  manner 
of  living  gradually  increased  his  power,  and  brought  him  into  the 
administration.  Those  who  envied  him,  imagined  that  his  pecuniary 
resources  would  be  soon  exhausted,  and  therefore  made  no  great 
accounts  of  his  popularity  ;  but  when  it  had  reached  such  a  height 
a:;  scarcely  to  admit  of  any  restraint,  and  manifested  a  tendency 
til  ruin  the  constitution,  then,  sa3^s  Plutarch,  they  discovered, 
though  much  too  late,  that  no  beginnings  are  to  be  despised,  be- 
cause small  beginnings  become  great  by  continuance,  and  the  very 
contempt  which  is  at  first  entertained  for  them,  gives  them  an 
opportunity  to  acquire  a  strength  which  is  almost  irresistible. 

Cicero  seems  to  have  been  the  first  who  suspected  the  dangerous 
tendency  of  Caesar's  political  designs.  The  project  of  this  ambi- 
tious man  against  the  state  more  and  more  visibly  appeared  in 
his  increasing  efi"orts  to 'gain  popular  favor  by  exhibitions  and 
largesses,  in  his  exertions  to  revive  the  party  of  Marius,  and  in 
the  language  that  he  occasionally  used  in  presence  of  his  friends. 
Having  one  day  come  to  a  small  town,  they  who  accompanied 
him  took  occasion  to  say,  by  way  of  amusement :  "  Can  there  be 


380  ANCIEx\T  HISTORY.  Parp  VI. 

in  this  village  any  rivalry  for  office,  any  contentions  for  prece- 
dency, and  such  envy  and  ambition  as  we  see  among  the  great?" 
Caesar  answered  with  great  seriousness  :  "I  had  rather  be  first 
here  than  second  in  Rome."  On  another  occasion,  seeing,  accor- 
ding to  Suetonius,*  a  statue  of  Alexander  the  Great,  or,  according 
to  Plutarch, f  reading  a  portion  of  that  conqueror's  life,  he  paused, 
sighed,  and  burst  into  tears.  Being  asked  the  reason  of  so  much 
affliction,  he  exclaimed:  "Do  you  think  I  have  not  suflicient  rea- 
son to  grieve,  when  Alexander,  at  my  age  (thirty-three  years), 
had  already  conquered  the  world,  and  I  have  not  yet  performed 
one  glorious  achievement." 

In  consequence  of  this  principle  of  ambition  and  glory,  he  from 
that  time  gave  himself  up  entirely  to  the  agitations  of  public  life, 
and  having  obtained  the  government  of  Spain,  applied  to  busines8« 
with  great  activity  and  diligence.  His  first  care,  when  he  arrived 
in  his  province,  was  to  increase  the  number  of  the  troops  under 
his  command.  He  then  marched  against  the  Gallicians  and  Lusi- 
tanians,  defeated  them,  and  advancing  as  far  as  the  ocean,  reduced 
cities  and  nations  on  his  way,  that  had  not  hitherto  felt  the 
Koman  yoke.  With  the  same  ability  which  he  displayed  in  the 
conduct  of  the  war,  he  supported  the  dignity  of  Roman  governor, 
no  less  in  the  civil  than  in  the  military  department.  By  this 
means,  he  gave  tranquillity  to  the  province,  confirmed  and  exten- 
ded the  Roman  power,  and  gained  great  reputation  for  himself 

After  this  expedition,  Caesar,  having  returned  to  Rome,  set 
more  seriously  than  ever  to  the  work  of  undermining  the  estab- 
lished form  of  government,  and  gradually  concentrating  the  whole 
authority  of  the  state  in  his  person.    In  so  dangerous  an  attempt, 
he  proceeded  with  cautious  and  artful  steps.     This  crafty  politi- 
cian was  well  aware  that  his  designs  would  be  opposed  by  Cato, 
Cicero,  and  other  illustrious  citizens,  the  enemies  of  all  political 
innovation   and  sincerely  attached  to  the  cause  of  the  republic. 
To  prevent  or  paralyze  their  eff"orts,  he  closely  united  his  interests 
with  those  of  Pompey  and  Crassus,  the  two  most  powerful  men 
in  Rome,  the  one  on  account  of  his  renown,  the  other  on  account 
of  his  wealth,  and  formed  with  them  the  famous  confederacy  j 
known  under  the  name  of  First  Triumvirate  (b.  c.  GO).     Thej 
agreed  to  take  such  measures  in  support  of  one  another,  and  givej 
such  a  turn  to  the  course  of  public  aff'airs,  as  to  retain  the  chief 
power  of  the  state  constantly  in  their  hands.     Caesar  intended,  oV 
course,  that  the  greatest  share  of  authority  should  belong  to  him* 
Bolf ;  hence,  every  one  of  his  political  acts  tended  ultimately  to 


*  In  C.  J,  Cxsar,  n.  7.  f  Life  of  J,  Couar. 


I 


8.  0.  CO.  FIRST  TRIUMVIRATE.  881 

this  end,  and  he  had  the  talent  to  make  his  very  culleagues  the 
tools  of  his  ambition. 

He  first  succeeded,  through  their  influence,  in  being  appointe*! 
to  the  consulship  for  the  ensuing  year  (b.  c.  59).  He  had  no 
sooner  entered  upon  this  office,  than  he  directed  all  his  efforts  to 
weaken  the  influence  of  the  senate,  and  to  ingratiate  himself  with 
the  people.  For  that  purpose,  he  made  and  enforced  motions  not 
so  suitable  to  a  consul  as  to  a  seditious  tribune,  and  rousing  the 
hopes  of  the  populace  about  the  distribution  of  corn  and  the  divi- 
c>'Mi  of  lands,  proposed  bills  entirely  calculated  to  please  the  ple- 

an  party.  As  the  cautious  and  patriotic  party  of  the  senate 
L-].>posed  them,  Caesar  was  furnished  with  the  pretext  that  he  had 
long  wanted.  He  protested  with  great  warmth,  "  that  they  threw 
him  into  the  arms  of  the  people  against  his  will;  and  that  the 
rigorous  and  disgraceful  opposition  of  the  senators  laid  him  under 
a  painful  necessity  of  seeking  protection  from  the  commoners." 
He  did  so,  and  during  his  consulate  never  more  consulted  the 
senate  on  any  afiair. 

The  other  consul  was  Calpurnius  Bibulus,  a  friend  of  Cato,  and 
like  him  an  intrepid  defender  of  liberty.  Being  supported  by  the 
most  distinguished  senators,  he  vigorously  opposed  every  motion 
in  favor  of  the  agrarian  law,  but  to  no  purpose ;  Caesar  drove  his 
opponent  from  the  forum  by  open  force,  and  caused  the  law  to 
pass  without  further  resistance.  Bibulus  finding  that  his  oppo- 
sition not  only  was  unsuccessful,  but  even  exposed  his  life  to 
danger  in  the  public  assemblies,  remained  shut  up  in  his  house 
during  the  remainder  of  the  year,  and  contented  himself  with 
publishing  edicts  and  manifestoes  against  Caesar's  tyranny.  The 
latter  laughed  at  the  protests  of  his  colleague,  and  assuming  the 
^liole  administration,  continued  to  act  as  if  he  had  been  sole 
consul  and  sole  magistrate.  Hence  in  dating  the  year  during 
which  these  transactions  occurred,  instead  of  being  called  the  year 
of  the  consulate  of  Julius  Ccesar  and  Calpurnius  BiLuluSj  it  was 
called  by  some  wag  the  consulate  of  Julius  and  Ccesar. 

This  able  adventurer,  though  suspected  of  the  deepest  and 
most  obnoxious  designs,  was  still  deeper  in  laying  his  measures 
for  their  execution,  than  even  his  keenest  opponents  imagined. 
He  had  already  been  successful  in  his  eff"ort,  as  supreme  magis- 
trate, to  set  at  defiance  the  whole  power  of  the  senate  and  the 
regular  forms  of  government.  The  next  and  chief  step  which  ho 
took  for  the  carrying  out  of  his  views,  was  to  have  himself 
appointed  proconsul  for  five  years,  with  the  whole  territory  of 
Gaul,  both  Transalpine  and  Cisalpine,  for  his  province.  This 
commission  gave  him  what  he  most  earnestly  desired^  a  fair  occu- 


882  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

sion  to  display  bis  military  skill,  a  sure  means  to  increase  hia 
fame,  and  above  all,  a  numerous  army  placed  at  his  disposal  and 
devoted  to  his  interest. 

CONQUEST  OF  GAUL  BY  JULIUS  C^SAR.~b.  c.  5^50. 

The  province  of  which  Caesar  obtained  the  command,  compre- 
hended, as  has  just  been  observed,  under  the  denomination  of  the 
two  Gauls,  considerable  territories  on  both  sides  of  the  Alps. 
Cisalpine  Gaul  included  all  the  northern  part  of  Italy,  from  the 
mountaius  to  the  Kubicon  near  Ariminum,  and  from  the  Adriatic 
to  the  Tyrrhenian  or  Tuscan  sea.  Transalpine  Gaul,  thus  called 
from  its  being  situated  beyond  the  Alps  with  regard  to  Kome, 
comprised  the  whole  territory  from  the  Mediterranean  sea  to  the 
Rhine  and  the  Mouse.  The  southern  part  of  this  tract  already 
formed  a  Roman  province;  the  remainder  of  the  country  was  divi- 
ded into  three  principal  parts,  occupied  by  the  Aquitani,  the 
Celtae,  and  the  Belgse,  nations  differing  in  language,  establish- 
ments, and  customs. 

"  The  several  Gallic  tribes  were  usually  independent  of  each 
other,  but  on  great  occasions  a  general  council  of  the  nation  was 
summoned,  especially  when  preparations  were  made  for  any  of  the 
great  migrations  which  proved  so  fatal  to  Greece  and  Italy. 
Their  superior  valor  rendered  these  tribes  very  formidable  to  all 
the  southern  nations;  it  was  commonly  said,  that  the  Romans 
fought  with  others  for  conquest,  but  with  the  Gauls  for  actual 
existence.  But  from  the  time  of  the  subjugation  of  their  country 
by  Julius  Caesar,  their  valor  seemed  to  have  disappeared  together 
with  their  liberty ;  they  never  revolted,  except  when  the  extor- 
tions of  their  rulers  became  insupportable ;  and  their  efforts  were 
neither  vigorous  nor  well-directed.  In  no  province  did  Roman' 
civilization  produce  greater  effects  than  in  Gaul;  many  public 
works  of  stupendous  size  and  immense  utility  were  constructedj 
roads  were  constructed  and  paved  with  stone;  durable  bridgej' 
were  built,  and  aqueducts  formed  to  supply  the  cities  with  water. 
The  ruins  of  these  mighty  works  are  still  to  be  found,  and  thej 
cannot  be  viewed  without  wonder  and  admiration.'^* 

Such  was  the  nation  and  country  in  which  Caesar,  after  having 
shown  himself  at  Rome  an  intriguing  citizen  and  a  factious  magi- 
strate, appeared  as  the  greatest  of  warriors.  Gaul  became  the 
theatre  of  so  many  illustrious  exploits,  as  almost  threw  into  the 
shade  tlie  preceding  achievements  of  the  greatest  Roman  generaln, 
whilst  it  is  probable  that  they  never  were  surpassed  afterwardit- 

*  Taylor,  Manual  of  Ancient  History,  pp.  243,  244. 


\ 


-   c.  68—60.  CONQUEST  OF  GAUL.  888 

.-ind  perlifips  never  will  be  surpassed  by  those  of  any  conqueror. 
The  particulars  of  this  famous  war  may  be  seen  in  the  admirabla 
annals  or  Coiiujicntaries  \nittcu  by  Caesar  himself.  No  people 
however  brave,  no  army  however  numerous,  could  resist  him.  In 
less  than  ten  years,  he  took  eight  hundred  towns,  conquered  three 
liundred  nations  or  tribes,  and  defeated,  in  a  series  of  engagements, 

'I'O  millions  of  men,  one  million  of  whom  were  slain  on  the  field 

battle,  and  as  many  taken  prisoners.     This  multitude  of  ex- 

,  [doits  and  victories  might  at  first  seem  incredible ;  yet  they  can 

hardly  be  called  in  question,  since  the  account  of  them  is  con'ob- 

.ted  by  the  testimony  of  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Julius  Caesar, 

I  besides  Caesar  himself,  by  other  Roman  historians,  Suetonius, 
j'lorus,  etc. 

His  first  expedition  in  Gaul  was  against  the  Helvetians  and 
Titiurini,  who,  after  having  burnt  twelve  of  their  own  towns  and 
four  hundred  villages,  endeavored  to  traverse  the  Roman  province 
in  search  of  new  settlements.  Their  total  number  amounted  to 
nearly  four  hundred  thousand  persons,  ninety-two  thousand  of 
whom  were  able  to  bear  arms.  Caesar  pursued  them  so  closely  in 
their  march,  and  gave  them  such  overthrows,  that  of  this  great 
multitude,  only  one  hundred  and  ten  thousand  survived ;  and 
they  avoided  entire  destruction,  only  by  agreeing  to  return  to 
I  their  own  territory. 

I  Caesar  directed  his  next  efi"ort  against  numerous  bands  of  Ger- 
mans,  who,  under  their  king  Ariovistus,  had  lately  invaded  that  part 
of  the  country  lying  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Saone.  He  went 
in  search  of  them,  and,  after  messages  and  negotiations  had  been 
tried  to  no  purpose,  he  attacked  their  position,  and  defeated  them 
with  great  slaughter.  Ariovistus  fled  with  his  surviving  followers 
as  far  as  the  Rhine,  which  he  passed  in  a  small  canoe.  Num- 
bers of  his  people  perished  in  attempting  to  follow  him,  and  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  remained  behind,  were  overtaken  and 
put  to  the  sword  by  Caesar's  cavalry.  Although  Csesar  himself 
does  not  mention  any  particular  number  of  the  slain,*  the  loss  of 
the  Germans  in  this  short  campaign  alone  is  said  by  others  to 
have  amounted  to  no  less  than  eighty  thousand.^ 

Having  thus  ended  his  first  expedition,  he  left  the  army  in 
winter  quarters,  and  repaired  to  Cisalpine  Gaul,  which  was  a  pari 
of  his  province,  in  order  to  watch  the  course  of  affairs  and  politi- 
cal transactions  at  Rome.  Great  numbers  of  persons  came  from  the 
capital  to  pay  him  their  respects,  and  he  sent  them  all  away  satis- 
tied,  some  with  presents,  and  others  at  least  with  hopes.    He  did 

*  Comment,  de  Bello  Gall.  b.  i,  c.  52 — 54. 
See  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Julius  Ctssar. 


i 


SH  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Taet  VI. 

the  same  during  the  following  years,  and  carried  on  a  variety  of 
state  intrigues,  on  the  one  hand  conquering  his  enemies  by  the 
irms  of  the  Koman  citizens,  and,  on  the  other,  gaining  the  Ro- 
oian  citizens  to  his  cause  by  the  money  of  his  enemies. 

As  soon  as  he  had  intelligence  that  the  Jjelgae,  who  were  then 
the  most  powerful  people  of  Gaul,  and  whose  territories  occupied 
a  third  part  of  the  w^hole  country,  had  taken  up  arms  in  vast  num- 
oers  to  check  the  progress  of  the  Romans,  he  marched  to  that 
quarter  with  incredible  expedition.*  He  found  them  ravaging 
the  lands  of  those  Gauls  who  were  allies  to  Rome.  Having  care- 
fully watched  their  motions  for  a  time,  he  so  vigorously  attacked 
the  main  body  of  their  troops  at  the  passage  of  a  river,  and  made 
such  a  slaughter  of  them,  that  the  stream  was  filled  with  the 
dead,  and  bridges  were  formed  of  their  bodies.  The  pursuit  was 
equally  disastrous  and  bloody ;  the  survivors  scattered  in  every 
direction,  and  such  of  the  insurgents  as  dwelt  along  the  sea-coast,) 
were  subdued  with  little  or  no  resistance.  { 

There  still  remained  unconquered  the  Nervii,  who  were  con- 
sidered the  fiercest  among  all  the  Belgic  nations.  After  they  had 
secured,  as  well  as  they  could,  their  families  and  most  valuable 
goods  in  a  forest  at  a  great  distance  from  the  enemy,  they  marched 
through  their  woods  to  the  number  of  sixty  thousand,  and  fell 
upon  Caesar  as  he  was  fortifying  his  camp,  and  when  he  had  not 
the  least  idea  of  an  attack.  They  first  routed  his  cavalry,  and 
then  surrounding  the  seventh  and  twelfth  legions,  killed  or 
wounded  nearly  all  the  officers.  Had  not  Caesar  snatched  a  buck- 
ler from  a  private  legionary,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  broken 
forces,  and  received  timely  aid  from  the  other  legions,  in  all  pro- 
bability the  Romans  in  this  place  would  have  suffered  an  entire 
defeat.  Even  though  encouraged  by  this  bold  act  of  their  leader, 
and  fighting  with  a  spirit  above  their  strength,  they  were  not  able 
to  rout  the  Nervii.  These  brave  men  maintained  their  ground, 
and  were  cut  to  pieces  on  the  spot.  Of  six  hundred  Nervian  chiefS; 
only  three  senators  were  saved,  and  of  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
men,  only  five  hundred  escaped  the  fury  of  the  conquerors. 

The  Attuatici,  descendants  of  the  Cimbri  and  Teutones,  and  in- 
habitants of  a  district  below  the  confluence  of  the  Sambre  and  the 
Meuse,  were  on  their  march  to  join  the  Nervii,  when  they  heard 
of  this  unfortunate  action ;  the  news  induced  them  to  return  to 
their  own  country.     Being  pursued  by  Caesar,  they  shut  them- 

*  The  force  of  the  Belgse  consisted  or  was  intended  to  consist  of  more 
than  three  hundred  thousand  warriors.  The  army  of  Csesar  at  this 
time  may  have  amounted  to  about  sixty  thousand  men,  Romans  and 
duxiUaries. 


1.  c  63—50.  CONQUEST  OF  GAUL.  386 

elves  up  in  their  principal  fortress.  On  his  approach  they  oflfered 
^1  surrender;  and  when  commanded  to  lay  down  their  arms,  they 
:hrcw  such  a  quantity  of  weapons  from  the  battlements,  as  almost 
to  fill  up  the  ditch  to  the  height  gf  the  ramparts.^  Caesar  how- 
aver  delayed,  for  their  own  sake,  to  take  possession  of  the  placo 
till  the  following  day.  But  the  besieged  abused  this  act  of  hu- 
manity and  kindness  of  their  conqueror ;  and,  either  wishing  to 
deceive  him  or  repenting  of  their  submission,  they  again  took  up 
iwms  during  the  night,  and  in  a  sally  endeavored  to  surprise  tho 
Roman  army.  Four  thousand  of  the  assailants  were  killed  in  this 
desperate  attempt,  and  the  remainder,  being  forced  back  into  the 
town,  were,  in  consequence  of  their  breach  of  faith,  sold  as  slaves, 
to  the  number  of  fifty-three  thousand  persons. 

This  was  the  conclusion  of  the  second  expedition  of  Caesar  in 
Haul,  which  rendered  him  master  of  the  whole  eastern  frontier  as 
(jr  as  the  Rhine  and  the  Mouse.  Many  other  districts  had  like- 
wise given  signs  or  made  ofiers  of  submission  to  the  Romans. 
The  next  campaign  (b.  c.  56),  although  less  conspicuous  for  great 
battles,  was  equally  remarkable  for  a  rapid  succession  of  exploits 
and  conquests.  All  the  country  from  the  Seine  to  the  extremities 
:>i  Armoricum,  and  from  the  northern  coast  to  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Pyrenees,  was  placed  and  kept  under  subjection  either  by 
I'lesar  in  person,  or  by  his  lieutenants,  the  principal  of  whom 
ivere  Labienus,  and  Crassus,  the  son  of  the  triumvir. 

Gaul,  exhausted  or  terrified  by  so  many  losses,  remained  quiet 
for  a  time.  Still  there  was  not  wanting  to  Caesar  and  his  legions 
jccasions  for  new  combats.  The  Usipetes  and  the  Tenchteri,  two 
iieat  German  nations,  driven  from  their  territory  by  the  superior 
iorce  of  the  Suevi,  had  crossed  the  Rhine  at  the  northern  extre- 
mity of  Gaul,  to  make  conquests.  Their  number  amounted  to 
four  hundred  and  thirty  thousand,  including  women  and  children. 
CiGsar  marched  against  them  with  his  usual  celerity,  and  met  them 
ivhilst  they  were  yet  stationed  on  his  frontier:  he  attacked  their 
?amp  by  surprise;  easily  overcame  the  few  that  took  up  arms  to 
appose  him,  and  instead  of  the  humanity  which  he  had  showed 
to  the  Attuatici  two  years  before,  he  put  that  multitude  of  unfor- 
tunate people  to  the  sword,  without  distinction  of  sex  or  age. 

All  the  roads  from  the  camp  to  the  river  were  strewed  with 
llie  bodies  of  the  slain ;  those  who  attempted  to  escape  by  swim- 
ming, perished  in  the  waves,  and  a  part  only  of  the  cavalry  suc- 
ceeded in  recrossing  the  Rhine  and  reaching  the  German  shore. 
In  all  probability,  no  fewer  than  four  hundred  thousand  Germans 
lost  their  lives  on  that  day. 

Accus.tomed  as  the  Romans  were  at  that  time  not  to  spare  their 


I 


ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Faet  VI. 

enemies,  persons  of  more  humane  disposition  could  not  but  be 
shocked  at  the  recital  of  this  dreadful  slaughter.  Hence,  whou 
it  was  proposed  in  the  senate  to  vote  a  public  thanksgiving  for  tho 
late  victory,  Cato  moved  that  Caesar  should  be  delivered  up  to 
the  injured  nations,  that  he  might  expiate  by  his  own  sufferings 
so  many  acts  of  injustice,  and  that  thus  the  divine  Tengeauce 
might  fall  on  their  author  rather  than  on  Rome.  Caesar,  in  his 
turn,  sent  to  the  senate  letters  full  of  invectives  against  Cato  j 
he  laid  the  blame  on  the  Grermans,  and  with  more  or  less  since- 
rity and  tmth,  charged  them  with  a  breach  of  faith.  Having  suc- 
ceeded in  inducing  the  senate  to  decree  nothing  against  him,  he 
fearlessly  pursued  the  course  of  his  wars  and  victories. 

This  indefatigable  man  had  resolved  to  carry  the  terror  of  his 
arms  beyond  the  Rhine,  and  to  attack  the  nations  of  Germany  on 
their  own  ground.  His  pretence  for  this  attempt  was  to  chastise 
the  tribes  of  the  Sicambri  for  giving  shelter  to  the  fugitives  who 
had  escaped  from  the  last  massacre ;  but  his  true  motive,  says 
Plutarch,  was  the  ambition  to  be  the  first  Roman  that  ever  crossed 
the  Rhine  in  a  hostile  manner.  In  pursuance  of  his  design,  he 
threw  a  bridge  over  that  river,  though  the  stream  in  that  place 
was  remarkably  wide  and  rapid.  By  almost  incredible  exertions, 
this  immense  bridge  was  finished  in  ten  days,  and  his  army  passec, 
over  it  without  opposition,  while  the  Sicambri,  terrified  at  his 
approach,  fled,  and  concealed  themselves  in  their  forests.  Caesai 
laid  waste  their  country,  burnt  their  habitations  and  villages, 
and  enlisted  the  feelings  of  the  better  disposed  Grermans  in  behalf 
of  Rome ;  he  then  returned  into  Gaul^  after  having  spent  only 
eighteen  days  in  Germany. 

But  his  expedition  into  Britain  discovered  the  most  daring 
spirit  of  enterprise;  for  he  was  the  first  who  entered  that  part  of 
the  ocean  with  a  fleet,  and  carried  war  into  an  island  whose  very 
existence  was  doubted.  Indeed,  some  writers  had  represented  it 
so  incredibly  large,  that  others  disputed  its  reality,  and  consider- 
ed both  the  name  and  the  thing  as  fabulous.  Yet  Caesar  under- 
took to  conquer  this  island,  and  to  extend  the  Roman  empire  be- 
yond the  limits  of  the  hitherto  known  world.  He  sailed  thither 
twice  from  the  opposite  coast  in  Gaul,  and  fought  many  battles, 
the  result  of  which  was  more  injurious  to  the  Britons  than  ad- 
vantageous to  the  Romans.  Nor  did  he  terminate  the  war  as  he 
desired :  he  merely  received  some  hostages ;  and,  having  fixed  a 
certain  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the  natives,  he  returned  to  Gaul, 
»vhere  his  presence  was  much  needed. 

His  first  care  was  to  provide  winter-quarters  for  his  troops, 
As  there  was,  in  consequence  of  excessive  drought,  almost  a  fam* 


B.  c.  58-00.  CONQUEST  OF  GAUL.  387 

me  in  the  country,  he  was  obliged,  in  order  to  obtain  provisionH 
lor  his  legions,  to  separate  thcni  and  to  place  their  quarters  at  a 
distance  from  each  other ;  a  step  which  would  otherwise  havo 
been  highly  imprudent.  But,  whether  a  necessary  or  an  impo- 
litic measure,  the  circumstance  was  noticed  by  the  Gauls,  who 
being  still  averse  to  the  Roman  yoke,  and  rather  oppressed  than 
Fubducd,  did  not  fail  to  turn  it  against  their  conquerors.  Their 
armies  soon  reappeared  in  the  field,  and  began  to  insult  the  Ro- 
mans in  the  stations  which  they  occupied.  The  strongest  and 
most  numerous  body  of  the  insurgents  was  that  of  Ambiorix,  a 
valiant  chieftain  in  northern  Gaul,  who  attacked  Sabinus  and  Gotta, 
two  of  Caesar's  lieutenants,  and  cut  them  ofif  with  their  whole 
party.  After  this  he  went  with  sixty  thousand  men  and  besieged 
the  legion  under  the  command  of  Q.  Cicero,  the  brother  of 
the  great  orator;  and  although  these  brave  Romans,  encouraged 
by  the  example  and  exhortations  of  their  commander,  made  a  re- 
Bistance  even  above  their  strength,  they  were  on  the  point  of  be- 
ing forced  in  their  encampment. 

The  barbarians,  having  failed  in  their  first  attacks  upon  it, 
undertook  to  carry  it  by  a  regular  siege.  The  experience  they 
had  acquired  in  their  previous  wars  against  Caesar,  and  the  direc- 
tion of  some  prisoners,  taught  them  to  approach  slowly  the  Ro- 
man station.  They  first  made  a  line  of  circumvallation  consisting 
of  a  ditch  fifteen  feet  wide  and  a  breastwork  eleven  feet  high. 
To  this  work  they  added  various  machines,  turrets,  targets,  etc. 
and,  availing  themselves  of  a  high  wind,  threw  burning  darts  and 
other  missiles  into  the  thatch  with  which  the  huts  of  the  camp 
were  covered.  The  fire,  aided  by  so  many  circumstances,  rapidly 
spread  itself  in  every  direction.  The  barbarians  ran  with  loud 
cries  to  the  attack  of  the  palisade,  as  to  an  assured  victory;  but 
such  was  the  energy  of  the  Roman  soldiers,  that,  although  cov- 
ered by  the  darts  of  the  enemy,  surrounded  by  the  flames,  and 
aware  of  the  destruction  that  was  actually  taking  place  of  their 
baggage  by  fire,  they  did  not  so  much  as  look  behind  them,  but 
fought  with  the  utmost  valor.  Their  gallant  conduct  obtained 
what  it  deserved ;  the  assailants  were  repulsed  at  all  points  with 
considerable  loss. 

Among  the  numberless  exploits  performed  on  that  day,  one 
deserved  particular  notice.  Two  centurions  or  officers,  Pulsio 
and  Varenus,  had  for  a  long  time  disputed  about  their  superior 
courage.  In  the  present  engagement,  and  during  the  hottest 
part  of  the  battle,  Pulsio  cried  out  to  A^arenus:  '-This  is  the 
proper  occasion  to  decide  our  quarrel ;  let  us  try  which  of  the 
two  will  show  the  greater  intrepidity."     Having  s»id  this,  ho 


1 


988  ANCIENT  HISTOKV.  Part  VI 

threw  himself  among  the  enemy,  and  was  instantly  followed  b^ 
Varcnus.  Pulsio  at  first  killed  one  of  the  assailants,  but  soon 
found  himself  surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  others.  Varenus 
ran  to  his  assistance,  and  rescued  him  from  his  peril;  but  the 
moment  after,  Yarenus  himself,  having  also  killed  an  enemy,  fell 
into  exactly  the  same  danger.  Pulsio,  in  his  turn,  came  and  de- 
livered him  from  this  perilous  situation.  Both  of  them  being 
thus  still  unhurt,  attacked  the  Gauls  again  with  redoubled  vigor, 
and  having  made  a  dreadful  havoc  of  them,  re-entered  the  camp, 
covered  with  glory.  It  thus  happened  that  their  exploits  were 
perfectly  equal;  each  was  indebted  to  the  other  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  life;  and  their  dispute  still  remained  undecided."'^ 

Yet  these  extraordinary  feats  of  the  Romans  did  not  rescue 
them  from  their  distress;  nay,  the  danger  increased  every  day, 
as  most  of  them  were  wounded  and  unable  to  fight,  whilst  all 
their  letters  to  Caesar  were  intercepted  by  the  enemy.  The  in- 
telligence at  last  reached  the  head-quarters  of  the  Roman  army: 
Cajsar  set  out  without  losing  a  moment,  and  having  speedily  col- 
lected a  body  of  soldiers  which  did  not  exceed  seven  thousand, 
hastened  to  the  relief  of  Cicero.  The  Gauls,  aware  of  his  move- 
ments, left  the  siege  and  went  to  meet  him ;  for  they  despised 
the  smallness  of  his  force,  and  were  confident  of  victory.  The 
armies  arrived  at  nearly  the  same  time  on  the  opposite  sides  of  a 
brook.  Ccesar,  in  order  to  increase  the  enemy's  presumption, 
affected  to  secure  and  fortify  his  camp,  and  so  contracted  its  lim- 
its, as  to  make  the  number  of  his  men  appear  much  smaller  than 
it  was  in  reality. 

At  this  sight,  the  Gauls,  trusting  to  their  multitude  (.six/j 
against  seven  thousand  men),  thought  that  they  had  nothing  to 
fear  but  the  escape  of  their  enemy  ;  they  accordingly  passed  tlw 
rivulet  with  a  view  to  force  the  Roman  lines.  As  soon  as  they 
arrived  near  the  camp  and  began  their  attack,  Caesar,  by  a  sudden 
sally  of  all  his  troops,  threw  them  into  the  utmost  confusion,  killed 
a  large  number  of  them,  and  routed  the  remainder  (b.  c.  54).  By 
this  victory  he  not  only  relieved  Qaintus  Cicero,  whom  he  joined 
the  same  evening,  but  likewise  checked  the  spirit  of  insurrection 
in  those  parts ;  and  for  greater  security  remained  the  whole  win- 
ter in  Gaul,  visiting  all  the  quarters,  and  keeping  a  watchful  eye 
over  the  motions  of  the  inhabitants.  Moreover,  in  the  room  of 
the  troops  whom  he  had  recently  lost  under  Sabinus  and  Cotta, 
he  received  a  reinforcement  of  three  entire  legions. 

*  Sic  fortuna  in  contentione  et  certamine  utrumqiie  versavit,  ut  alter 
alteri  inimicus  auxilio  salutique  esset,  neque  dijudicari  posset  utei-  utrl 
virtute  anteferendus  videretur. — De  Bello  GaU.  b.  v,  c.  44. 


I 


0.  68>-60.  CONQUEST  OF  GAUL.  889 


But,  notwithstanding  all  the  precautions,  efforts  and  victories 
of  Caesar,  tlj^re  still  lurked  in  the  minds  of  the  vanquished  Gauls 
an  intense  desire  to  recover  their  freedom.  Hitherto,  the  seeds 
of  hostility  had  been  privately  scattered  in  the  more  distant  parts 
of  the  country  by  the  chieftains  of  the  bravest  nations;  they  now 
prepared  to  combine  their  eflforts  in  order  to  make  one  grand  and 
general  attack.  No  later  than  the  ensuing  winter,  their  ill-sup- 
pressed animosity  everj^where  suddenly  burst  into  an  open  flame, 
and  all  the  posts  of  the  Romans  were  threatened  with  destruction. 
This  formidable  league  was  headed  by  Vercingetorix,  a  young 
iince  of  the  nation  of  the  Arverni,  whose  energy  and  heroic 

urage  soon  gathered  under  his  banner  a  very  numerous  army. 

Never  was  Caesar  involved  in  greater  diflficulty  than  on  the 
present  occasion ;  never,  too,  did  he  display  to  greater  advantage 
his  military  and  inventive  genius,  his  wonderful  activity  and 
boldness.  He  had  separated  his  troops  for  their  winter-quarters, 
and  had  repaired  as  usual  to  the  southern  limits  of  his  province, 
to  watch  the  course  of  political  events  at  Rome,  when  the 
news  of  the  Gaulish  insurrection  suddenly  reached  him  in  north- 
ern Italy.  He  quickly  retraced  his  steps  into  Transalpine  Gaul, 
and  with  a  body  of  cavalry,  went  over  ice  and  snow,  and  across 
a  thousand  other  obstacles,  to  rejoin  his  legions  in  the  north. 
Having  succeeded  in  reuniting  them  into  one  body,  he  led  them 
against  the  principal  cities  and  strongholds  of  the  enemy :  he 
took  most  of  these,  and,  either  as  a  retaliation  for  the  past  or  a 
warning  for  the  future,  treated  them  with  great  severity. 

Vercingetorix,  on  his  part,  was  not  idle.  Although  careful  to 
avoid  a  general  engagement,  he  constantly  followed  the  Romans 
at  a  proper  distance,  watched  their  motions,  and  annoyed  them  in 
their  march.  If  he  could  not  prevent  them  from  invading  his 
own  territory  and  besieging  his  chief  city,*  he  at  least  obliged 
tliem  to  retire  without  having  been  able  to  take  that  place,  and 
even  after  a  defeat  of  a  portion  of  their  army.  It  is  true,  Ver- 
cingetorix was  in  his  turn  defeated  by  Caesar  in  a  battle  of  the 
cavalry ;  but  this  victory  was  not  obtained  b}'  the  latter  without 
;i  sharp  conflict,  considerable  personal  danger,  and  the  loss  of  his 
sword  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Arverni,  and  which  they 
suspended  as  a  trophy  in  one  of  their  temples. 

Notwithstanding  these  difiiculties  and  partial  losses,  Caesar 
always  kept  that  preponderance  in  the  field  of  battle,  which  was 
the  natural  efi"ect  of  his  unparalleled  skill  and  the  superior  disci- 

*  This  was  Gergovia,  a  place  well  fortified  and  situated  on  a  hill,  at 
the  distance  of  about  five  miles  south  of  Clermont,  the  present  capital  of 
Auvergne.     Both  the  name  of  that  fortress  and  its  ruins  are  still  extant. 

33* 


390  ANCIENT  IIISIORY.  Tart  VI. 

pline  of  his  troops.  Vereingctorix,  having  .ost  in  the  late 
engagement  a  very  considerable  part  of  his  cava]^,  withdrew, 
and  sought  a  stronger  position.  The  Romans  followed  him,  til) 
they  again  met  him  on  the  heights  where  the  Seine  and  a  num- 
ber of  other  streams  have  their  source.  Here  the  Gaulish  leader 
with  his  numerous  infantry  of  eighty  thousand  men,  took  his 
Sjtation  at  Alesia,  a  place  advantageously  situated  on  a  hill  and 
between  two  rivers;  but  no  advantage  of  numbers  or  situation 
could  be  a  match  for  the  daring  and  inventive  genius  of  his 
enemy.  With  an  army  less  numerous  by  ten  thousand  men  than 
that  of  the  Gauls,  Csesar  undertook  to  shut  them  up  in  that  posi- 
tion, which  otherwise  seemed  inaccessible.  He  effected  his  design 
by  a  double  line  of  trenches,  redoubts,  and  a  thousand  other  for- 
tifications ;  the  one  directed  against  the  Gaulish  army  thus 
enclosed,  and  the  other  against  every  attack  from  without.  These 
two  lines  extended  over  a  circumference  of  twelve  or  fourteen 
miles;  and,  what  is  still  mere  astonishing,  so  stupendous  works 
appear  to  have  been  constructed  by  the  llomans  in  the  space  of 
a  few  weeks. 

Against  these  vast  preparations  the  whole  strength  of  Gaul 
was  exerted  in  vain,  and  finally  exhausted.  An  army  of  two 
hundred  and  forty-eight  thousand  men  had  been  assembled  from 
the  different  parts  of  that  country,  and  approached  Alesia  for  tho 
relief  of  the  besieged.  They  marched  with  great  confidence  to 
attack  the  Koman  intrenchments.  Having  failed  a  first  and 
second  time,  they  renewed  their  attempt  on  another  day,  and, 
according  to  Caesar  himself,f  carried  it  on  with  the  most  deter- 
mined bravery,  whilst  Vercingetorix  and  his  followers  made  a 
vigorous  sally  from  the  town.  All  was  to  no  purpose.  The 
Romans,  protected  by  their  fortifications,  their  superior  discipline, 
and  the  genius  of  their  leader,  stood  firm  in  every  post  and  re- 
pelled every  assault,  destroying  great  numbers  of  the  assailants. 
The  Gaulish  troops  from  without  were  at  last  dispirited  by  their 
repeated  failures  and  losses :  they  fled  in  different  directions ; 
while  those  within  the  town,  destitute  of  all  hope,  at  length 
agreed  to  surrender.  Among  the  captives,  twenty  thousand 
^Edui  and  Arverni  were  reserved  by  Caesar  to  serve  for  a  time 
as  hostages,  in  order  to  secure  the  subsequent  fidelity  of  their 
respective  nations.  The  others  underwent  the  ordinary  fate  of 
prisoners,  and  in  this  capacity  were  divided  as  plunder  among  the 
troops.  As  to  their  valiant  leader,  Vercingetorix,  whose  mag* 
Danimity  had  shone  forth  to  the  end,  it  is  very  probable  that| 

fDe  Bello  Gall,  b.  vii,  c.  83—87. 


B.  c.  68.  PARTHIAN  EXPEDITION.  801 

like  otlier  japtivc  chiefs  on  such  occasions,  he  was  destined  to 
grace  the  future  triumph  of  his  conqueror  (b.  c.  52). 

Thus  was  the  death-blow  given  to  the  national  independence 
of  Gaul.  Many  partial  attempts  at  resistance  were  afterwards 
made  by  various  tribes  j  but  these  were  quickly  suppressed  by 
the  rapidity  of  Caesar's  movements.  In  order  to  strike  terror 
throughout  the  country,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  commit  actij, 
which  he  may  have  deemed  necessary,  but  which  often  savored 
of  cruelty  against  the  victims  of  his  ambition.  Very  soon,  how- 
ever, he  adopted  measures  dictated  by  his  natural  clemency,  and 
sought  to  complete  by  mildness  the  reduction  of  a  people  whom 
no  force  of  arms  could  subdue.  This  new  line  of  conduct,  sup- 
ported by  his  extraordinary  fame  and  talents,  proved  eminently 
successful.  All  Gaul  at  length  acknowledged  the  superiority  of 
Rome  (b.  c.  50);  aversion  was  changed  into  affection,  and  among 
all  ancient  nations,  Gaul  was  one  of  the  most  proficient  in  the 
arts,  sciences,  and  civilization  of  the  Romans. 

DISASTROUS  EXPEDITION  OF  CRASSUS  AGA^N^^ttE 
PARTHIANS.— B.  c.  5{j.  ^"^ 

Simultaneously  with  the  late  victorious  campaigns  in  Gaul, 
a-aother  expedition  took  place  in  the  east,  quite  different  in  its 
character  and  result.  A  new  treaty  concluded  at  Lucca  betweeo 
the  triumvirs  (b.  c.  56)  had  produced  the  following  agreement  •■ 
Ctesar  was  to  continue  for  five  years  more  in  the  military  de- 
partment of  Gaul;  the  province  of  Spain  together  with  Africa  waM 
assigned  to  Pompey,  and  that  of  Syria  to  Crassus.  This  partition 
of  the  provinces,  approved  by  the  people  notwithstanding  the 
opposition  of  Cato  and  others,  had  enabled  Csesar  to  pursue  the 
course  of  his  conquests.  Pompey  was  allowed  to  stay  in  Rome, 
and  to  govern  his  province  through  his  lieutenants,  Afranius, 
Petreius  and  Varro.  In  fine,  Crassus,  overjoyed  at  his  promotion 
to  the  government  of  Syria,  prepared  every  thing  for  his  depart- 
ure into  the  east. 

It  was  the  desire  of  Crassus  to  enjoy  an  equal  degree  of  glory 
and  influence  with  the  other  triumvirs,  and  he  expected  to  obtain 
in  Asia  the  same  military  and  political  advantages  that  were  likely 
to  be  acquired  by  his  rivals  in  Europe.  His  chief  object,  an  ob- 
ject by  no  means  included  in  his  commission,  was  to  wage  war 
on  the  Parthians,  the  only  great  power,  besides  Rome,  then 
extant  in  the  known  world.  Nor  did  he  consider  Syria  and  Par- 
thia  the  limits  of  his  good  fortune.  He  also  intended  to  penetrate 
into  the  Bactrian  and  Indian  regions  as  far  as  the  eastern  ocean, 


a02  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VL 

and  to  make  the  expeditions  of  Pompey  and  Lucullus  in  Asia 
appear  the  mere  sports  of  children^  when  compared  with  his  own. 
He  was  indeed  so  much  taken  up  with  this  extravagant  idea,  that 
when,  at  the  beginning  of  his  campaign,  and  after  some  triflino 
success,  Parthian  ambassadors  came  to  complain  of  his  breach  of 
the  existing  peace,  Crassus  said  that  he  would  give  them  his  an^ 
swer  at  Seleucia,  a  city  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris.  Upon  which, 
Vagises,  the  oldest  of  these  ambassadors,  laughed,  and  holding 
up  the  palm  of  his  hand,  replied  :  ''  Crassus,  hair  will  grow  here, 
before  you  arrive  at  Seleucia.'' 

To  these  schemes  of  unjustifiable  ambition;  Crassus  added  rob- 
bery and  sacrilege.  In  his  passage  through  Judea,  he  invaded 
and  carried  off  all  the  treasures  contained  in  the  temple  of  God  at 
Jerusalem.  This  was  the  first  act  of  his  expedition,  as  also  the 
beginning  of  his  misfortunes :  he  who  had  hitherto  appeared  an 
able  and  experienced  commander,  seemed  afterwards  entirely  aban- 
doned to  a  spirit  of  rashness  and  blindness  which  led  him  from 
error  to  error,  till  he  met  the  disastrous  death  which  his  injustice 
and  rapacity  deserved. 

In  the  year  b.  c.  53,  Crassus,  with  an  army  of  more  than  forty 
thousand  men,  crossed  the  Euphrates  at  Zeugma  to  go  in  quest 
of  the  Parthians.  He  was  advised  to  follow  the  course  of  that 
river,  till  he  reached  the  neighborhood  of  Seleucia,  whilst  a  fleet 
laden  with  provisions  was  to  secure  the  support  of  his  troops  in 
a  hostile  country ;  and  as  the  river  itself  would  prevent  him  from 
being  surrounded,  he  would  always  have  it  in  his  power  to  fight 
upon  equal  terms.  But  an  Arabian  chieftain  in  whom  he  placed 
great  confidence,  prevailed  upon  him  to  direct  his  march  towards 
the  east,  in  order  to  come  up  the  sooner  with  the  enemy. 

This  resolution,  suggested  by  a  traitor,  was  the  most  rash,  and 
proved  the  most  disastrous,  that  could  have  been  taken.  '  The 
ilomans,  by  following  this  new  direction,  advanced  at  first  through 
a  smooth  and  easy  country,  but,  after  a  few  more  marches,  found 
themselves  in  sandy  and  barren  plains,  without  shade,  herbage,  and 
water.  At  no  great  distance  from  Carra)  in  Mesopotamia,  they 
were  met  by  innumerable  swarms  of  Parthian  cavalry,  which  at- 
tacked them  on  all  sides.  Even  the  first  charges  made  dreadful 
execution  among  the  legionaries.  It  would  have  been  a  great 
advantage  for  them  to  engage  in  a  pitched  battle  and  come  to  close 
conflict;  but  this  was  rendered  impossible  by  the  tactics  of  their 
foe.  The  principal  way  of  fighting  used  by  the  Parthians  con- 
sisted in  wheeling  aboat  with  great  swiftness,  and  discharging  an 
incessant  shower  of  arrows,  which  they  hurled  with  the  greatest 
dexterity  and  violence,  piercing  every  thing  within  their  reach.   In 


B  0.  68.  rARTIIIAN  EXPEDITION.  8^3 

this  trying  situation,  the  Romans  knew  not  how  to  act.  If  they 
continued  steady  in  their  ranks,  they  received  mortal  wounds,  aim 
I  if  they  advanced  against  the  enemy,  they  were  equally  exposed  to- 
raeet  with  the  same  fate ;  for  the  Parthians  fled  before  them, 
and  not  only  could  rally  with  extreme  facility,  but  even  kept 
up  a  continual  discharge  of  their  murderous  missiles  whilst  they 
retired. 

Against  opponents  of  this  description  valor  and  discipline  wera 
of  no  avail.  Young  Crassus,  the  same  who  had  signalized  himself 
in  Gaul  under  Caesar,  endeavored  in  vain,  with  a  choice  p'jrtion 
of  the  army,  to  make  an  impression  on  the  barbarians  by  a  vigo- 
rous charge  ;  both  he  and  his  followers  perished  in  the  attempt. 
The  enemy's  attack  was  then  directed  with  fresh  energy  against  the 
main  bod}^  of  the  Roman  troops.  While  the  light  cavalry  harassed 
them  on  their  flank,  and  galled  them  with  their  arrows,  the  heavy- 
armed  Parthians  charged  them  in  front  with  their  pikes,  which 
they  hurled  with  such  force  that  they  often  pierced  two  men  at 
once.*  The  loss,  consequently,  was  dreadful  on  the  side  of  Crassus, 
and  his  defeat  irretrievable.  Plunged  in  the  bitterest  affliction, 
he  began  to  recede  with  the  rest  of  his  troops,  but  again  suffered 
himself  to  be  deluded  by  a  traitor,  and  to  be  entangled  by  him 
in  diificult  and  marshy  places  that  retarded  his  march,  and  caused 
the  unhappy  fugitives  to  be  again  overtaken  by  the  enemy. 

To  complete  their  misfortune,  Surena,  the  Parthian  general, 
added  stratagem  to  superiority  of  force  :  wishing  to  take  Crassus 
alive,  he  proposed,  with  great  apparent  moderation,  a  private  in- 
terview between  himself  and  the  Roman  general.  Crassus,  com- 
pelled by  his  own  soldiers  to  accept  of  the  proposal,  had  no  sooner 
come  to  the  place  of  meeting,  than,  in  consequence  of  an  affray 
that  ensued,  both  he  and  his  chief  attendants  were  put  to  the 
sword.  His  head  was  severed  from  his  body  and  carried  as  a  tro- 
phy to  Orodes,  the  Parthian  king.  Some  authors  relate  that  this 
prince  caused 'melted  gold  to  be  poured  into  the  mouth,  to  insult 
by  this  significant  action  the  insatiable  avarice  of  Crassus. f  The 
sad  remnant  of  his  army  escaped  by  different  routes  to  Syria, 
where  their  arrival  there  in  a  pitiful  condition,  by  exhibiting  the 
extent  of  their  disaster,  showed  at  the  same  time  the  just  punish- 

*  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  31.  Crassus. 
■j-  Or,  in  the  energetic  and  somewhat  bombastic  style  of  Floras,  "to 
torture  by  tliis  metal,  after  death,  the  body  of  him  whose  soul  had,  Jur- 
iag  life,  been  consumed  by  a  most  violent  thirst  for  gold. — Aurum  enim 
liquidum  in  rictum  oris  infusum  est;  ut,  cujus  animus  arserat  auri  ciipiditaf^, 
^'us  etiam  mart  nam  et  cxangue  corj>us  aura  ureretur^'—FloTUS,  E^itov^ 
b.  iii,  c.  2. 


394__  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VT. 

ment  of  an  expedition  undertaken  for  no  better  motive  than  per- 
sonal ambition  and  cupidity.* 

This  overthrow  cost  the  Romans  no  less  than  thirty  thousand 
men,  viz.  twenty  thousand  slain  and  ten  thousand  prisoners.  It 
must  have  been  the  more  painful  to  their  national  feelings^  as  it  was 
quite  unexpected.  On  previous  occasions,  they  had  sometimes 
experienced  signal  defeats;  but  this  happened  before  their  state 
Jiad  attained  that  astonishing  degree  of  power  and  glory  which  it 
now  enjoyed.  At  this  time,  Kome  was  everywhere  triumphant, 
respected  and  dreaded  by  all  nations :  she  had  subdued  the 
mightiest  states  of  Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa;  and  but  lately  had 
crushed  the  powerful  kings  of  Armenia  and  Pontus,  as  well  aa 
the  warlike  tribes  of  Gaul  and  Grermany.  Yet,  in  the  zenith  of 
her  greatness,  she  saw  her  glory  suddenly  dimmed  and  blasted  io 
an  attack  upon  a  people  recently  formed  out  of  the  assemblaga 
of  those  eastern  nations,  whose  valor  she  was  accustomed  to  de- 
spise. 

The  check  received  by  Crassus  from  the  Parthians  was  a  blot 
on  the  Roman  name,  which  the  victories  gained  shortly  after  by 
Cassius  and  Ventidius  over  the  same  enemy  could  not  remove. 
The  standards  and  prisoners  taken  in  the  battle  of  Carras  still  re« 
mained  in  the  hands  of  the  conquerors;  and  not  till  thirty  years 
later,  under  the  reign  of  Caesar  Augustus,  did  the  Parthian 
king  consent  to  restore  them  to  the  Romans.  This  last  transac- 
tion alone  was  at  the  time  considered  a  glorious  triumph;  so 
much  were  the  subjects  of  the  empire  humbled,  even  at  that  time, 
by  the  recollection  of  their  defeat,  and  so  seriously  did  they  be- 
lieve it  incumbent  on  them  to  efface,  if  possible,  the  smallest 
vestige  of  so  signal  an  overthrow. 

Julius  Caesar,  in  order  to  avenge  the  aflfront  which  the  Parthi- 
ans had  lately  inflicted  on  Rome,  was  on  the  point  of  marching 
against  them,  when  he  was  put  to  death  by  his  enemies  in  the 
jBcnate.  Mark  Antony  formed  the  same  design;  but  it  turned  to 
his  disgrace.  During  several  centuries,  the  Romans  ever  regar- 
ded new  attacks  upon  the  Parthians  as  the  most  important  of 
their  wars.  Their  ablest  and  most  warlike  emperors,  Trajan, 
Marcus  Aurelius,  Septimius  Severus,  etc.  made  them  the.  chief 
object  of  their  attention,  and  the  surname  of  Partldcus  was, 
among  all  honorable  titles,  the  most  flattering  to  their  vanity. 
If  sometimes  the  Romans  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  pursued 
their  conquests  beyond  that  river,  the  Parthians,  in  their  turn, 

*  Compare  the  disaster  of  Crassus  with  the  similar  and  well  merited 
reverse  of  Julian  the  apostate  in  his  war  against  the  Persians,  who  had 
succeeded  the  Parthians  in  their  empire.   (Modern  History,  pp.  112, 1 13.) 


^Sfi 


60—48.  CESAR.— rOMrEY.  395 


the  same  from  tlic  opposite  direction,  and  carried  their  arms 
ind  ravages  into  the  iloman  provinces.  If  they  met  with  de- 
feats, they  also  gained  victories.  In  a  word,  the  llomans  could 
never  succeed  in  bringing  them  under  their  sway;  and  the  Par- 
thian nation  was  like  a  wall  of-  brass,  whi^h,  with  impregnable 
force,  resisted  the  most  violent  attacks  of  their  power. 


RIVAL  PRETENSIONS  OF  POMPEY  AND  JULIUS  CESAR.— CIVIL 
•  ,  WAR.— BATTLE  OF  PIIARSALIA,  AND  DEATH  OF  POMPEY.^- 
{      B.  c.  50—48. 

The  death  of  Crassus  was,  in  another  respect,  dreadfully  fatal 
to  the  llonian  republic.  With  much  less  ability  and  merit  than 
either  Ccxsar  or  Pompey,  he  had  maintained  a  sort  of  equilibrium 
between  these  famous  men,  his  colleagues  in  the  triumvirate. 
When  this  intermediate  power  was  destroyed  by  his  death,  there 
was  no  longer  any  restraint  on  their  rival  pretensions.  Each 
aimed  at  possessing  the  highest  rank  and  acting  the  first  part  in 
the  state.     On  one  hand,  Pompey,  having  long  exercised  the  chief 

,  influence  and  a  sort  of  princely  authority  among  the  citizens,  was 
unwilling  to  part  with  these  prerogatives;  on  the  other,  Csesar 

,  had  expressly  declared  and  shown  that  he  would  never  be  satis- 
fied with  the  second  place.     The  latter  could  not  bear  a  superior; 

I  the  former  would  endure  no  equal.* 

i;  The  general  corruption  of  the  times,  licentiousness,  violence, 
extortion,  bribery,  the  sale  of  public  offices  and  contempt  of  the 
laws,  had  reached  the  highest  pitch  among  the  Romans.  Pom- 
pey, by  his  authority  and  influence,  might  have  put  some  check 
to  these  disorders;  but  he  connived  at  them  for  a  time  and  pur- 
posely suffered  them  to  increase,  in  order  that  their  very  execs."? 
might  compel  the  Romans  to  place  their  whole  confidence  in  his 
abilities  and  appoint  him  dictator.     If  he  failed  as  to  the  precise 

'  object  of  his  wishes,  he  at  least  obtained  what  was  equivalent  to 
it,  the  extraordinary  distinction  of  being  named  sole  consul,  with 
permission,  but  no  obligation,  to  have  a  colleague.  This  unpre- 
cedented favor  perfectly  satisfied  the  ambition  of  Pompey,  by 
placing  him  alone  at  the  head  of  the  government,  while  it  was 
uiore  gratifying  still  to  his  vanity  to  acquire  dignities  by  the  free 
choice  of  the  citizens  than  by  recourse  to  arms,  and  to  possess 
admirers  rather  than  subjects 

*  Nee  queraquam  jam  ferre  pctest  Coesarve  priorem, 
Pompeiusve.parem. — Lucan.  i,  125—20. 


L 


300  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

The  power  of  Cossar  had  a  still  stronger  support  in  the  affec-  ; 
tion  of  a  brave,  numerous  and  triumphant  army.  The  legions, 
which  he  had  so  often  led  to  victory,  were  accustomed  to  follow 
him  through  every  difficulty  with  the  utmost  confidence ;  and  the 
same  soldiers  who,  under  any  other  general,  would  have  been  in- 
significant troops,  fought  and  served  under  him  with  invincible 
courage  and  constancy.  He  had  thus  strongly  attached  them  to 
his  person  and  fortunes,  first,  by  the  example  of  his  heroism, 
which  made  him,  notwithstanding  the  delicacy  of  his  constitution, 
share  in  their  greatest  dangers  and  hardships;  secondly,  by  the 
extreme  care  with  which  he  always  provided  for  their  subsistence 
and  safety;  and  finally  by  the  splendid  rewards  and  largesses 
that  he  bestowed  on  them,  not  only  as  a  recompense  for  past  ser- 
vices, but  likewise  as  an  earnest  of  future  favors.  It  was  well 
known  that  he  did  not  accumulate  riches  for  his  own  luxury  and 
convenience,  but  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  them  a  common 
treasure,  and  the  reward  of  distinguished  bravery.  By  these 
means,  both  officers  and  soldiers  were  taught  to  rely  on  the  suc- 
cess and  protection  of  their  general ;  and  this  consideration^  aided 
by  a  variety  of  other  incidents,  led  these  men,  who  ought  to  have 
been  champions  of  the  state,  to  support  the  individual  pretensions 
of  Cfiesar,  and  to  devote  themselves  to  the  zealous  defence  of  hia 
person  and  interest. 

This  artful  politician  was  not  less  careful  to  advance  his  cause 
at  Rome,  than  among  the  troops.  Not  being  able,  as  long  as 
the  Gaulish  war  lasted,  to  act  personally  in  that  capital,  he  con- 
ducted every  thing  there  through  a  number  of  zealous  partisans. 
By  letters,  directions,  intrigues,  and  money,  he  exercised  a  pow- 
erful influence  over  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  and  even  frequently 
over  the  deliberations  of  the  senate.  Having  in  this  manner  obtained 
first  the  prorogation  of  his  command  in  Gaul,  he  afterwards  ob- 
tained the  unexampled  privilege  of  being  a  candidate  for  the  con- 
sulship, even  whilst  absent  and  at  the  head  of  an  army. 

It  is  true  that  Pompey  and  other  friends  of  the  government  at 
last  perceived  the  ulterior  object  of  Caesar's  ambition;  and  some, 
indeed,  had  mentioned  it  long  before,  but  to  no  purpose.  No^ 
at  length,  they  took  measures  to  repeal  the  extraordinary  con« 
cessions  that  had  been  made  to  him,  or  at  least  to  render  then 
nugatory;  unfortunately,  the  power  of  Caesar  had  been  sufi"ere(i 
to  increase  for  too  long  a  time,  and  had  become  so  formidable  a8_ 
to  set  at  defiance  the  tardy  efforts  of  his  opponents.  This  bole 
commander  was  already  approaching  with  a  select  body  of  hii 
troops.  It  is  said  that  having  reached  the  banks  of  the  Bubiconj 
i  small  river  which  formed  the  limit  of  his  province,  he  stopped 


I 


3.  c.  50-48.  CESAR.— roMrEjr.  897 

I  moment  to  weigh  the  greatness  of  his  undertaking,  and  shud- 

I.ivd  at  the  idea  of  its  consequences.      Then  plunging  into  tho 

:il)ys8  of  futurity,  in  the  words  of  those  who  embark  on  arduous 

and  doubtful  projects,  he  cried  out:  ''The  die  is  cast,''  and  im- 

'modiately  crossed  the  stream.     By  this  daring  act,  Caesar  openly 

1.1  red  war  against  the  commonwealth,  whilst  he  affected,  under 

rious  pretences,  to  ascribe  the  evils  that  were  to  follow  from 

tiM'  present  state  of  things,  to  his  opponents  at  Rome. 

'i  he  whole  country  was  thrown  into  the  greatest  consternation  • 
on  all  sides,  people  fled  from  their  habitations,  and  communicated 
their  alarm  to  the  capital.  Pompey,  who  had  not  expected  so 
sudden  an  attack,  and  had  relied  too  much  on  his  own  power  for 
'''  '  raising  of  a  sufficient  force,  was  found  unprepared  for  the 
fiict.  Cato,  however,  had  several  times  put  him  on  his  guard 
iinst  Caesar,  as,  for  instance,  when  he  plainly  said  to  him: 
NOW,  indeed,  the  burden  is  preparing  for  your  own  shoulders;  it 
will  one  day  fall  on  the  republic,  but  not  till  it  has  crushed  you 
to  the  ground.''  The  advice  was  then  lost  on  Pompey,  whose 
security  on  this  subject  went  so  far,  that,  when  some  persons  ob- 
served in  his  presence  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  oppose  his  rival, 
if  the  latter  should  advance  in  a  hostile  manner  towards  Rome, 
he  answered  that,  "by  merely  stamping  with  his  foot  upon  the 
ground,  he  would  fill  Italy  with  his  legions."  The  event  soon 
proved  the  contrary ;  and  when  Pompey  began  to  perceive  his 
error,  it  was  already  too  late. 

-  Caesar  was  advancing  with  fearful  rapidity.  He  not  only  took 
possession  of  all  the  cities  in  his  way,  but  gained  daily  accessions 
of  strength  from  the  garrisons  and  bodies  of  troops  which  were 
destined  to  oppose  his  march,  but  which  chose  on  the  contrary  to 
declare  in  his  favor.  There  was  not  a  moment  to  lose;  nearly 
all  the  senators  and  magistrates  of  the  republic,  with  Pompey  at 
their  head,  left  Rome,  and  having  by  a  precipitate  flight  reached 
the  harbor  of  Brundusium  a  little  before  Caasar's  arrival,  had 
just  time  to  sail  thence  on  their  way  to  Epirus,  or  the  eastern 
side  of  the  Adriatic  sea  (b.  c.  49). 

It  required  Caesar  only  sixty  days  to  oblige  all  his  opponents 
to  evacuate  Italy.  Being  yet  unable,  for  want  of  vessels,  to 
pursue  them  to  the  opposite  coast,  he  turned  towards  Rome,  and 
entered  it  as  a  master.  Fears  had  been  entertained  lest  he 
should  act  in  the  same  manner  as  Sylla  and  Marius  had  done  on 
a  similar  occasion ;  but  his  clemency  and  mildness  dispelled  these 
alanns.  The  only  violence  which  he  used  on  this  occasion  was 
his  seizure  of  the  common  treasury.  He  took  from  it  inimensc 
Bums  of  money  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  thus  turD* 

34 


398  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  VL 

ed  the  pecuniary  resources  of  the  republic  against  the  republic 
itself. 

After  a  short  stay  in  Rome,  Cassar  set  out  for  Spain,  to  attack 
the  numerous  troops  of  his  rival  in  that  country.  They  consist- 
ed of  five  legions,  five  thousand  horse,  and  eighty  cohorts  of 
provincial  infantry,  equal  in  number  to  eight  legions  or  forty 
thousand  soldiers:  so  as  to  make  an  aggregate  of  about  seventy 
thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  Afranius  and  Petreius,  two 
of  Pompey's  lieutenants.  Yarro,  the  third  lieutenant,  took  little 
part  in  the  contest.  This  prospect  of  affairs  in  the  Pompeiau 
party  made  Caesar  say  'Uliat  he  was  going  to  fight  troops  who 
had  no  general,  and  would  return  to  fight  a  general  who  had  no 
troops.^'*  Both  he  and  his  army  had  to  undergo  many  dangers 
and  fatigues  in  their  Spanish  campaign;  so  great  however  was 
the  superiority  of  his  genius  over  ordinary  skill,  such  as  was 
possessed  by  Afranius  and  Petreius,  that  he  not  only  induced  the 
natives  to  declare  in  his  favor,  but  actually  obliged  the  five  Ro-. 
man  legions  to  lay  down  their  arms,  and  surrender  without  the 
honor  of  a  battle. 

This  masterly  and  short  expedition,  which  was  soon  followed 
by  the  reduction  of  Marseilles,  submitted  the  whole  west  to  the 
power  of  Caesar.  Having  no  longer  an}'^  apprehension  on  that' 
side,  he  determined  to  carry  the  war  into  the  east  in  pursuit  of 
Pompey,  who  had  by  this  time  collected  a  formidable  number  of 
men  and  vessels.  To  attempt  the  conveying  of  troops  across  the 
Adriatic  sea  in  presence  of  such  a  force,  might  have  been  an  act 
of  rashness  in  any  one  except  Caesar;  but  this  was  for  him  an 
ordinary  undertaking.  Fearless  of  danger,  he  embarked  twice  to 
execute  his  design;  and  it  was  on  one  of  these  occasions  that, 
whilst  on  board  of  a  boat,  and  seeing  the  mariners  nearly  over- 
powered by  the  tempestuous  weather,  he  bade  them  ''not  be 
afraid,  as  they  were  carrying  Caesar  and  his  fortunes."  He  efi'ect- 
ed  the  passage  of  his  legions  with  the  success  and  celerity  that 
characterized  all  his  movements,  and  came  in  sight  of  Pompey 
near  Dyrrachium.  * 

These  two  able  commanders  then  began  to  employ  against  each 
other  all  the  arts  of  warfare,  marches,  private  encounters,  fortifi- 
cations, etc.  Still,  they  did  not  come  to  a  general  engagement, 
The  most  important  action  consisted  in  a  vigorous  and  well  di- 
rected sally  made  by  Pompey  against  Caesar's  lines,  a  portion  of 
which  was  forced ;  and*  when  the  latter  endeavored  to  retaliate, 
his  troops  met  with  a  resistance  which  threw  them  into  great  con- 

*  Ire  se  ad  exercitum  sine  duce,  et  inde  reversurum  ad  ducem  sin|[ 
esercitu — Sueton.  in  Jul  Ccesar. 


a.  0.  50—48.  CiESAR.— POMPEY.  899 

fusion,  and  occasioned  the  loss  of  many  officers  and  soldiers.  It 
is  commonly  thought  that  Pompey,  on  this  occasion,  might  have 
obtained  a  complete  and  decisive  victory,  had  he  not,  through  ex- 
cessive caution  and  fear  of  an  ambuscade,  declined  to  follow  up 
his  success. 

Cassar  and  his  troops,  although  sadly  disappointed  in  their 
hopes,  did  not  on  that  account  yield  to  despondency.  The  check 
which  they  had  just  suiFered,  merely  induced  them  to  alter  their 
plan  of  operations,  and  to  leave  the  neighborhood  of  Dyrrachium 
in  search  of  a  more  favorable  spot.  They  found  such  a  one  in 
the  plains  of  Pharsalia  in  Thessaly.  Pompey  arrived  soon  after 
Avith  all  his  forces,  and  stationed  them  on  a  height,  at  the  dis- 
tance of  thirty  stadia,  or  about  three  miles,  from  Caesar's  camp. 
And  here  also  the  two  rivals  applied  themselves  to  watch  closely 
each  other's  movements,  and  sought  to  take  advantage  of  every 
propitious  circumstance  that  might  offer  itself;  till  at  length  both 
came  to  the  determination  to  decide  their  quarrel  at  once  by  a 
general  battle  (b.  c.  48). 

Independently  of  auxiliaries  on  each,  side,  the  army  of  Pom- 
pey amounted  to  forty-five,  and  that  of  Caesar  to  twenty-two 
thousand  legionaries.  The  latter,  perceiving  that  Pompey's  cav- 
alry was  far  superior  in  number,  to  his  own,  placed  six  cohorts 
(or  three  thousand  men)  as  a  body  of  reserve  behind  his  few 
squadrons,  with  orders  to  fall  on  the  enemy's  horse,  when  these 
would  attempt,  as  he  expected,  to  turn  his  flank.  To  these  co- 
horts he  expressly  declared  that  he  placed  in  them  his  chief 
hopes  of  victory. 

The  signal  was  no  sooner  given  than  the  veterans  of  Caesar  ad- 
vanced, and  charged  the  enemy  in  front.  They  were  received 
with  perfect  order  by  their  motionless  opponents,  and  the  action 
very  soon  became  general  along  the  whole  line.  The  horse  of 
Pompey,  as  was  expected,  put  the  cavalry  of  Caesar  to  flight  at 
the  first  charge,  and,  together  with  a  body  of  archers  and  sling- 
ers,  were  hastening  to  turn  the  flank  of  the  enemy :  just  at  this 
moment,  the  six  cohorts,  purposely  drawn  up  to  oppose  them,  ap- 
peared with  pikes  in  their  hands,  and  aimed  their  blows,  accord- 
ing to  their  leader's  order,  at  the  face  of  their  opponents.  These 
splendid  horsemen,  astounded  and  dismayed  at  this  sighr,  stopped 
on  a  sudden,  fell  into  the  utmost  confusion,  and  fled  to  the 
neighboring  heights.  The  archers  and  slingers,  deserted  by  the 
horse,  were  easily  put  to  the  sword;  nay,  Pompey's  left  wingj 
being  attacked  in  the  rear  by  the  six  cohorts  which  had  defeated 
his  cavalry,  began  to  give  way.  Caesar,  in  order  to  increase  the 
impression  he  had  already  made,  brought  forward  fresh  troops  to 


400  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  VI. 

the  front  of  his  own  line,  and  while  his  reserve  continued  theii  i 
exertions,  made  a  general  charge  which  the  enemy  no  longer  en-  ; 
deavored  to  withstand.  All  fled  in  disorder  through  their  own  i 
camp,  and  were  pursued  by  the  victors  with  great  slaughter,  espe-  , 
cially  of  their  auxiliary  troops. 

The  victory  of  Csesar  was  complete.  He  lost  only  two  hundred 
soidi'jrs  and  thirty  officers;  and  killed  fifteen  thousand  of  the 
enemy,  made  upwards  of  twenty-four  thousand  prisoners,  and 
took  a  hundred  and  eighty  colors  with  nine  lloman  eagles  oi 
legionary  standards.* 

Pompey,  as  soon  as  he  saw,  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  tha 
dastardly  flight  of  his  cavalry,  had  returned  to  his  tent  in  great 
dejection  of  spirit.  Being  soon  told  that  the  conquerors  were 
already  forcing  his  intrench nients,  he  changed  his  dress,  mounted 
a  horse,  and  passing  through  a  gate  of  the  camp,  escaped  to  La- 
rissa;  thence,  by  following  the  valley  of  Tempe,  he  reached  the 
sea-shore,  where  he  embarked  with  a  few  attendants  and  friends 
in  quest  of  some  hospitable  land.  Egypt  seemed  to  off'er  them 
the  most  secure  shelter,,  because  the  sovereigns  of  that  country 
were  under  essential  obligations  to  the  Romans  in  general,  and 
to  Pompey  in  particular.  But  what  justice  and  gratitude  could 
be  expected,  in  time  of  adversity,  from  base  and  interested  souls! 
As  Pompey  then  appeared  a  vanquished  fugitive,  this  was  enough 
for  the  court  of  Egypt  to  resolve  upon  his  utter  ruin.  Invited 
to  land,  he  no  sooner  approached  the  shore,  than  a  band  of  assas- 
sins murdered  him  in  the  sight  of  his  wife  Cornelia,  who  made 
the  air  resound  with  her  lamentations. 

Thus  perished  a  man  who  had  been  considered  for  thirty  years 
the  greatest  of  the  Romans.  The  manner  of  his  death  showed 
to  the  world  a  striking  instance  of  the  instability  of  human  things, 
and  an  exemplification  of  the  sad  reverses  to  which  those  are 
commonly  exposed  who,  in  times  of  political  excitement,  under 
take  to  be  the  leaders  of  the  state.  Of  the  three  famous  men 
who  composed  the  first  triumvirate  of  Rome,  we  have  already 
seen  two,  Crassus  and  Pompey,  suff"er  a  violent  death.  It  wiQ 
not  be  long  before  we  see  the  third  and  most  powerful  of  the 
tiiree,  Julius  Caesar,  experience  in  his  turn  a  similar,  and  even  8 
more  terrible  catastrophe.     ' 

*  Cj9sar,  De  hello  civil.,  b.  ill,  c.  99. 


B.  0.48— 44.  CIVIL  WAR  CONTINUED.  401 


CIVIL  WAR  CONTINUED.— VICTORIES,  DICTATORSHIP,  AND 
DEATH  OF  JULIUS  CiESAR.— u.  c.  48—44. 


Im 


^ 


Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  Caesar  set  out  in 
pursuit  of  Pompey.  It  was  not  till  he  arrived  at  Alexandria, 
that  he  learned  the  death  of  this  great  man,  formerly  his  friend 
and  colleague,  whose  head  was  then  presented  to  him  by  one  of 
'  the  chief  murderers.  He  beheld  with  horror  that  awful  sight, 
and  shed  tears  on  witnessing  Pompey's  misfortune.  But  he  was 
soon  obliged  to  protect  his  own  life  against  the  same  faithless 
persons  by  whom  that  illustrious  man  had  been  put  to  death. 

As  Eoman  consul,  Caesar  thought  proper  to  interpose  his  au- 
thority between  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  and  his  sister,  the 
famous  Cleopatra,  for  the  conciliation'  of  their  rival  claims.  The 
young  king,  highly  displeased  at  this  interference,  the  result  of 
which  tended  to  equal  his  sister  with  himself,  immediately  gave 
unequivocal  proofs  of  his  resentment:  all  the  royal  forces  were 
directed  to  surround  and  attack  Cassar  in  the  quarter  in  which  he 
had  intrenched  himself,  with  only  three  or  four  thousand  soldiers. 
Even  in  this  critical  situation,  he  baffled  all  the  efforts  of  the 
assailants,  till  at  length,  having  received  several  reinforcements, 
he  assumed  the  offensive,  and  boldly  attacking  the  Egyptians  in 
their  camp,  put  a  vast  number  of  them  to  the  sword.  The  king 
endeavored  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but  was  drowned  in  the 
Nile,  and  his  premature  death  was  regarded  as  a  punishment  of 
that  inflicted  on  Pompey. 

The  indefatigable  Caesar,  after  this  new  series  of  exploits,  pass- 
ed over  to  Asia,  and  marched  against  Pharnaces,  the  son  and 
assassin  of  Mithridates.  That  wicked  prince  had  taken  advan- 
tage of  the  Roman  civil  war  to  recover  the  kingdom  of  his  ances- 
tors, and  had  even  made  extensive  conquests  in  the  north  of 
Lesser  Asia.  The  sudden  appearance  of  Caesar  at  the  head  of  a 
few  legions  was  enough  to  crush  this  recently  acquired  power. 
His  progress  was  so  rapid  that,  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  friends  at 
Home,  he  expressed  it  by  these  three  words :  Venij  vidi,  vici — 
•^•'I  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered."*     (b.  c.  47). 

With  almost  equal  rapidity  did  he  destroy  the  Pompeian  partj 
in  Africa.  The  leaders  of  that  party,  Metellus  Scipio,  Cato,  and 
other  distinguished  men,  by  uniting  their  forces  had  collected 
there  ten  legions  under  their  standards.      They  had,  besides,  a 

♦Plutarch  and  Saeton.,  in  Jul  Ccesar, 
34* 


402  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Vaki  VI  ' 

nameroiis  fleet,  an  excellent  cavalry,  one  hundred  and  twenty  i 
elephants,  and  large  bodies  of  auxiliary  troops  furnished  and  com- ; 
manded  by  Juba,  the  king  of  Mauritania,  their  ally.     This  pow-  j 
erful  combination  of  forces  seemed  to  forebode  the  decline  of : 
Csesar's  fortune :  however  it  served  only  to  give  it  more  splendor, ' 
strength  and  solidity;  in  a  campaign  of  less  than  six  months,  ho  ' 
defeated  all  his  opponents,  and  subdued  a  vast  extent  of  territory, 
of  which  he  made  a  Roman  province.     The  battle  of  Thapsua 
(ij.  c.  46)  was  not  less  decisive  in  his  favor,  than  the  battle  of 
Pharsalia  had  been  two  years  before.     His  troops  vied  with  him 
in  courage,  and  his  victory  was  so  complete,  that  Cato,  Scipio  and 
Juba,  unwilling  to  survive  the  sudden  failure  of  both  their  hopes 
and  resources,  chose  to  put  an   end  to  their  lives,  rather  than 
throw  themselves  on  the  conqueror's  mercy.     Cato  died  in  the 
city  of  Utica,  and  for  this  reason  is  frequently  surnamed  by  his 
torians,  Utican  or  Uticensis. 

Cassar  had  now  prevailed  over  his  enemies  in  every  part  of  the  I 
world ;  the  west  and  the  east,  the  north  and  the  south,  had  been  ! 
subdued  by  his  arms,  and  pacified  by  his  wisdom  and  clemency. 
After  so  many  brilliant  deeds  of  every  description,  he  returned 
to  Rome,  where  extraordinary  honors  awaited  him  from  the  sen- 
ate and  the  people.  He  was  appointed  Censor  for  three  years, 
with  full  power  to  dispose  of  the  honors  and  offices  of  the  state, 
and  Dictator  for  ten  years,  with  the  unexampled  privilege  of  be- 
ing preceded  by  seventy-two  lictors.  During  the  colirse  of  one 
month  he  enjoyed  four  separate  triumphs:  the  first,  for  his  con- 
quests in  Gaul;  the  second,  for  his  victories  in  Egypt;  the  third, 
for  the  defeat  of  Pharuaces ;  and  the  last  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
king  of  Mauritania.  As  to  his  victories  over  Pompey  and  other 
Romans  in  the  civil  w^ar,  they  were  not  considered  fit  objects  foij 
triumphs. 

Caesar,  having  thus  obtained  the  grand  object  of  his  wishes, * 
the  possession  of  a  real  sovereignty  in  Rome,  endeavored  to  re- 
concile the  public  mind  to  his  government  by  acts  of  generosity ' 
towards  his  enemies,  the  grant  of  considerable  rewards  to  his  offi-' 
cers  and  soldiers,  public  games,  and  the  distribution  of  valuable 
gifts  among  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  citizens  of  the  lower 
and  poorer  classes.     He  even  entertained  all  the  people  at  a  re-  ■ 
past,  for  which  twenty-two  thousand  tables  were  prepared.     The  " 
enormous  expenses  incurred  on  these  occasions,  were  defrayed  out 
of  the  vast  amount  of  money  which  he  had  brought  from  his 
conquests,  that  is,  the  sum  of  about  sixty  millions  of  dollars.     It 
is  probable  chat  these  popular  measures  were  not  less  successful 
in  gaining  the  o^nsent  of  the  multitude  to  his  absolute  power, 


a    c.  4&— 41.  CIVIL  WAR  CONTINUED.  403 

than  bis  arms  bad  been  in  subduing  tbe  leaders  wbo  opposed  Lim 

in  the  field. 

Nevertheless  it  must  be  admitted,  however  illegal  were  the 
means  of  acquiring  this  power,  that  many  of  Caesar's  acts  were 
in  themselves,  as  might  have  been  expected  from  so  able  a  per- 
sonage, worthy  of  a  great  sovereign.  His  authority  was  often 
exercised  in  enacting  useful  decrees,  suppressing  abuses,  encour- 
aging agriculture,  the  sciences  and  the  arts,  and  opposing  new 
barriers  to  the  perpetration  of  murder  and  other  crimes.     As  the 

lancient  ]{oman  calendar  was  very  deficient,  and  the  cause  of  great 
confusion  in  the  computation  of  time,  Caesar  reformed  it  with 
great  though  not  complete  success,  on  the  principles  established 
by  the  Egyptian  astronomers.  Nothing  connected  with  govern- 
ment escaped  the  vigilance  or  was  beyond  the  reach  of  his  vast 

I  genius.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  extent  and  vigor  of  his  mind,  that 
he  could  at  the  same  time  read  or  write,  give  audience,  and  dictate 
to  a  secretary;  nay,  when  his  whole  attention  was  bent  on  trans- 
acting by  letters  afi'airs  of  the  highest  importance,  he  might  be 
r^o'- n  dictating  as  many  as  four  letters  to  four  different  secretaries 
;it  once.  For  these  reasons  Julius  Caesar  is  commonly  thought 
to  have  been,  with  respect  to  natural  talents,  the  most  surprising 
uuni  that  ever  lived. 

Events,  by  their  magnitude  and  rapid  succession,  kept  pace,  as 
it  were,  with  the  force  and  prodigious  activity  of  his  soul,  Du- 
;  ring  his  short  stay  in  Africa  and  in  Rome,  the  sons  of  Pompey, 
Cneius  and  Sextus,  had  mustered  numerous  troops  in  Spain.  By 
placing  themselves  at  the  head  of  their  father's  adherents,  gather- 
ing those  who  had  survived  preceding  defeats,  and  making  addi- 
tional levies,  they  rendered  their  party  almost  as  formidably  as 
ever.  This  new  state  of  affairs  required  nothing  less  than  the 
presence  of  Caesar  himself;  he  therefore  embarked  for  Spain, 
where  he  met  with  perils  and  difficulties  worthy  of  his  undaunted 
courage.  His  exploits,  as  usual,  were  great  and  important,  even 
from  the  beginning  of  the  campaign.  The  decisive  action,  and 
fortunately  the  last  in  this  bloody  struggle,  took  place  near  Mun- 
da,  a  city  not  far  from  the  sea,  in  the  southern  part  of  the  country. 
The  first  charges  of  the  combatants  presented  an  unusual 
spectacle :  notwithstanding  the  well  known  valor  of  Caesar's  troops, 
the  Pompefans,  by  their  equal  bravery  and  superior  numbers, 
threatened  them  with  an  entire  defeat.  Those  legions,  so  fre- 
quently victorious  before,  but  now  meeting  with  the  most  deter- 
mined resistance  from  legionaries  and  veterans  like  themselves, 
began  to  give  way,  and  seemed  prevented  only  by  shame  from 
being  completely  routed :  the  danger,  indeed,  was  so  great,  that 


404  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI, ' 

Caesar  thought  of  killing  himself,  and  at  one  time  appeared  de- 1 
termined  to  do  so.  Dismounting  from  his  horse,  he  seized  the: 
sword  and  shield  of  a  private  soldier,  and  advanced  to  the  distance 
of  only  ten  paces  from  the  enemy.  His  example,  his  exhortations, 
his  peril,  revived  the  courage  of  his  troops,  and  especially  the 
tenth  legion,  a  body  of  intrepid  veterans,  who  had  signalized 
themselves  in  all  his  wars.  The  fight  was  renewed  with  increased 
fury,  though  victory  still  remained  in  suspense;  till  an  untimely 
movement  made  by  Labienus  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day. 
This  general,  formerly  one  of  Csesar's  lieutenants,  but  now  one  of 
the  chief  leaders  in  the  Pompeian  party,  despatched  five  cohorts 
to  the  defence  of  his  camp,  which  was  threatened  with  an  attack. 
As  the  cohorts  were  leaving  the  field  of  battle,  Caesar,  whether 
with  sincerity  or  through  artifice,  cried  out  that  the  enemy  were 
flying ;  and  this  report,  being  soon  spread  through  the  two  ar- 
mies, filled  one  with  hope  and  the  other  with  terror.  The  Pom- 
peians,  who  until  then  had  valiantly  kept  their  ground,  began,  in 
their  turn  to  give  way,  broke  their  ranks,  and  fled  in  great 
disorder. 

From  that  moment,  the  slaughter,  as  usual,  turned  chiefly 
against  the  fugitives.  There  fell  on  their  side  thirty  thousand 
men,  among  whom  were  three  thousand  Roman  citizens  of  rank, 
with  Labienus  and  Accius  Varus,  another  distinguished  general 
of  this  party.  Besides  the  slain,  seventeen  officers  of  rank  were 
taken,  together  with  thirteen  Roman  eagles  or  legionary  stan* 
dards.  Of  the  two  sons  of  Pompey,  the  elder,  Cneius,  perished 
soon  after  in  his  flight,  and  the  younger,  Sextus,  made  his  escape 
by  concealing  himself  in  the  mountains  of  Celtiberia  (b.  c.  45). 
The  loss  of  Caesar  amounted  to  one  thousand  of  his  bravest  war- 
riors, besides  five  hundred  wounded.  As  he  retired  after  the 
battle,  he  said  to  his  friends  that  on  other  occasions  he  had  fought 
for  victory,  but  this  was  the  first  time  he  had  been  obliged  to 
fight  for  his  life. 

The  victory  of  Munda  gave  peace  to  the  world,  yet  did  not 
aflford  any  solid  content  to  the  victor  himself.  It  might  seem 
that,  in  this  extraordinary  exaltation  and  prosperity,  Caesar  had 
nothing  more  to  desire,  and  that  he  must  have  been  the  happiest 
of  mortals;  the  case  proved  exactly  the  reverse.  By^very  nat- 
ural efi'ect  of  the  emptiness  of  human  things,  the  heart  of  this 
famous  conqueror  was  an  incessant  prey  to  agitation  or  disgust, 
and  even  occasionally  to  aversion  for  life;  it  was  a  fathomless 
abyss  which  nothing  could  fill,  a  kind  of  furnace  continually 
needing  new  fuel  to  feed  its  devouring  activity.  He  had  scarcely 
freed  himself  from  the  dangers  and  difficulties  of  the  civil  war, 


3.  0.  48—14.  CIVIL  WAR  CONTINUED.  405 

when  he  began  to  think  of  new  expeditions  and  conquests.  His 
present  desire  was  to  make  war  on  the  Parthians,  and  after  sub- 
duing them,  to  cross  Hyrcania,  and  marching  along  by  the 
Caspian  sea  and  Mount  Caucasus  into  Scythia,  to  carry  his  con- 
quering arms  through  the  countries  contiguous  to  Germany,  and 
through  Germany  itself;  and  finally  to  return  by  Gaul  to  Kome ; 
thus  finishing  the  circle  of  the  Roman  empire,  as  well  as  extending 
its  bounds  to  the  ocean  on  every  side. 

l>ut,  while  Caesar  was  planning  this  vast  scheme,  he  was  not 
aware  that  his  own  existence,  which  appeared  so  secure  after  the 
(iLibat  of  all  his  enemies,  was  more  seriously  threatened  than  ever. 
Ho  had,  it  is  true,  after  the  battle  of  Munda,  returned  in  triumph 
to  Rome  and  received  there  every  sort  of  distinction :  he  was  de- 
tlarod  Imperator,  perpetual  dictator,  the  father  of  his  country, 
etc;  nay  the  temples  were  filled  with  his  statues; and  festivals, 
religious  rites  and  sacrifices  were  impiously  decreed  to  him  as  to 
a  god.  Still  a  precipice  yawned  beneath  his  feet.  The  extrava- 
gant honors  paid  to  him,  proceeded  partly  from  servile  adulation, 
partly  from  a  design  of  his  secret  enemies  to  render  him  odious, 
and  Caesar  himself  greatly  contributed  to  create  a  dislike  against 
him  in  the  hearts  of  many,  by  the  despotic  and  haughty  manners 
ho  occasionally  assumed.  He  desired  above  all  to  wear  the  in- 
signia and  the  name,  as  he  already  possessed  all  the  power,  of  a 
king.  This  pretension,  which  he  very  imperfectly  concealed, 
was  the  immediate  cause  of  his-  ruin.  A  conspiracy  was  formed 
against  him  by  the  two  famous  praetors  Cassius  and  Brutus,  with 
sixty  other  citizens  of  distinction,  most  of  whom  were  even  sena- 
tors, and  under  essential  obligations  to  Caesar  either  for  the  pre- 
.servation  of  their  lives,  or  the  possession  of  their  dignities. 

The  conspirators  appointed  for  the  execution  of  their  desigu 
tlte  day  on  which  Caesar  expected  to  receive  from  the  senate  the 
royal  diadem,  and  the  title  of  king  for  all  the  countries  subjected 
to  Rome,  with  the  exception  of  Italy.  As  he  entered  the  senate 
chamber,  they  rose,  as  if  to  do  him  honor,  and  conducted  him  to 
his  seat.  At  this  moment,  Cimber,  one  of  the  chief  conspirators, 
affected  to  present  him  with  an  earnest  petition,  and  being  refused, 
took  hold  of  the  dictator's  robe,  as  if  to  urge  the  entreaty.  Caesar 
exclaimed:  ^'This  is  violence.^'  As  he  spoke  these  words,  Cim- 
ber threw  back  the  robe  from  his  shoulders;  this  was  the  signal 
agreed  upon,  and  called  out  to  the  other  accomplices  to  strike. 
Servilius  Casca  aimed  the  first  blow.  Caesar  started  from  his 
place,  and,  in  the  first  moment  of  excitement,  like  a  lion  in  the 
midst  of  hunters,  endeavored  to  defend  himself.  Rut  lie  soon 
perceived   that  resistance   was  vain       Being  already  wounded, 


406  ANCIENT  IIISTORY.  Tari 

and  seeing  so  many  swords  and  daggers  directed  against  liiin^ 
wrapped  himself  up  in  his  gown,  and  fell,  without  farther  strug- 
gle, at  the  foot  of  Pompey's  statue.  Some  historians  add  that 
Cagsar,  perceiving  among  the  conspirators  Brutus,  to  whom  he 
had  long  shown  marked  affection,  mournfully  exclaimed  :  ^'Thou, 
too,  my  son;"  and  from  that  moment  resigned  himself  to  his  fate, 
and  expired  covered  with  wounds  in  the  midst  of  his  murderers 
(B.  c.  44).* 

Such  was  the  deplorable  end  of  this  famous  personage,  who,  in 
order  to  gratify  his  ambition,  had  deluged  almost  every  part  of 
the  earth  with  the  blood,  not  only  of  foreign  enemies,  but  likewise 
of  Romans  slain  in  war.  It  can  hardly  be  denied  that  he  had  mer- 
ited a  violent  death,  by  subverting  the  government  and  trampling 
under  foot  the  laws  and  liberties  of  his  country.  Yet,  since  the 
existing  situation  of  affairs,  the  degeneracy  of  manners,  and  the 
natural  course  of  events,  manifestly  demanded  a  change  in  the 
constitution  and  government  of  Eome,  it  was  in  some  measure  a 
happiness  that  the  change  should  be  effected  by  such  a  man  a^ 
Cassar;  the  ruling  power  could  not  come  into  abler  hands 
Hence  the  act  of  his  enemies  not  only  savored  too  much  of  in 
gratitude  and  perfidy,  but  was,  at  the  same  time,  too  illegal  and 
impolitic,  to  deserve  praise.  Their  conduct  tended  not  to  restore 
the  freedom  of  the  state,  but  on  the  contrary,  to  plunge  both  the 
city  and  the  provinces  into  an  abyss  of  new  calamities,  civil  wars, 
and  bloodshed,  till  the  proud  Koman  republic  ceased  to  exist.f 

Cassar  himself  had  foreseen  these  evil  consequences  of  his? 
death.  Among  other  remarks  which  he  made  about  the  danger? 
with  whi'^h  his  life  was  threatened,  he  often  observed  that  the 
prolongation  of  his  days  was  much  more  important  to  the  public 
than  to  himself.  As  for  himself,  he  had  long  since  acquired 
power  and  glory  enough.  But  should  he  happen  to  fall  by  a 
premature  and  violent  death,  the  state  would  lose  its  peace  and 
tranquillity,  and  experience,  more  than  ever,  the  evils  of  civil  war. 

The  sequel  will  prove  the  accuracy  of  these  forebodings  of 
Caesar.  His  murderers  themselves  became  the  victims  of  the  new 
broils  occasioned  by  their  rash  conduct,  and  it  is  remarkable  that 
scarcely  any  one  of  them  survived  him  by  more  than  three  years: 
most  of  them,  within  that  short  and  turbulent  interval,  met  a  dis- 
astrous fate.     Some  were  slain  in  battle,  others  were  put  to  death 

*  Sueton.  in  J.  Ccesarcm; — Plutarch,  in  the  lives  of  Julius  Coesar  and 
Marcus  Brutus. 

f  See  the  train  of  poetical  imagery  and  beautiful  lines  of  Virgil,  -vvho 
vcas  a  contemporary  to  all  these  events,  on  the  subject  of  Caesar's  death 
ftiid  of  the  many  evils  by  which  it  was  followed. — Georg.  i,  11.  46G — 497. 


«.  c  44—42.  SECOND  TRIUMVIRATE.  407 

hy  order  of  their  enemies,  and  others  killed  themselves  with  the 
^cry  daggers  that  had  served  for  Cresar's  assassination. 

Julius  Caesar  was  killed  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  life.  As 
lie  did  not  commence  the  first  of  his  grand  military  expeditions, 
tlio  conquest  of  Gaul,  before  he  was  forty-two  years  of  age,  ho 
llierefore  performed  the  exploits,  which  have  rendered  his  name 
ri)  conspicuous,  in  the  brief  space  of  fourteen  years. 

He,  moreover,  entertained  various  projects  for  the  utility  and 
splendor  of  the  lloman  nation.  Not  to  mention  again  his  deter- 
jiii nation  to  march  against  the  Parthians,  and  avenge  by  their 
ilofeat  the  overthrow  and  death  of  Crassus;  he  resolved  to  drain 
tlic  great  Pontine  marshes  which  rendered  the  air  quit^unheal- 
Uiy,  and  much  of  the  land  unserviceable  in  the  neighborhood  in 
Ivome ;  to  open  a  communication  between  the  Ionian  and  ^gean 
leas,  bj'  cutting  through  the  Isthmus  of  Corinth ;  to  erect  moles, 
and  build  convenient  harbors  along  the  coasts  of  Italy ;  to  open 
rtide  roads  over  the  Apennines  ;  to  dig  a  navigable  canal  from  the 
Anio  and  Tiber  to  the  sea  at  Terracina;  to  rebuild  Corinth  and 
Carthage;  to  erect  splendid  edifices  in  Rome;  to  establish  public 
libraries ;  to  revise  the  whole  code  of  lloman  laws,  and  reduce  it 
to  a  better  and  more  accessible  form,  etc.  These  were  the 
momentous  projects  of  Caesar;  projects  worthy  of  his  unparalleled 
intelligence  and  courage,  but  which  time  did  not  allow  him  to 
accomplish.  These  designs,  however,  were  not  entirely  lost,  and 
Bome  of  them  were  put  into  execution  under  Ca3sar  Augustus. 


ROME  AFTER  THE  DEATH  OF  CESAR— SECOND  TRIUMVI- 
RATE COMPOSED  OF  MARK  ANTONY,  OCTAVIUS  C^SAR,  AND 
LEPIDUS.— BATTLE  OF  PHILIPPI,  AND  RUIN  OF  THE  REPUB- 
LICAN PARTY.— B.  c.  44—42. 

Terror  and  dismay  prevailed  in  Rome  after  the  death  of 
Csesar.  His  enemies,  although  applauded  by  many,  did  not  re- 
?eive  from  the  people  those  marks  of  universal  approbation  which 
\]\ey  had  expected.  On  the  contrary,  Mark  Antony,  Caesar's  in- 
timate friend.and  colleague  in  the  consulship,  by  makingknown  his 
beneficent  intentions  and  legacies  to  the  people,  easily  incensed  the 
multitude  against  his  assassins;  so  that  they  deemed  it  expedient 
to  shelter  themselves  for  a  time  in  the  capitol,  and,  after  a  short 
stay,  to  leave  the  city  altogether.  Antony  then  applied  more 
than  ever  to  concentrate  the  principal  authority  in  himself,  and, 
notwithstanding  the  eloquent  denunciations  of  Cicero  against  both 
his  profligate  morals  and  his  arbitrary  administration,  he  contiu" 


408  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

ued  to  exercise  it  for  a  time  in  the  most  despotic  maimer.  It  wag 
manifestly  his  intention  to  succeed  the  late  dictator,  and  he  would 
probably  have  carried  his  design  into  execution,  had  he  not  been 
prevented  by  a  new  competitor,  who  then  appeared  for  the  first 
time  on  the  stage  of  public  affairs,  and,  although  much  younger 
than  Antony,  far  surpassed  him  in  judgment,  prudence  and  skill. 

This  young  rival  was  Caius  Octavius  (afterwards  Cresar  Augus- 
tus), the  grand-nephew  and  adopted  son  of  Julius  Caesar.  He 
had  been  residing  for  some  time  in  the  east,  engaged  in  the  pur- 
suit of  his  studies  and  in  military  exercises,  when  he  received  the 
news  of  his  uncle's  fate.  This  melancholy  event  surprised  and 
greatly  perplexed  him,  but  did  not  damp  his  courage.  Though 
he  was  scarcely  nineteen  years  old,  he  already  possessed  the  skill 
and  depth  of  an  able  politician,  together  with  the  grasping  views 
of  an  ambitious  leader.  Having  hastily  returned  to  Rome,  he 
presented  himself  as  the  heir  of  J.  Caesar,  and  in  this  capacity 
obtained  considerable  riches,  which  he  spent  in  increasing  the 
number  of  his  partisans,  and  in  acquiring  popularity  among  the 
citizens  at  large.  He  at  the  same  time  affected  great  zeal  for  the 
republic,  great  respect  for  the  senate,  and  great  deference  for 
Oicero  in  particular,  pretending  to  be  guided  in  all  things  by  his 
advice. 

Under  these  auspices,  and  in  concert  with  the  two  consuls 
Hirtius  and  Pansa,  Octavius  was  active  in  checking  the  high 
pretensions  and  alarming  power  of  Antony.  The  latter  was  not 
only  defeated  near  Mutina  (or  Modene),  but  even  compelled  to 
evacuate  Italy,  and  to  retire  with  the  remnant  of  his  forces 
across  the  Alps  into  Gaul.  Here  he  advantageously  retrieved 
his  losses  by  the  addition  of  several  legions  to  his  party.  On  the 
other  hand,  Octavius,  whose  views  were  suspected  by  the  most 
zealous  republicans,  saw  his  late  services  despised,  and  himself  on 
the  point  of  being  stripped  of  the  chief  command  in  his  own  army. 
Having  removed  this  danger  by  his  prudence  and  resolution,  he 
began  to  alter  his  line  of  conduct.  He  pretended  to  have  his 
eyes  opened  by  the  conduct  of  his  actual  opponents  at  Rome,  and 
therefore,  as  he  had  previously  joined  the  senate  against  Antony, 
he  now,  with  equal  earnestness,  joined  Antony  against  the  senate. 

This  event  entirely  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs.  There  was 
no  suiHcient  force  in  Italy  to  resist  the  joint  armies  of  these  two 
leaders;  so  that  it  became  absolutely  necessary  to  yield  under 
this  new  usurpation.  To  strengthen  their  cause,  they  chose  an 
associate  in  the  person  of  Lepidus,  a  man  of  great  wealth  and  of 
t«ome  in^uence  in  the  state,  but  weak,  of  mean  capacity,  and 
ooasequenr.y  not  likely  to  be  feared  in  the  disputes  that  might 


8.  e  44—42.  SECOND  TRIUMVIRATE.  400 

arise  among  them  about  superiority.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the 
second  triumvirate,  which  proved  still  more  fatal  than  the  former 
I  to  the  liberties  of  Rome  and  the  lives  of  the  Romans  (b.  c.  43.) 

The  new  triumvirs,  after  having  assumed  all  the  powers  and 
distributed  among  themselves  the  chief  provinces  of  the  state, 
entered  Rome  at  the  head  of  their  troops.  After  the  example  of 
31arius  and  Sylla,  they  drew  up  proscription  lists  against  all  the 
chief  abettors  of  the  opposite  party.  The  lists,  besides  the 
opportunity  which  they  afforded  for  acts  of  private  revenge, 
marked  out  for  death,  some  say,  one  hundred  and  thirty  senators, 
others,  three  hundred  senators  and  two  thousand  knights,  including 
.^rveral  relatives  or  former  benefactors  and  friends  of  the  triumvirs, 
who  were  not  ashamed  to  sacrifice  them  to  their  private  interestfi. 

Of  these  unhappy  victims  of  their  ingratitude  and  cruelty,  tho 
most  distinguished,  as  well  a«  the  most  universally  regretted,  was 
Cicero.  This  great  orator  had  incurred  the  hatred  of  Antony, 
by  constantly  opposing  his  tyrannical  views  and  profligate  con- 
duel  with  all  the  power  of  eloquence.  Sensible  of  the  danger 
which  now  threatened  him,  he  had  withdrawn  to  one  of  his  villas 
near  the  sea,  full  of  perplexity  and  apprehension  as  to  his  future  des- 
tiny ;  his  servants  prevailed  upon  him  to  leave  that  spot,  and  to 
set  out  for  a  place  of  greater  safety.  In  compliance  with  their 
earnest  entreaties,  Cicero  began  to  hasten  towards  the  sea  shore, 
when  a  body  of  soldiers  overtook  him,  before  he  had  left  the 
walks  of  his  garden.  He  caused  the  litter  to  be  stopped,  and 
calmly  presented  his  head  to  the  soldiers.  The  countenance  of  a 
man  so  well  known  to  every  Roman,  now  worn  out  with  fatigue 
and  dejection,  and  disfigured  by  neglect  of  the  usual  attention  to 
his  person,  touched  even  the  persons  who  had  come  to  assist  in 
his  murder:  they  covered  their  faces,  while  their  centurion  per- 
formed the  oifice  of  an  assassin.  By  three  strokes  the  head  of 
Cicero  was  severed  from  his  body,  and  together  with  the  hands 
carried  to  Rome,  and  exposed  to  public  view  from  the  very  ros- 
trum on  which  this  admirable  man  had  so  often  appeared  to 
defend  innocence  or  vindicate  the  laws  of  his  country. 

No  act  of  the  triumvirs  drew  greater  odium  on  them,  and  es- 
pecially on  M.  Antony,  than  the  murder  of  Cicero.  It  seemed 
as  if  eloquence,  literature  and  philosophy  had  been  put  to  death 
with  so  talented  a  personage;  and  it  was  remarked  that  Antony 
had  not  so  much  doomed  Cicero  to  capital  punishment,  as  Cicero 
had,  by  his  very  execution,  doomed  Antony  to  eternal  shame. 
Posterity,  says  Velleius  Paterculus,  will  always  detest  the  bar- 
barity of  the  one,  while  it  will  ever  admire  the  virtues  as  well 
as  the  exquisite  talents  of  the  other.     It  will  never  cease  to  con- 

35 


410  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  VL' 

Bidcr  Antony  as  a  usurper,  who  made  a  dreadful  use  of  his  tran*' 
sient  prosperity  and  fortune;  and  to  acknowledge  in  Cicero  a  real  I 
friend  of  humanity,  an  excellent  citizen  worthy  of  the  high  pre- 
ferments to  which  his  merft  alone  raised  him,  and  an  accomplished 
orator  whose  eloquence  prevented  the  Romans  from  being  sur- 
passed in  genius  by  those  whom  their  arms  had  subdued.* 

Simultaneous  with  the  death  of  Cicero,  the  work  of  proscription 
was  carried  on  with  frightful  violence,  and  even,  in  many  respects, 
to  a  greater  extent  than  its  authors  had  originally  projected : 
plunder,  exactions,  forfeitures  and  murder  seemed  then  the  order 
of  the  day ;  scenes  of  death,  or  of  the  most  frightful  nature,  every- 
where prevailed.  An  end  was  at  last  put  to  this  course  of  tyranny, 
and  the  attention  of  the  triumvirs  was  directed  to  a  different  and 
most  important  object.  Brutus  and  Cassius  had,  by  this  time, 
collected  immense  forces  in  the  east  for  the  vindication  of  public 
liberty  j  Octavius  and  Antony,  for  the  opposite  reason,  and  for 
the  support  of  their  assumed  power,  set  out  from  Rome  at  the 
head  of  their  legions,  and  crossing  the  Adriatic  sea,  advanced  as 
rapidly  as  possible  against  the  enemy. 

The  two  armies  came  in  sight  of  each  other  near  the  city  of 
Philippi,  on  the  confines  of  Macedonia  and  Thrace.  This  was 
the  spot  destined  to  witness  one  of  the  most  memorable  battles 
ever  fought,  not  only  by  the  Romans,  but  by  any  nation, 
whether  we  consider  the  importance  of  the  cause  or  the  number 
of  the  combatants.  The  result  was  to  be  the  preservation  or  the 
irretrievable  downfall  of  a  republic  which  comprised  nearly  the 
whole  civilized  world;  the  troops  on  each  side  amounted  to  at 
least  one  hundred  thousand,  Romans  or  auxiliaries.  Their  camps 
were  so  disposed,  that  Brutus  was  opposite  to  Octavius,  and 
Cassius  to  Antony.  Brutus  attacked  Octavius  with  so  much 
vigor,  that,  in  a  moment,  the  legions  of  the  latter  were  broken, 
routed,  and  pursued  with  dreadful  slaughter  into  their  camp ;  the 
camp  itself  was  forced,  and  Octavius,  then  seriously  indisposed, 
narrowly  escaped  being  slain  or  taken  a  captive.  But  in  another 
part  of  the  field,  Antony  gained  over  Cassius  the  same  signal 
advantage  which  Brutus  had  obtained  over  Octavius.  Cassius 
thought  that  all  was  lost;  and  yielding  to  the  impulse  of  despair 
caused  himself  to  be  killed  by  his  freedman  Pindarus,  before  ho 
could  receive  any  news  of  the  success  of  his  colleague.  His  death 
raised  the  hopes  of  the  triumvirate,  while  it  dejected  the  minds 
of  the  republican  party.     A  few  days  after,  Brutus,  deeming  it 

*  M.  Cicero,  qui  omnia  incrementa  sua  sibi  debuit,  vir  novitatis  no- 
bilissimse,  et  ut  vita  clarus,  ita  iugenio  maximus,  qui  eflFecit  ne  quorum 
arma  viceramus,  eorum  ingenio  vinceremur. — Velleius,  b.  ii,  c.  24  and  37 


».  0.  44-  42.  SECOND  TRIUMVIRATE.  411 

necessary  to  hazard  another  battle,  did,  it  is  true,  every  thing 
that  the  bravest  and  most  expert  general  could  do  in  his  situation ; 
yet  he  was  entirely  defeated,  and  in  his  distress  followed  tho 
example  of  Cassius,  by  putting  an  end  to  his  own  life.* 

The  death  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  extinguished  every  proba- 
ble hope  of  the  restoration  of  the  commonwealth.  The  liberty 
of  the  Roman  people  may  be  justly  said  to  have  been  buried 
with  them  in  the  plains  of  Philippi ;  the  more  so,  as  a  vast  num- 
ber of  their  chief  abettors  perished  on  the  same  occasion,  and 
most  of  their  troops  were  either  cut  in  pieces,  or  surrendered  to 
the  victorious  party  (b.  c.  42). 

The  poet  Horace,  then  in  his  twenty-second  year,  was  present 
at  the  battle  of  Philippi  in  the  capacity  of  tribune  or  commander 
of  a  legion  on  the  side  of  Brutus.  As  he  himself  relates,  his 
courage  did  not  appear  in  any  remarkable  degree;  on  the  con- 
trary, he  threw  away  his  buckler,  and  fied.f  Although  he  pre- 
served his  life  and  liberty,  he  lost  all  his  fortune,  which  wa's  con- 
fiscated to  the  profit  of  the  conquerors;  and  we  owe  in  a  great 
measure  to  his  distress  on  that  occasion,  those  effusions  of  clas- 
sical poetry  which  will  for  ever  elicit  the  admiration  and  form  the 
delight  of  the  Latin  scholar.J  He  had  no  reason  to  complain  of 
his  new  avocation;   and  the  patronage  of  Maecenas,   Octavius^ 


*  One  of  the  characteristic  features  of  those  ages  and  countries  in 
which  licentiousness  and  infidelity  prevail,  is  that  people  easily  persuade 
themselves  to  seek  in  voluntary  death  a  remedy  to  their  present  evils. 
This  is,  however,  a  practice  condemned  both  by  reason  and  religion. 
The  wisest  among  the  Gentiles  themselves  considered  suicide  both  as  a 
want  of  courage,  and  a  crime  against  the  will  and  sovereignty  of  God. 
"Pythagoras,"  says  Cicero  {De  Senect.  n.  73),  "forbids  a  man  to  quit 
his  station,  unless  by  the  command  of  the  Supreme  Ruler,  that  is,  of 
God."  Socrates  speaks  to  the  same  effect  in  Plato's  Dialogue  on  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul.  He  declares  that  a  philosopher,  that  is,  a  true 
friend  of  wisdom  and  virtue,  never  will  kill  himself  :  "  This  is  not  al- 
lowed," says  he,  *'  even  to  those  for  whom  death  might  be  better  than 
life.  For,  the  Almighty  has  placed  us  in  this  world  as  in  a  station, 
which  we  ought  not  to  quit  without  his  order." 

If  then  Cato,  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  many  others,  committed  suicide, 
the  reason  is  because,  instead  of  listening  to  the  voice  of  sound  reason, 
they  suffered  themselves  to  be  misled  by  the  principles  of  a  false  reli- 
gion or  false  philosophy.  The  mind  of  Brutus,  moreover,  had  been  ex- 
cited by  the  supposed  apparition  of  a  frightful  ghost,  which  is  said  to 
have  showed  itself  twice  in  his  tent,  as  a  presage  of  his  impending  and 
disastrous  fate.  This,  notwithstanding  his  apparent  firmness  and  tran- 
quillity, may  have  contributed  to  his  despair. — See  Plutarch,  in  his  lift 
of  Brutus;  and  Florus,  Epit.  iv,  7. 

fHor.  b.  ii,   Od.  5.  Jb.  ii,  Ep    2, 


412  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VI. 

friend  and  minister,  who  became  acquainted  with  his  poetical 
talent,  abundantly  repaid  him  for  whatever  he  had  lost~at 
Philippi.  / 


OCTAVIUS  AND  MARK  ANTONY  CONTINUED.— NEW  CIVIL  WAR. 
BATTLE  OF  ACTIUM,  AND  CHANGE  OF  THE  ROMAN  COM- 
MONWEALTH  INTO  AN  EMPIRE.— b.  c.  42—31. 

OcTAVius  and  Antony,  after  their  victory  at  Philippi,  made 
between  themselves,  and  without  any  regard  for  the  weak  Lepi- 
dus,  a  new  partition  of  the  Roman  provinces.  Octavius  kept 
possession  of  the  west,  and  the  east  was  allotted  to  Antony.  The 
latter  set  out  with  six  legions  and  a  numerous  body  of  horse,  to 
visit  the  regions  which  had  been  placed  under  his  immediate 
control.  By  the  ease  and  affability  of  his  manners  he  gained 
great  popularity  in  Greece;  but  his  sojourn  in  Asia  andJEgypt 
became  extremely  prejudicial  to  his  glory,  by  the  opportunity 
which  he  found  in  these  countries  to  indulge  in  his  inclination  for 
a  sensual  and  dissolute  life.  Suffering  himself  to  be  enslaved  by 
a  wretched  passion  for  Cleopatra,  the  queen  of  Egypt,  he  seemed 
to  have  lost,  in  the  company  of  this  profligate  woman,  all  sense 
of  virtue  and  decorum,  as  well  as  all  regard  for  his  most  valuable 
interests. 

Octavius,  on  the  contrary,  having  returned  to  Eome,  neglected 
no  means  to  strengthen  and  secure  his  power.  He  skilfully  turn- 
ed every  fault  of  his  opponents  to  his  own  profit;  he  crushed  by 
vigorous  measures  those  who  attempted  or  feigned  to  attempt  the 
revival  of  the  republican  party,  such  as  L.  Antonius  in  the  Peru- 
sian  war,  and  Tiberius  Nero  in  the  province  of  Campania;  in  fine, 
he  attached  the  soldiers  more  and  more  to  his  cause  by  rewards 
and  largesses,  and  even  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  esteem  and 
affection  of  the  citizens  at  large,  by  many  acts  in  which  he  dis- 
played a  mild  and  useful  exercise  of  his  power,  and  the  efiicienl 
regard  he  began  to  manifest  for  the  public  prosperity. 

In  these  various  measures  of  war  and  administration,  Octavius 
was  admirably  sustained  by  his  two  illustrious  friends,  Agrippa 
and  Maecenas,  the  one  a  skilful  general  and  admiral,  the  other  a 
sagacious  and  wise  statesman.  The  first,  by  his  courage  and  mili- 
tary abilities,  was  able  in  every  war  to  fight  with  success  the 
battles  of  the  young  triumvir;  the  second,  by  his  industry,  hia 
temper,  his  choice  of  friends,  and  his  fitness  to  soften  the  public 
manners  by  diverting  the  minds  of  men  from  objects  of  distress 
to  the  pleasant  occupations  of  literary  genius,  was  well  qualified 


B.  J.  12-31.  OCTAVIUS  AND  ANTOxNl.  418 

to  smooth  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  the  civil  admin- 
istration. Although  it  had  not  yet  fully  appeared  in  what  de- 
gree Octavius  was  to  commit  his  affairs  to  such  able  hands,  his 
discernment  in  choosing  them  might  be  considered  as  the  presage 
of  a  fortune  not  depending  on  accidents,  but  founded  on  a  real 
superiority  of  judgment  and  skill.  He  himself,  in  the  interim, 
deeply  matured  his  plans,  in  order  to  prevent  his  chief  colleague 
from  gaining  any  ascendency,  and  in  order  to  secure  his  own 
preponderance  in  the  whole  empire. 

Two  new  wars,  which  simultaneously  broke  out  in  the  west  and 
the  east,  greatly  contributed  to  give  additional  strength  to  one  of 
the  two  parties,  and  cast  much  discredit  on  the  other.  The  first 
of  these  contests  was  carried  on  between  Octavius  and  Sextua 
Pompey  (a  son  of  Pompey  the  great),  who  headed  a  sort  of  mid- 
dle-party between  the  triumvirate  and  the  republic.  Having 
escaped  with  his  life  from  the  battle  of  Munda,  he  gradually  col- 
lected the  sad  remnant  of  the  republican  forces;  and  assembling 
a  numerous  fleet,  made  himself  master  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and 
all  the  seas  between  Africa  and  Italy.  This  enabled  him  to  re- 
duce the  Italian  cities,  and  Rome  in  particular,  to  very  great  dis- 
tress and  famine,  by  precluding  the  usual  importation  of  corn 
from  foreign  countries. 

Before  an  open  rupture  took  place  between  Sextus  and  the  trium- 
virs, negotiations  had  been  resorted  to,  and  a  peace  had  been  conclu- 
ded ;  nay,  the  reconciliation  appeared  so  sincere,  that  the  leaders  on 
both  sides  invited  each  other  to  a  feast.  Sextus  gave  the  first 
entertainment  on  board  his  vessel.  AVhile  the  guests  were  enjoy- 
ing themselves,  Menas,  once  a  slave  of  the  great  Pompey,  but 
now  emancipated,  and  the  first  officer  in  the  fleet  of  his  son, 
whispered  to  him  that  he  had  now  a  favorable  occasion  to  re- 
venge the  death  uf  his  father  and  brother,  and  to  recover  the 
rank  of  his  family,  by  dispatching  or  detaining  captive  the 
authors  of  their  calamities.  "  Let  me  cut  the  cable,^'  said  he, 
"and  put  out  to  sea;  and  you  will  be  master  not  only  of  Sardi- 
nia and  Sicily,  but  of  the  whole  Roman  empire."  "This  might 
have  been  done  by  Menas,  without  consulting  me,''  replied  Sex- 
tus; "but  my  word  is  sacred,  and  must  not  be  broken."  The 
guests  accordingly  were  suff'ered  to  depart  unharmed,  without 
even  being  made  sensible  of  their  danger,  and  they  gave  enter- 
tainments in  their  turn;  nay,  additional  articles  were  adopted  at 
these  feasts  to  confirm  the  treaty  which  they  had  just  concluded* 

This  treaty  however  did  not  last  more  than  one  year  (b.  c.  39 — 
B8):  mutual  complaints  about  the  non-observance  of  some  of  its 
terms  led,  during  the  absence  of  Antony,  to  open  war  between 

35* 


414  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pam  TI 

Octavius  and  Sextus.  The  hostilities  were  carried  on  principally 
at  sea,  with  great  vigor  and  animosity  on  both  sides.  Several 
battles  were  fought,  and  severe  losses  inflicted  on  the  Octavian 
party;  still  nothing  decisive  was  done  during  the  whole  space  of 
two  years.  At  last,  the  superior  skill  of  Agrippa,  lately  ap- 
pointed admiral  of  the  fleet  of  Octavius,  completely  decided  the 
struggle  in  his  favor:  in  a  great  naval  battle  fought  near  the 
shores  of  Sicily,  he,  with  the  trifling  loss  of  only  three  ships, 
destroyed  or  captured  nearly  the  whole  hostile  fleet,  consisting 
like  his  own  of  three  hundred  vessels,  no  more  than  seventeen  of 
which  escaped  to  Messina  (b.  c.  36).  Sextus,  deprived  by  that 
single  blow  of  his  principal  and  almost  only  support,  set  out  for 
Asia,  where  he  shortly  after  perished  in  an  ill-concerted  attempt 
to  revive  his  fortunes. 

The  late  victory  of  Octavius  was  followed  by  another  transac- 
tion equally  favorable  to  his  interest.  As  Lepidus  gave  him,  at 
that  very  time,  some  real  or  apparent  subjects  of  complaint,  he 
profited  by  the  circumstance  to  strip  this  imprudent  colleague  of 
the  little  share  of  power  hitherto  allotted  to  him  in  the  trium- 
virate :  by  his  dexterity  and  the  influence  of  his  name,  he  induced 
all  the  troops  of  Lepidus  to  abandon  their  general,  and  to  pass  to 
his  own  side.  As  to  Lepidus  himself,  he  did  not  insult  him  in 
his  misfortune,  but  being  satisfied  with  depriving  him  of  hia 
command,  he  left  him  until  death  in  possession  of  some  honorary 
titles. 

But  Octavius  himself,  notwithstanding  his  success,  was  at  first 
involved  in  great  difiiculty.  By  the  surrender  of  the  land  troops 
of  Sextus  Pompey,  and  the  further  addition  of  the  legions  of 
Lepidus  to  his  own,  he  was  found  to  be  the  master  of  all  the 
troops  that  had  been  employed  in  the  late  war,  whether  as  friends 
or  as  enemies.  His  fleet  consisted  then  of  nearly  six  hundred 
galleys  with  store-ships  and  transports;  his  land-army  comprised 
forty-five  legions,  which,  though  supposed  to  be  incomplete,  may 
have  amounted  to  upwards  of  two  hundred  thousand  men.  To 
these  he  joined  from  fifteen  to  twenty -five  thousand  horse,  and 
about  thirty  thousand  light  infantry.  All  these  forces  had  been 
levied  for  diff"erent  masters  and  in  different  provinces  of  the 
empire;  they  were  persons  of  diff'erent  characters;  some  origin- 
ally slaves,  others  freemen;  natives  of  Spain,  Gaul,  Sardinia, 
Sicily,  and  Africa,  mingled  with  Italians  and  Romans;  adherents 
of  Julius  Cassar  or  of  Pompey,  of  Antony,  Octavius,  or  Lepidus. 
It  was  certainly  difficult  to  dispose  of  an  assemblage  consisting 
of  parts  so  various  and  discordant.  Those  who  had  come  over 
from  Sextus  Pompey  and  Lepidus  were  to  be  retained  by  indul- 


B.  0.  42--31.  OCTAVIU.S  AND  ANTONY.  415 

gencc and  favors;  and  those  who  had  been  the  original  support  of 
Caesar's  fortunes,  had  strong  claims  on  his  kindness.  All  were 
sensible  of  their  consequence,  and  felt  persuaded  that  the  fate  of 
the  empire  was  in  their  hands.* 

Octavius  saw  the  necessity  of  assigning  different  quarters  to 
the  various  parts  of  this  numerous  army,  before  any  cabals  could 
be  formed,  and  a  mutinous  spirit  have  time  to  work  on  their  mind. 
But  it  was,  at  the  same  time,  exceedingly  dangerous  to  attempt 
the  separation  of  troops  thus  disposed,  before  granting  to  them 
allthe  rewards  and  gratuities  which  they  expected.  Octavius  saw 
the  peril  that  menaced  him.  He  was  far  from  having  at  his  dis- 
posal the  means  to  satisfy  the  pretensions  of  the  whole  army;  yet 
he  did  not  shrink  from  the  arduous  task,  and  on  this  occasion,  as 
on  others  of  a  similar  nature  not  unfrequent  in  times  of  civil 
wars,  he  succeeded  by  his  prudence  in  extricating  himself  from 
the  difficulty.  The  more  ancient  legions  were  separately  ap- 
peased by  the  grant  of  a  portion  of  their  request,  and  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  their  discharge  from  the  service.  Military  honors 
and  gifts  were  bestowed  on  other  officers  and. soldiers  who  had 
signalized  themselves  by  their  bravery ;  and  the  rest  were  satisfied 
with  the  distribution  of  some  money,  accompanied  by  the  promise- 
of  much  more  splendid  rewards  in  future.  Finally,  care  was 
taken  not  to  leave  them  idle,  but  they  were  led  or  sent  to  a 
variety  of  expeditions  against  the  Pannonians,  Dalmatians,  and 
other  lUyrian  tribes  whose  restlessness  annoyed  the  frontiers.  In 
these  wars,  Octavius  gave  many  and  undoubted  proofs  of  personal 
courage,  and,  either  in  person  or  through  his  lieutenants,  obtained 
complete  success. 

The  power  of  this  celebrated  man  began,  at  that  period,  to  be 
solidly  established.  His  conduct  at  first  had  rendered  him  an 
object  of  mistrust  and  terror;  but  owing  to  his  subsequent  mod- 
eration, benevolence,  and  exertions  for  the  public  good,  those 
sentiments  of  dislike  and  hatred  were  gradually  superseded  by 
affection  and  esteem.  Hitherto  he  had  been  constantly  surrounded 
by  competitors  or  assailed  by  enemies;  but  the  whole  west  was 
now  under  ffis  undisputed  control,  and  public  admiration  waa 
entirely  on  his  side.  It  would  indeed  have  been  unjust  not  to 
admire  so  much  success  in  so  short  a  term  of  years;  so  many 
victories  won  over  the  barbarians;  four  civil  wars  prosperousl;) 
ended,  at  Mutina,  Philippi,  Perusia,  and  in  Sicily;  the  whoU 
force  of  Lepidus  and  Sextus  Pompey  subdued,  and  added  by  th« 

*  This  description  of  the  army  under  Octavius  is  taken  almost  literallj 
from  Ferguson  (b.  v,  c.  7)  and  Crevier  (vol.  xv,  p.  428];  both  of  whoar. 
iiave  followed  in  their  narrative  Appian  and  Dio  Cassius. 


116  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  Paet  VI. 

conqueror  to  his  own ;  in  a  word,  so  much  done  by  one  not  yet 
thirty  years  of  age :  all  this  was  certainly  calculated  to  produce 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  a  sort  of  veneration,  which,  constantly 
upheld  and  even  increased  by  a  series  of  glorious  actions,  became 
one  of  the  strongest  supports  of  his  greatness. 

The  case  of  his  remaining  colleague  was  exactly  the  reverse. 
A  life  of  dissipation,  extravagance  and  licentiousness  tarnished 
the  lustre  of  the  otherwise  great  qualities  of  Antony,  and  ren- 
dered him  more  and  more  contemptible  in  the  eyes  of  the  Roman 
people.  Even  in  his  campaigns,  and  notwithstanding  the  splendor 
of  his  military  talents,  he  fell  very  short  of  the  prosperity  that 
everywhere  accompanied  the  arms  of  his  rival.  Whilst  Octavius 
was  waging  war  against  Sextus  Pompey,  Antony  undertook  his 
grand  Parthian  expedition,  in  which  the  whole  glory  was  for  his 
lieutenant  Ventidius,  and  the  disgrace  for  himself.  - 

The  career  of  Ventidius  was  checkered  with  a  variety  of  in- 
cidents. During  his  youth,  he  had  been  taken  prisoner  in  the 
Social  war,  and  led  to  Rome  to  serve  for  the  conqueror's  triumph. 
Being  then  reduced  to  very  great  distress,  he  at  first  served  as  a 
private  soldier,  and  signalized  himself  by  his  courage.  Julius 
Caesar,  that  excellent  judge  of  personal  merit,  promoted  him  to 
higher  functions,  and  successively  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of 
senator,  tribune  of  the.  people,  and  prtetor.  He  was  still  in 
possession  of  this  last  office,  when,  after  the  premature  death  of 
the  two  consuls  Hirtius  and  Pansa,  he  was  appointed  by  the 
triumvirs  to  fill  one  of  the  two  vacant  places  in  the  consulship, 
till  the  end  of  the  year  b.  c.  43. 

In  all  the  contests  which  arose  towards  this  time  about  the 
sovereign  power  in  Rome,  Ventidius  attached  himself  to  Mark 
Antony,  and  served  him  with  courage  and  fidelity.  Being  sent 
by  him  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  Parthians  in  Asia,  he  signally 
defeated  them  in  three  battles,  thus  gaining  in  a  short  time  more 
victories  over  them  than  had  ever  been  gained  by  any  Roman 
general.  Triumphal  honors  were  decreed  to  Ventidius  for  these 
victories,  and  the  people  saw  with  admiration  one  who  formerly 
had  entered  Rome  as  a  captive,  now  enter  it  as  the  conqueror  of 
the  only  nation  in  the  world  that  set  their  power  at  defiance. 

This  general  might  have  pursued  his  advantage  over  the  Par- 
thians to  a  much  greater  extent,  and  even  have  made  them 
tremble  for  their  empire.  But  he  feared  to  provoke  the  jealousy 
of  Antony  by  doing  more  in  this  respect;  he  was  even  fearful 
that  he  had  already  gone  too  far,  and  his  apprehensions  were  by 
QO  means  groundless.  The  triumvir,  awakened  as  it  were  from 
his  lethargy  by  the  victories  of  his  lieutenant,  hastened  to  the 


B  c.  42-31.      OCTAVIUS  AND  ANTONY.  117 

scene  of  action,  and  assumed  the  whole  command  of  the  troops, 
endeavoring  in  this  manner  to  reap  the  fruits  of  an  expedition  so 
gloriously  begun  by  another.  His  jealousy  or  vanity  turned  only 
\o  his  shame  and  disappointment. 

The  force  which  he  mustered  for  the  continuation  of  the  war, 
consisted  of  sixty  thousand  lloman  foot,  and  ten  thousand  horse 
who,  though  chiefly  Gauls  and  Spaniards,  were  reckoned  as  Romans; 
''10  number  of  the  allies,  including  cavalry  and  light-armed 
klicrs,  amounted  to  thirty  thousand.  This  formidable  host 
-iruck  terror  even  into  distant  nations,  and  alarmed  all  Asia, 
but  it  was  rendered  perfectly  useless  by  the  precipitation  of 
Antony.  He  ought  certainly  to  have  wintered  in  Armenia,  that 
lie  might  give  repose  and  refreshment  to  his  men,  after  a  march 
of  a  thousand  miles :  instead  of  this  precaution,  he  hurried  for- 
ward, and  in  his  haste  left  behind  him  the  military  engines, 
amongst  which  was  a  battering  ram  eighty  feet  long.  These 
engines  followed  the  army  on  three  hundred  carriages :  but  they 
were  not  allowed  to  reach  their  destination ;  the  Parthians,  by  a 
skilful  and  bold  attack,  destroyed  them  all  in  the  way,  and  put  to 
the  sword  the  numerous  detachment  that  accompanied  them,  that  is, 
about  ten  thousand  soldiers  with  their  commander  Statianus. 

This  loss  greatly  discouraged  the  Romans.  The  king  of  Ar- 
menia, their  most  powerful  ally,  withdrew  from  the  camp  in 
despair;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  while  they  were  employed  in 
the  siege  of  Phraata,  a  considerable  city,  the  Parthians  came 
upon  them  with  great  insolence  and  contempt.  Antony,  being 
well  aware  that  inaction  would  lead  to  an  increase  of  despondency 
among  his  troops,  led  out  ten  legions  and  the  whole  cavalry, 
under  pretence  of  foraging.  His  real  object  was  to  fight;  but  he 
firmly  believed  that  this  ostensible  pretext  would  be  the  only 
method  of  drawing  the  enemy  after  him,  and  bringing  them  to  a 
battle.  After  some  progress  through  the  country,  he  observed 
them  moving  at  no  great  distance,  and  watching  an  opportunity 
to  attack  him  in  his  march.  At  this  moment,  he  feigned  an  in- 
tention to  retire;  accordingly,  he  passed  the  army  of  the  barba- 
rians which  was  drawn  up  in  the  form  of  a  crescent,  but  he  had 
previously  directed  the  horse  to  charge  the  enemy  briskly,  as 
soon  as  the  ranks  of  the  latter  would  be  withiti  reach  of  the 
legionary  troops.  The  Parthians  were  struck  with  astonishment 
at  the  order  of  the  Roman  army,  whilst  they  observed  them 
passing  at  regular  intervals  without  confusion,  and  brandishing 
their  pikes  in  silence. 

When  the  signal  for  battle  was  given,  the  Roman  horse  rushed 
to  the  attack;  the  Parthians,  though  somewhat  surprised,  received 


418  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  Vh 

it  with  firmness.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  infantry  also  came  to 
the  charge,  their  shouts  and  the  clashing  of  their  arms  so  fright- 
ened the  enemy's  horses,  that  they  were  no  longer  manageable, 
and  the  barbarians  fled  without  coming  to  a  battle.  Antony 
closely  pursued  them,  in  hopes  that  this  action  would  in  a  great 
measure  terminate  the  war.  But,  when  his  cavalry  had  followed 
them  a  great  distance,  he  found  that  he  had  not  slain  above 
eighty  of  the  enemy,  and  thirty  only  were  taken  prisoners.  Hence, 
his  victory  was  both  incomplete  and  unavailing ;  the  vanquished, 
having  easily  rallied,  began  to  harass  the  conquerors  by  desultory 
attacks,  and  the  Romans  experienced  a  great  deal  of  trouble  in 
reaching  their  camp.  To  add  to  their  vexation,  their  companions 
had  been  defeated  during  their  absence  by  the  garrison  of  Phraata, 
and  their  works  round  this  place  had  been  demolished. 

So  many  difficulties  and  losses  convinced  Antony  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  retreating.  It  was  a  painful  though  indispensable 
measure.  From  the  place  of  their  encampment  till  they  re- 
passed the  frontiers  of  the  enemy,  the  Roman  troops  had  to  fight 
their  way  across  valleys  and  mountains,  and  against  incessant 
attacks  of  the  Parthian  cavalry.  The  march,  it  is  true,  was 
conducted  with  a  skill  and  valor  worthy  of  the  generals  and 
armies  of  ancient  Rome  :  during  an  interval  of  twenty-seven 
days,  the  time  of  this  retrograde  march  from  Phraata,  the  Par- 
thians  were  defeated  in  eighteen  engagements.  But  these  victo- 
ries of  the  Romans  had  no  other  efiect  than  to  protect  their 
retreat,  and,  in  other  respects,  the  expedition  of  Antony  was  a 
complete  failure.  On  reviewing  his  army  after  they  had  reached 
a  safe  place,  he  found  that  their  loss  amounted  to  twenty-four 
thousand  men;  and  he  lost  eight  thousand  more,  in  his  march 
during  winter  from  Armenia  to  the  Roman  province  of  Syria. 

To  this  ill-success  of  his  arms,  Antony  after  his  return  added 
new  excesses  in  dissipation  and  extravagance,  into  which  his 
passion  for  Cleopatra  betrayed  him,  and  the  report  of  which 
rendered  him  extremely  odious  and  unpopular  at  Rome.  lu 
order  to  gratify  that  ambitious  and  vicious  woman,  he  was  not 
ashamed  to  dismember  in  her  behalf  the  Roman  provinces  of  the 
east,  and  to  divorce  his  own  virtuous  wife  Octavia,  the  sister  of 
his  colleague.  Octavius  did  not  fail  to  turn  so  many  unpardon- 
able faults  to  his  advantage.  He  obtained  a  decree  from  the 
senate,  depriving  Antony  of  all  consular  and  triumviral  authority, 
and  pronouncing  Cleopatra  an  enemy  of  Rome  Antony,  on  his 
part,  proffered  a  variety  of  charges  and  recriminations  against 
Octavius,  and,  from  this  moment,  the  two  rivals  determined  to 
decide  their  quarrel  by  force  of  arn:s 


tl 


B.  0.  42—81.  OC^AVIUS  AND  ANTONY.  419 

Their  prejmrations  for  the  impending  conflict  were  adequate  to 
(lio  importance  of  the  cause.*     Octavius  assembled  an  army  of 
i-hty  thousand  foot  and  twelve  thousand  horse,  with  a  fleet  of 
two  hundred  and  fifty  vessels  well  equipped  and  well  manned. 
The  forces  of  Antony  were  still  more  numerous;  his  land  army 
consisted  of  a  hundred  thousand  infantry  and  twelve  thousand 
cavalry,   besides  a  large  number  of  auxiliaries;    and  his  fleet 
Miiiounted  to  five  hundred  galleys,  many  of  which  had  been  fur- 
nished and  were  commanded  by  Cleopatra  in  person.     The  whole 
^  Koman  power,  with  its  various  allies,  took  a  share  in  this  mo- 
-  mentous  contest;  it  was  the  east  fighting  against  the  west  for  the 
I  possession  of  the  world. 

[!      These  two  powerful  armaments  met  at  the  entrance  of  the 
;  Ambracian  gulf,  near  the  promontory  of  Actium.     Contrary  to 
1  his  interest,  to  the  advice  of  his  ablest  ofiicers,  and  probably  to 
his  own  better  judgment,  Antony,  through  condescension  to  the 
'  queen  of  Egypt,  chose  to  commit  his  fortunes  to  the  hazard  of  a 
sea-fight,  rather  than  to  the  well  known  valor  of  his  numerous 
legions.     The  engagement  began  at  noon  of  the  second  of  Sep- 
tember, while  the  two  land-armies,  from  the  opposite  shores  of 
i  the  gulf,  were  spectators  of  the  combat.     After  the  battle  had 
;  lasted  for  a  few  moments,  a  skilful  movement  of  Agrippa  began 
to  occasion  some  confusion  in  the  centre  of  the  enemy's  line. 
The  event,  however,  was  still  undecided,  when  the  ship  of  Cleopatra 
was  seen  to  withdraw  from  the  action,  and  steer  with  full  sail  in 
the  direction  of  Egypt.     She  was  followed  by  sixty  other  vessels, 
nay,  by  Antony  himself,  who,  blinded  by  his  passion,  was  more 
concerned  about  the  presence  of  the  queen,  than  the  preservation 
of  his  fortune,  his  honor,  and  his  troops.     This  shameful  flight 
completely  decided  the  day  in  favor  of  Octavius.     After  some 
further  resistance  on  the  part  of  Antony's  force,  the  whole  fleet, 
and  a  few  days  after,. the  land-army  consisting  of  nineteen  brave 
legions,  seeing  themselves  deserted  by  their  general,  surrendered 
to  the  conqueror  (b.  c.  31). 

This  important  victory  left  Octavius  without  a  competitor  in 
the  empire;  all  the  allies  and  Roman  provinces  of  the  opposite 
party  hastened  to  make  their  submission,  and  acknowledge  his 
laws.  Antony  and  Cleopatra  were,  it  is  true,  stiU  alive,  but  their 
final  overthrow  was  easily  achieved  in  the  ensuing  year.  By  the 
connivance  of  Cleopatra  herself,  Octavius  met  with  scarcely  any 
opposition  in  his  attack  upon  Egypt :  Antony,  after  a  vain  show 
of  resistance,  killed  himself  at  his  approach ;    the   queen  he-sita 

*See  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Antony. 


<20  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pxax  VI 

ted  to  do  the  same,  as  long  as  slie  entertained  hopes  of  an  honor- 
able treatment  from  the  victor,  but  as  she  soon  perceived  that 
he  intended  to  lead  her  away  captive,  she  also  put  an  end  to  her 
life,  having,  it  is  said,  procured  a  basket  of  figs  to  be  brought  to 
her,  in  which  lay  a  venomous  serpent  whose  bite  caused  her 
death.  With  Antony  ended  the  civil  war ;  with  Cleopatra  fell 
the  second  Egyptian  kingdom  after  a  duration  of  nearly  three 
hundred  years,  and  Egypt  was  thenceforth  reckoned  a  Koman 
province. 

The  battle  of  Actium  was  the  conclusion  of  the  grand  drama 
which  changed  the  Roman  republic  into  a  monarchy :  by  the  de- 
feat of  Antony  and  the  previous  abdication  of  Lepidus,  Octaviua 
remained  sole  and  absolute  master  of  this  great  empire.  Although 
he  did  not  assume  the  title,  he  possessed  all  the  authority  of  a 
sovereign,  and  so  secured  it  during  a  long  life,  as  to  transmit  it 
without  opposition  to  the  princes  of  his  family. 

Octavius  proceeded  with  consummate  prudence  in  this  ambitious 
and  successful  career  After  having  crushed  his  competitors  by 
force  of  arms,  he  applied  himself  to  reconcile  the  public  mind  to 
the  present  order  of  things  by  beneficence  and  moderation.  lie 
skilfully  procured  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  senate  to  ac- 
knowledge him  as  the  head  of  the  government;  and,  while  he 
concentrated  the  ruling  power  in  his  person,  was  careful  to  retain, 
in  the  exercise  of  it,  the  outward  forms  of  the  commonwealth. 
By  these  various  means,  he  gradually  accustomed  the  Romans  to 
their  new  political  constitution,  and  became,  under  the  name  of 
Augustus^  the  real  founder  of  that  famous  monarchy  which  thence- 
forth was  properly  called  the  Roman  Empire.       ^ 

We  have  related  in  succession  all  the  principal  events  which 
led  to  this  momentous  change,  and  at  the  same  time  made  known 
its  natural  causes.  Enough,  it  is  hoped,  has  been  said  to  render 
them  familiar  to  the  reader.  But  it  becomes  Christians  to  raise 
their  minds  to  a  higher  order  of  reflections,  and  to  behold  in  the 
series  of  human  revolutions,  the  ruling  hand  of  God's  providence, 
directing  them'  all,  not  less  mightily  than  sweetly,  to  the  accoiU' 
plishment  of  his  own  adorable  designs.  The  Messias,  or  Saviour 
of  the  world,  who  had  been  promised,  foretold,  and  expected 
during  four  thojisand  years,  was  now  going  to  appear  on  earth, 
and  to  establish  his  religion  among  men  by  the  destruction  of 
idolatry.  It  was  proper  that  He  who  is  called  in  Scripture  THE 
Prince,  the  Lord,  the  King  of  Peace,*  should  be  born  in  a 
time  of  profound  and  universal  peace.     Moreover,  the  Roman 


*Isa.  ix,  6;  2  Thess.  iii,  16  j  Hebr.  vii,  2. 


I 


B  c.  42—31.  OCTAVIUS  AND  ANTONY.  421 

ptiipirc,  by  its  vast  extent  and  the  intimate  connexion  of  iffl 
various  parts  throughout  the  world,  was  intended  to  open  an 
tasicr  access  to  the  preaching  of  the  Gospel,  and  represent  in  a 
\  ivid  manner  the  unity  and  universal  diffusion  of  the  Church  of 
Christ. 

All  these  circumstances  occurred  under  Augustus,  and  Augustus 
Iiiiusclf  was  the  instrument  prepared  by  Almighty  God  to  put  an  end 
to  all  civil  dissensions,  and  establish  tranquillity  among  the  nations 
i)f  the  earth.  This  then  was  the  epoch  marked  out  in  the  eternal 
decrees  for  the  temporal  birth  of  Christ,  the  beginning  of  his 
Gospel,  and  the  establishment  of  his  religion.  ^^In  the  days  of 
those  kingdoms,'^  had  said  a  prophet,  "the  God  of  heaven  will 
sot  up  a  kingdom  that  shall  never  be  destroyed;  and  his  kingdom 
sliall  not  be  delivered  up  to  another  people :  and  it  shall  break 
in  pieces,  and  shall  consume  all  these  kingdoms :  and  itself  shall 
stand  for  ever.''*  Such  is,  therefore,  the  grand  object  of  God's 
designs  in  the  government  of  this  world :  the  establishment  of 
the  kingdom  of  his  Incarnate  Son;  a  kingdom  to  whose  forma- 
tion, as  to  their  ultimate  end,  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth  aro 
referred;  a  kingdom  infinitely  preferable  to  all  temporal  goods; 
a  kingdom  of  justice  and  peace,  of  charity  and  truth,  connecting 
heaven  with  the  earth  and  time  with  eternity;  in  a  word,  an 
indestructible  and  eternal  kingdom,  to  the  possession  of  which 
every  man  should  incessantly  aspire. 

*  Daoiol  ii,  44. 


86 


PART  VII. 


LAWS   AND   POLITY,    ARTS,    MANNERS,    AND    CUSTOMS   OF   ANIJIENP 
NATIONS.* 


The  reader  would  be  but  imperfectly  acquainted  witb  ancient 
history,  if  he  confined  himself  to  the  recital  of  battles,  conquests, 
and  political  events;  he  should  also  know  the  laws  and  manners 
of  those  early  ages,  and  the  origin  or  degree  of  perfection  of  the 
arts  which  were  then  known  and  practised.  For  this  reason, 
in  the  course  of  the  present  work,  care  was  taken  to  introduce 
remarks  on  these  interesting  objects,  as  they  presented  them- 
selves in  the  history  of  each  of  the  most  flourishing  empires 
and  states.  Still,  many  details,  however  worthy  of  notice, 
were  unavoidably  omitted.  This  deficiency  we  shall  now  supply, 
by  placing  before  the  reader  a  general  view  of  the  laws  and 
polity,  the  agriculture,  commerce  and  navigation,  the  military 
art,  and  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  mo.st  celebrated  nations 
of  antiquity,  whose  history  has  been  the  object  of  this  volume. 

LAWS  AND  POLITY. 

Very  little  can  be  said  about  the  particular  organization  of  the 
earliest  societies  with  regard  to  polity  and  law.  One  thing  only 
is  certain,  that  they  must  have  been,  at  least  most  of  them, 
very  deficient  in  their  jurisprudence,  and  in  great  want  of  the 
necessary  means  of  maintaining  public  order  and  tranquillity. 
Men  had,  it  is  true,  the  principles  of  natural  law  to  guide  their 
steps  and  regulate  their  actions;  but  the  application  of  these 
principles  to  the  various  occurrences  of  life,  if  left  to  the  direction 
of  private  individuals,  was  too  precarious  and  uncertain,  and  at 
variance  with  too  many  passions  and  opposite  interests,  to  ofier  a 
sure  guarantee  for  the  preservation  of  social  order;  on  the  other 
hand,  the  generality  of  mankind  are  not  so  inclined  to  practise 
virtue  for  virtue's  sake,  as  to  need  no  additional  incentive  to  the 
fulfilment  of  their  duty.       Hence,  it   became  necessary  to  join 

*See  Goguet,  DeVOrigine  des  Lois,  des  Arts,  et  des  Sciences;  RoUin, 
Hisloire  Ancienne,  especially  vols,  x— xiii ; — Barthelemy,  Voyage  du  jeunt 
Anacharsis  en  Grtce,  vols,  i— iii; — Kennett's  Antiquities  of  Rome; — etc 
422 


LAWS  AND  POLITT.  428 

po>'itive  laws  to  the  natural  precepts,  and  to  enforce  the  obscrvanci 
of  them  all  by  various  penalties  to  be  inflicted  by  the  governing 
power. 

Although  we  have  little  else  than  conjectures  as  to  the  speciai 
manner  in  which  the  laws  of  early  states  were  decreed,  it  may  be 
asserted  in  general  that  their  enactment,  seldom  the  effect  of 
t'  Tosight,  was  usually  called  for  by  the  physical  and  moral  situa- 
tinn  of  mankind  in  those  times,  commonly  by  the  distress  and 
suile rings  of  the  people,  often  by  the  perpetration  of  crime  and 
the  necessity  of  preventing  its  recurrence.  Thus  the  experiencf 
of  evils  already  suffered  obliged  the  Athenians  to  apply  to  Draco 
and  afterwards  to  Solon,  for  a  code  of  laws.  In  like  manner  a  state 
of  anarchy  among  the  Modes  caused  Dejoces,  a  man  of  great 
prudence,  wisdom  and  integrity,  to  become  the  legislator  and  first 
king  of  that  nation. 

AH  men  easily  understood  that  the  constitution  of  a  city  or 
state  resembled  that  of  the  human  body.  The  body  is  composed 
of  the  head  and  members;  and  among  the  members,  some  are 
more  useful  or  necessary  than  others,  yet  all  contribute  to  the 
good  of  each,  and  still  more  to  the  benefit  of  the  whole  system.* 

We  see  also  among  the  members  of  a  state  or  the  inhabitants 
of  a  city,  an  identity  of  wants  and  a  reciprocity  of  services  estab- 
lishing among  them  an  admirable  connexion.  Sovereigns,  gov- 
ernors, magistrates,  and  other  great  or  wealthy  personages,  like 
the  rest  of  mankind,  stand  in  need  of  dwellings,  clothing  and 
food.  The  merchant,  the  mechanic,  the  workman,  the  farmer, 
etc.,  in  their  turn,  stand  in  need  of  patronage,  protection  and 
security,  in  order  to  succeed  in  their  respective  professions.  If 
all  were  rich,  there  would  be  no  laborers;  if  all  were  laborers, 
there  would  be  no  rulers  of  the  people  nor  generals  of  armies.  It 
is  this  mutual  dependence  of  men  on  one  another  which  has  found- 
ed cities,  and  assembled  together  a  multitude  of  persons  endowed 
with  different  talents  and  following  different  employments ;  talents 
and  employments  alike  requisite  for  the  good  of  society,  and  all 
conducive  to  that  end,  provided  every  individual  continues  faith- 
ful to  the  duties  of  his  station,  and  does  not  seek  to  encroach  on 
the  rights  and  property  of  others. 

Hence,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  the  first  positive 
laws  had  a  reference  to  such  objects  as  are  requisite  for  the  very 
existence  and  preservation  of  society  :  for  instance,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  rights  of  property,  the  punishment  of  robbers  and 

*  See  Plato,  De  Legxhus ;  and  in  Livy,  b.  ii,  the  ingenious  allegory 
proposed  by  Menenius  Agrippa  to  the  discontented  plebeians  of  Romo 


424  ANCIENT  IIISTORr.  Part  "V II. 

murderers,  the  conditions  and  formalities  of  marriage,  etc.  Next 
came  the  regulations  concerning  the  partitions  of  lands,  the  mode 
of  inheritance,  the  form  of  sales  and  other  contracts ;  in  a  word, 
the  principal  actions  of  civil  life,  and  the  interests  of  the  different 
classes  and  members  of  society.  Without  doubt,  those  regula- 
tions varied  according  to  the  natural  dispositions  of  the  nations 
or  tribes  for  whom  they  were  issued,  and  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances in  which  men  were  placed.  Generally  speaking,  the  law 
granted  considerable  power  to  fathers  over  their  children,  to  mas- 
ters over  their  slaves,  and  to  creditors  over  their  debtors,  even 
when  insolvency  was  the  mere  effect  of  misfortune;  nay,  this 
power  was  sometimes  carried  to  a  frightful  excess,  and  savored  of 
barbarity,  as  happened  among  the  Spartans  and  Romans,  though 
not  among  the  Athenians,  who,  on  the  contrary,  treated  their 
slaves  with  great  mildness. 

With  regard  to  penal  laws,  they  were  both  numerous  and  se- 
vef  e  among  ancient  nations.  The  legislators  of  old  did  not  think 
it  an  act  of  liumanity  and  prudence  to  let  heinous  crimes  pass 
unpunished,  and  to  spare  the  guilty  at  the  risk  and  cost  of  the 
moral  and  virtuous  portion  of  society;  foreseeing,  on  the  contrary, 
that,  notwithstanding  all  the  advantages  of  civilization  and  educa- 
tion, there  would  never  be  wanting  individuals  ready  to  disturb 
the  public  peace,  threaten  the  rights  or  even  the  life  of  their  fel- 
low-men, they  deemed  it  their  bounden  duty  to  secure  the  human 
family  against  these  dangers.  This  they  endeavored  to  effect  by 
the  enactment  of  various  penalties  to  be  inflicted  on  the  guilty, 
even  capital  punishment  when  the  importance  of  the  case  required 
it,  in  order  that  the  wicked  man  might  be  terrified  by  the  sad  fate  of 
others  like  himself,  and  be  efficaciously  prompted  to  check  the 
violence  of  his  passions.  Such  was  the  origin  of  penal  laws,  a 
painful  though  necessary  remedy  against  the  frailty  of  human 
nature.  Still,  as  civil  enactments  could  not  then,  any  more  than 
they  can  at  present,  reach  every  crime,  and  necessarily  left  many 
evil  deeds  to  be  punished  by  divine  justice  alone  in  a  future  life, 
they  were  directed  only  against  those  crimes  which  attacked  reli 
gion,  public  order,  the  security  or  welfare  of  the  state,  the  essen- 
tial peace  of  families,  and  the  lives,  character  and  property  of  the 
citizens :  such  as  impiety,  sacrilege,  perjury,  treason  and  rebel- 
lion, calumny,  theft,  adultery,  homicide,  and  the  like. 

Still  it  was  not  enough  to  possess  laws,  unless  there  existed  at 
the  same  time  a  competent  and  lasting  power  to  watch  over  their 
integrity,  to  promote  their  observance,  to  intd^ret  them  authori- 
tatively, and  to  settle  the  differences  that  might  arise  among  citi- 
zens.    The  administration  of  justice  is  one  of  the  chief  supports 


LAWS  AND  POLITY.  426 

of  society.  In  the  earliest  times,  fathers  were  the  respective 
judges  of  the  complaints  and  disputes  of  their  children;  but 
when  many  families  had  associated  themselves  to  live  togethci 
under  one  common.. rule,  it  became  necessary  to  have  also  one 
idinmon  arbiter,  possessed  of  sufficient  impartiality  to  make  a 
just  application  of  the  law  among  so  many  claimants,  and  in- 
vested with  sufficient  authority  to  enforce  its  execution.  The 
'  diiferent  nations  or  tribes  endeavored  to  secure  this  advantage  to 
themselves,  not  only  by  the  adoption  of  some  political  form  of 
government,*  but  likewise  by  the  appointment  of  tribunals  hav- 
ing jurisdiction  over  every  rank  and  every  member  of  the  state. 
The  most  celebrated  of  these  ancient  tribunals  were,  besides  the 
Jewish  Sanhedrim,  the  council  of  the  thirty  judges  in  Egypt,  the 
Amphictyonic  council  in  Greece,  the  Areopagus  in  Athens,  the 
Ephori  at  Sparta,  and  the  Censors  at  Rome. 

We  may  also  reckon  among  the  earliest  legal  institutions,  the 
adoption  of  certain  methods  to  record,  authenticate,  and  transmit 
the  principal  transactions  of  civil  life.  The  public  good  always 
required  that  affairs  of  great  moment,  such  as  mutual  obligations, 
sales  and  purchases,  titles  to  property,  marriages,  judgments, 
and  the  like,  should  possess  a  degree  of  publicity  sufficient  to 
establish  the  fact  of  their  existence  and  insure  their  execution. 
Hence,  formulas  for  various  kinds  of  deeds  were  invented  and  in- 
troduced among  civilized  societies,  magistrates  appointed  to  en- 
force the  observance  of  laws  and  contracts,  and  certain  places 
assigned  where  evidences  and  documents  relative  to  these  ob- 
jects might  be  deposited  and  consulted.  This,  however,  could 
not  be  done  in  the  beginning  of  societies.  As  the  art  of  writing 
was  probably  not  yet  known,  deeds  and  contracts  were  made  ver- 
bally; and,  in  order  that  proofs  of  these  transactions  might  not 
be  wanting,  they  were  made  in  public  and  before  witnesses,  for 
instance,  among  the  Hebrews,  at  the  gates  of  cities. 

As  long  as  the  laws  themselves  could  not,  at  least  easily,  be 
committed  to  writing,  other  methods  were  adopted  to  provide  for 
their  transmission  to  future  ages.  The  most  usual,  besides  practi- 
cal observance  and  oral  tradition,  was  to  put  them  in  verse  easy  to  be 
remembered.  But  when  the  art  of  writing  began  to  be  generally 
known,  that  is,  upwards  of  fifteen  hundred  years  before  the  com- 
ing of  Christ,f  it  greatly  facilitated  the  transmission  of  laws,  ao 

*  See,  on  the  formation  of  governments,  Part  I,  p.  20. 

\  Cadmus  is  commonly  believed  to  have  carried  the  alphabet  from 
Phcnicia  into  Greece  in  the  year  b.  c.  1519,  a  date  sufficient  of  itself  to 
justify  our  assertion  ;  but  it  must  be  further  added  that  the  alphabet 
may  have  been  in  use  very  long  before  Cadmus.  The  art  of  writing  was 
certainly  known,  at  least  to  some  oriental  nations,  from  the  time  of  the 

36* 


426  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Paet  YTi 

Well  as  of  historical  events,  to  the  latest  posterity.  Thus  vrere  pre- 
served  in  writing  the  laws  given  to  the  Israelites  in  the  desert, 
nay,  the  principal  of  them  were  engraved  on  tables  of  some  hard 
materials;  and  this  was  also  the  case,  among  others,  with  the  laws 
of  Solon  in  Athens,  and  those  of  the  Twelve  Tables  at  Home. 

Not  to  speak  here  of  Moses,  the  inspired  legislator  of  the  He- 
brews, the  most  renowned  among  all  the  law-givers  of  antiquity? 
were  Menes  or  Mneves  in  Egypt;  Minos  in  Crete;  Lycurgus  in 
Ppaita;  Numa  Pompilius  in  Kome;  Pythagoras,  Charondas  and 
Zaleucus  in  the  Grecian  colonies  and  cities  of  southern  Italy, 
called  for  this  reason  Grcecia  Magna;  Solon  in  Athens;  Confucius 
in  China ;  Zoroaster  in  Persia,  and  Zamolxis  in  Scythia.  The 
laws  w^hich  they  enacted  for  their  respective  nations,  enjoyed  a 
longer  or  shorter  existence,  in  proportion  as  they  were  more  or 
less  perfectly  adapted  to  the  circumstances  of  place,  time  and  per- 
sons, the  nature  of  the  government,  the  character  of  the  people, 
the  good  or  bad  example  of  influential  persons,  foreign  intercourse, 
and  a  variety  of  other  incidents.  Of  all  the  codes  of  ancient  and 
profane  jurisprudence,  the  most  remarkable  in  point  of  duration 
were  those  of  Egypt,  Sparta,  and  Rome. 

None  of  them,  however,  can  be  seriously  compared  in  any 
point  of  view  with  the  Hebrew  legislation.  It  was  the  peculiar 
privilege  of  the  Hebrews,  or  Israelites,  to  receive  their  law  from 

holy  patriarch,  Job,  since  he  speaks  of  it  in  the  book  which  bears  hia 
name  (ch.  xix,  v.  23,  24)  in  a  very  clear  and  explicit  manner.  Now  Job 
is  commonly  thought  to  have  been  almost  a  contemporary  of  Jacob,  and 
very  probably  began  to  live  in  the  eighteenth  century  before  the  coming 
of  Christ ;  this  plainly  supposes,  for  the  use  of  the  alphabet,  a  still  ear- 
lier period  than  that  of  Cadmus. 

Moses,  a  contemporary  of  the  latter  personage,  speaks  of  writing  in 
many  places  of  his  books,  and  alludes  to  it  as  a  practice  already  well 
known  (see  Exod.  xvii,  14,  and  xxxiv,  27  ; — Deuteron.  xxviii,  Gl,  and 
xxix,  20,  27,  etc.)  Under  Josue,  the  immediate  successor  of  Moses  in 
the  guidance  of  the  chosen  people,  there  existed  in  Palestine  a  city 
called  Dabir,  whose  former  name  had  been  Cariath-Sepher,  that  is,  ih« 
city  of  letters  (Jos.  xv,  15) ;  whence  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  the 
knowl-edge  and  lase  of  the  alphabetical  letters  were  very  ancient  among 
the  Chanaanite  nations.  In  fine,  the  art  of  writing  was  referred  to  so 
remote  an  antiquity  among  the  Egyptians,  that  they  claimed  for  Mer- 
curius  or  Hermes,  one  of  their  first  legislators,  the  merit  of  the  inven- 
tion, although  it  seems  equally  probable  that  this  important  and  truly 
Bublime  discovery,  the  greatest  effort  perhaps  of  the  human  mind  (if  it 
ought  not  rather  to  be  thought  an  immediate  gift  of  God  to  our  first  pa 
rents),  was  made  by  the  Assyrians,  or  rather  the  Phenicians,  as  Lucan 
Bftys  in  the  third  book  of  his  Pharsalia  : 

Phoenices  primi,  famae  si  creditur,  ausi 

Mansuram  rudibus  vocera  signare  liguris. 

Fharsal  b.  iii,  1.  220—21. 


AGRICULTURE.  4*27 

God  himself  through  the  ministry  of  Moses;  hence    that  law 

though  a  mere  preparation  for  a  still  better  one,  far  transcended 

[the  reach  of  human  wisdom.     The  precepts  of  the  Decalogue 

alone  include,  in  a  very  narrow  compass,  a  greater  number  of 

moral  and  necessary  truths,  than  all  the  prescriptions  of  human 

philosophy  and  legislation  can  afford. 

f:     To  speak  only  of  that  part  of  the  Mosaic  dispensation  which 

icomprised  the  civil  polity  of  the   Hebrews,  even  this  surpassed 

'  by  far  every  ether  code  of  laws  in  the  propriety  and  excellency  of  i  ta 

enactments.      Being  intended  to  last  until  the   coming  of  the 

I  promised  Messias,  that  is,  during  the  space  of  fifteen  hundred 

I  years,  it  had  the  extraordinary  privilege  of  never  undergoing,  all 

:that  time,  any  of  those  alterations  which  so  easily  occurred  in 

<  the  polity  of  contemporary  states.    The  Mosaic  law  had  established 

such  an  order  and  provided  so  well  for  future  contingencies,  that, 

when  they  occurred,  there  was  no  need  of  modifying  it  in  any 

.manner;  a  circumstance  which  alone  might  suffice  to  prove  its 

I  divine  origin.     Had  Moses  been  left  to  the  natural  resources  of 

his  genius,  how  great  soever  they  were,  he  certainly  would  not 

have  found  out  by  his  own  unaided  efforts  a  code  at  the  same  time 

60  comprehensive  and  so  perfect  as  to  answer,  from  the  beginning, 

I  every  iinportant  emergency;  nor  could  he  have  so  far  anticipated 

1  whatever  might  happen  during  the  course  of  many  ages,  as  to 

,  render  unnecessary  any  modification  in  its  multiplied  and  various 

regulations.     This  no  human  legislator  has  ever  done;  nor  could 

Moses  himself  have  done  it,  had  he  written  or  acted  singly  as  a 

man,  and  without  having  been  inspired  in  the  production  of  the 

Jewish  law  by  God's  eternal  and  unerring  wisdom 


AGRICULTURE. 

There  is  a  much  greater  connexion  between  agriculture  and 
laws,  than  might  appear  at  first  sight;  for  most  of  the  civil  laws 
owed  their  origin  to  agriculture.  The  cultivation  of  the  soil  re- 
quires much  care,  exertion  and  labor.  They  who  first  applied  to 
it,  were  obliged  to  seek  assiduously  after  the  means  requisite  for 
its  success;  these  researches  naturally  gave  rise  to  different  arts 
calculated  to  procure  the  necessary  implements  or  to  secure  tho 
fruits  of  husbandry ;  the  arts,  in  their  turn,  produced  commerce, 
and  commerce  incessantly  multiplied  the  different  interests  of  the 
different  members  of  society.  All  these  objects  needed  regula- 
tions; so  that  agriculture,  by  its  various  bearings  and  effects, 
occasioned  the  enactment  of  a  great  number  of  laws,  whilst  it 


428  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII. 

was  itself  repeatedly  encouraged  by  the  laws  and  institutions  of 
civilized  couutries. 

Agriculture  is  both  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  useful  of 
all  social  arts.  It  may  justly  claim  as  early  an  origin  as  the  world 
itself,  since  it  began  to  be  practised  in  the  earthly  paradise,  when 
man  still  possessed  the  treasure  of  his  primitive  innocence.  Ah 
mighty  God  placed  him  in  this  delightful  garden  "to  dress  it  and 
keep  it/'*  not  indeed  with  painful  labor,  but  with  easy  care, 
which  would  furnish  him  at  the  same  time  an  occupation,  an 
amusement,  and  an  occasion  to  admire  in  the  productions  of  the 
sarth  the  wisdom  and  boundless  liberality  of  his  Maker. 

But  when  the  sin  of  Adam  came  to  disturb  this  beautiful  order, 
and,  independently  of  the  evils  entailed  on  the  soul,  drew  upon 
him  the  sentence  that  condemned  him  "to  eat  bread  in  the  sweat 
of  his  face,"f  then  the  Almighty  turned  his  amusement  into  a 
chastisement,  and  subjected  him  to  a  succession  of  toils  which 
would  not  have  been  his  lot,  if  he  had  remained  a  stranger  to 
moral  evil.  The  earth  becoming,  as  it  were,  rebellious  against 
him  in  punishment  of  his  own  revolt  against  God,  produced 
thorns  and  thistles,  so  as  to  require  strenuous  efforts  to  restore 
its  fertility,  and  to  derive  from  it  the  tribute  of  its  produce,  of 
which  man's  ingratitude  had  rendered  him  unworthy.       *, 

Nevertheless  agriculture,  painful  as  may  be  its  pursuit,  has 
become,  through  a  singular  effect  of  God's  mercy,  extremely  ad- 
vantageous to  men,  and  the  chief  as  well  as  most  assured  support 
of  the  human  family.  Although  mines  of  gold  and  silver  should 
be  exhausted;  although  diamonds  and  pearls  should  remain  hidden 
under  the  earth  and  at  the  bottom  of  the  sea;  although  the  various 
arts  which  have  no  other  object  than  comfort  and  embellishment 
should  disappear,  and  commerce  itself  considerably  decline,  the 
fruitfulness  of  the  earth  improved  by  assiduous  labor  would  alone 
be  sufficient,  at  least  generally  speaking,  to  supply  the  necessary 
wants  of  the  community. 

Plence  agriculture  was  highly  valued  and  carefully  practised 
from  the  beginning.  Having  been  in  use  before  the  deluge  itself, 
it  was  resumed  immediately  after  that  event,  and  from  Noe, 
whom  Holy  Writ  describes  as  a  husbandman,  passed  to  his  de- 
scendants. The  dispersion  occasioned  by  the  confusion  of  lan- 
guages at  Babel,  and  the  numberless  incidents  of  every  kind  to 
which  this  event  must  have  given  rise,  obliterated  the  knowledge 
of  that  precious  art  from  the  minds  of  many  families,  or  rendered 
it  otherwise  impracticable;  yet,  it  was  subsequently  revived 
among  them,  and  besides  it  was  never  lost  in  the  societies  thai 

^Gcn.  ii,  15.  fGen.  iii,  19. 


I 


AGRICULTURE.  429 


continued  to  inhabit  the  plains  of  Sennaar  or  chose  the  neighbor 
ing  districts  for  the  place  of  their  residence.  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  same  important  knowledge  was  preserved 
by  a  few  of  the  colonies  that  removed  to  a  greater  distance, 
namely,  by  such  as  settled  themselves  from  an  early  period  in 
countries  the  soil  of  which  was  promising,  easily  cultivated,  and 
naturally  rich  and  fruitful. 

These  assertions  are  all  substantiated  by  facts.  The  best  annals 
of  antiquity  give  us  to  understand  that,  up  to  the  first  ages  sub- 
sequent to  the  dispersion  of  men,  the  inhabitants  of  Mesopotamia, 
Palestine,  and  Egypt,  applied  to  agriculture.  Among  the  Babylo- 
nians this  art  dated  its  origin  at  so  remote  a  period,  that  it  seemed 
coeval  with  their  national  existence;  nor  will  this  be  doubted,  if, 
independently  of  the  testimony  of  Berosus,  we  reflect  ever  so 
little  on  one  incontestable  fact  of  their  history.  Moses  relates 
that  Assur  and  Nemrod,  the  one  a  grandson  and  the  other  a  great- 
grandson  of  Noe,  built  Ninive,  Babylon,  and  several  other  cities;* 
now  it  would  be  very  difficult  to  conceive  how  they  could  have 
succeeded  in  this  enterprise  without  the  help  of  agriculture, 
which  is  so  necessary  for  supplying,  during  a  long  period,  any 
considerable  assemblage  of  people. 

In  like  manner,  the  knowledge  and  practice  of  agriculture 
among  the  Chanaanites  and  Phenicians  dated  from  the  primitive 
times ;  the  tradition  of  their  writers  on  this  point  is  confirmed 
by  the  authority  of  Scripture,  in  which  we  read  that  Isaac 
(about  the  year  B.  c.  1800)  sowed  in  the  land  of  Chanaan  or 
Palestine,  and  reaped  a  hundred-fold.f  The  soil  of  Egypt  also 
was  yery  well  cultivated  almost  from  time  immemorial.  Abra- 
ham, during  a  certain  year  of  great  scarcity,  travelled  from  the 
land  of  Chanaan  as  far  as  Egypt,  in  order  to  provide  against 
famine ;  and  Jacob,  in  similar  circumstances,  sent  his  sons  thither 
to  buy  wheat  for  the  support  of  his  family  (b.  c.  1917  and  1703). 

The  art  of  agriculture  was  communicated  by  these  early  states 
to  other  climes  and  countries.  Thus  the  Greeks,  according  to 
their  own  historians,  received  it  from  Egyptian  settlers,  and  the 
Romans  received  it  from  Africa  and  Greece.  The  wisest  nations 
constantly  entertained  for  it  an  esteem,  proportionate  to  its  im- 
portance ;  and  the  ablest  legislators  or  sovereigns  always  considered 
its  encouragement  one  of  their  most  important  obligations. 

In  Persia,  those  governors  in  whose  provinces  agriculture  flour- 
ished, received  great  praises  and  rewards;  on  the  contrary, 
punishment  awaited  those  who  neglected  to  watch  over  this  im- 
portant object.     The  second  king  of  Home,  Numa  Pompilius, 

*  Gen.  X.  10-12.  f  Gen.  xxvi,  12. 


480  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VIL 

who  so  well  understood  and  so  exactly  fulfilled  tlie  duties  of 
a  sovereign,  first  divided  the  Roman  territory  into  several  dis- 
tricts, and  afterwards  causing  the  farmers  to  come  into  his 
presence,  praised  those  who  had  been  successful,  and  reproached 
those  who  had  been  negligent  in  cultivating  their  lands. 

Ancus  Martins,  the  second  successor  of  Numa  Pompilius,  after 
his  example,  recommended  nothing  so  much  to  the  people,  next 
to  respect  for  religion,  as  the  cultivation  of  lands  and  the  raising 
of  cattle.  This  relish  for  agriculture  was  long  preserved  among 
the  Romans;  and,  in  subsequent  times,  he  who  neglected  his 
duty  in  that  respect,  drew  upon  himself  the  animadversions  of 
the  Censorian  tribunal. 

It  had  been  ascertained  by  long  experience  that  the  cultivation 
of  lands,  and  the  raising  of  cattle  (which  may  be  considered,  if 
not  a  branch  of  agriculture,  at  least,  an  art  connected  with  it), 
are,  for  every  nation  that  applies  to  these  objects,  a  certain  and 
inexhaustible  source  of  plenty  and  wealth.  Never  was  agricul- 
ture more  highly  esteemed  nor  more  carefully  practised  than  in 
Egypt,  where  in  fact  it  constituted  a  special  object  of  the  care  of 
government;  and  no  country  perhaps  was  at  first  more  populous 
or  more  prosperous.  The  land  of  promise,  or  Palestine,  although 
a  district  of  no  considerable  extent,  supported  also  an  incredible 
number  of  inhabitants,  because  it  was  cultivated  with  immense 
and  assiduous  care.  What  history  relates  of  the  wealth  and  pros- 
perity of  many  Sicilian  towns,  particularly  Syracuse,  of  the  mul- 
titude of  its  inhabitants,  the  number  of  its  troops,  the  flourishing 
state  of  its  navy,  and  the  splendor  of  its  edifices,  might  be  taken 
for  mere  exaggeration,  if  it  were  not  equally  attested  by  all  an- 
cient authors.  To  what  was  that  city,  with  a  territory  of  no  great 
extent,  indebted  for  its  prosperity  and  its  ability  to  bear  so  many 
expenses,  except  to  the  fertility  of  its  soil — which  fertility  was 
carefully  put  to  profit  by  the  Syracusans? 

What  has  been  already  said  regards  the  productions  of  agricul' 
ture  in  general.  As  to  wheat  in  particular,  which  is  the  principal 
and  most  valuable  among  the  productions  of  the  earth,  the  most 
renowned  countries  for  abundance  and  fertility  in  this  respect,  ■ 
were  those  just  mentioned,  Palestine,  Egypt,  and  Sicily,  and 
besides  these,  Northern  Africa,  Sardinia,  and  Thrace. 

To  begin  with  the  last,  we  learn  from  Demosthenes,  in  two  of 
his  orations,  that  the  Athenians  drew  from  one  Thracian  city  alonC; 
Byzantium,  two  millions  four  hundred  thousand  bushels  of  wheat 
every  year.  It  appears,  moreover,  that  Thrace  supplied  several 
other  towns  or  countries  with  the  same  article;  a  sufficient  proof 
of  the  extraordinary  fertility  of  that  region. 


AGRICULTURE.  481 

Wo  may  judge  of  that  of  Palestine  from  what  the  Holy  Scrip- 
ture  says,  in  many  places,  of  the  abundance  of  wheat  and  other 
productions  with  which  the  land  was  commonly  blessed.* 

Sicily,  on  account  of  its  astonishing  fertility,  received  the  ap- 
pellation of  (jranary  and  storehouse  of  the  Roman  people;  in  fact, 
from  that  island  Kome  procured,  for  a  long  time,  nearly  all  the 
wheat  that  it  needed  both  for  the  support  of  its  inhabitants  and 
the  subsistence  of  its  armies.  Sardinia  also,  according  to  Livy'a 
testimony,  afforded  a  large  quantity  of  wheat  to  the  Romans.  The 
Bame  was  done  by  Egypt,  when  that  country  had  become  a  prov- 
ince of  the  Roman  empire,  and  when  Rome  itself,  the  capital  city  of 
those  vast  dominions,  had  considerably  increased  in  size  and  popu- 
lation. This  famous  capital  annually  received  from  Egypt  twenty 
millions  of  bushels  of  wheat,  and  so  necessary  to  its  support  was 
this  enormous  supply,  that  without  it  the  people  were  sometimes 
exposed  to  the  danger  of  starvation.  Commonly,  however,  there 
existed  other  resources  to  provide  for  their  subsistence . 

Africa  proper,  for  instance,  was  not  far  behind  Egypt  in  use- 
fulness and  fertility.  If  we  may  credit  Pliny  the  Elder  (b.  xviii, 
ch.  10),  there  was  a  certain  district  of  Africa  in  which  the  soil, 
for  one  bushel  of  corn,  yielded  one  hundred  and  fifty  bushels;  nay, 
it  sometimes  happened  that  one  grain  produced  nearly  four  hun- 
dred grains,  as  was  stated  in  letters  written  by  some  Roman 
governors  of  that  country.  This  fiict,  if  true,  must  have  very 
seldom  occurred;  but  the  same  Pliny  assures  us  that,  in  Sicily 
and  Egypt,  it  was  no  rare  thing  to  see  one  grain  produce  a  hun- 
dred; and,  on  this  account,  he  takes  notice  of  the  kind  atten- 
tion of  Divine  Providence,  which  has  ordained  that  the  plants 
destined  to  supply  the  usual  food  of  men,  and  consequently  the 
most  useful  and  necessary,  should  likewise  be  the  most  plentiful 
and  productive. 

Not  only  some  peculiar  district,  but  the  whole  coast  of  northern 
Africa  was  generally  very  fertile.  This  was  one  of  the  causes 
of  the  opulence  and  great  resources  of  Carthage,  which  enabled 
that  famous  republic  easily  to  support  numerous  armies  in  time 
of  war,  and  powerfully  assist  her  allies  in  time  of  peace.  During 
the  struggle  between  Rome  and  Philip  III,  king  of  Macedon,  the 
Carthaginian  ambassadors  supplied  the  Romans  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred thousand  bushels  of  barley  or  wheat,  and  the  ambassadors 
of  King  Masinissa  furnished  the  same  quantity. 

These  examples,  to  which  many  others  might  be  added,  are 
sufficient  to  convince  every  one  of  the  great  fertility  with  which 
Beveral  countries  were  favored,  and  of  the  high  esteem  entertained 
*  Deuter.  vii,  13,  and  viii,  8. — Psalm,  iv,  8,  and  Ixiv,  14,  etc. 


432  ANCENT  HISTORY.  Part  VH. 

by  ancient  nations  for  agriculture.  Another  evidence  of  this 
latter  truth  may  be  found  in  the  multitude  of  authors  who  then 
wrote  on  the  subject  of  husbandry;  Yarro  counted  fifty  of  them 
among  the  Greeks  alone;  and  he  himself,  as  well  as  Cato  the 
Censor,  Virgi.-^  and  Columella,  likewise  elaborately  wrote  on  the 
various  branches  of  agriculture.  Mago,  a  Carthaginian  general, 
had  done  the  same  in  a  learned  work  of  twenty-eight  volumes. 
Even  crowned  heads,  such  as  Hiero  II,  king  of  Syracuse,  Attalua 
Philometor,  of  Pergamus,  and  Archelaus,  of  Cappadocia,  left 
treatises  on  the  same  subject. 

Columella,  the  most  recent  of  the  authors  just  mentioned,  la- 
ments with  great  force  and  eloquence  the  contempt  into  which 
agriculture  had  begun  to  fall  at  his  time,  that  is,  under  the  reign 
of  Tiberius.  ^'  I  see  in  Rome,''  says  he,  '^  schools  for  philosophers, 
rhetoricians,  etc.;  nay,  for  cooks  and  hair  dressers,  but  none  for 
agriculture.  Still,  we  might  prosper  without  the  other  arts,  and 
there  have  been  and  will  be  flourishing  cities  without  them ;  but 
we  cannot  tmbsist  without  agriculture,  since  it  is  the  only  sure 
support  of  mankind.* 

*'  Moreover,  of  all  the  means  that  we  may  adopt  to  increase  or 
preserve  our  fortune,  is  there  any  one  more  honest  or  more  inno- 
cent than  the  cultivation  of  lands?  Could  any  reasonable  person 
«et  less  value  upon  it  than  upon  the  art  of  war,  which  gathers 
spoils  only  at  the  cost  of  so  much  human  blood  and  the  ruin  of 
RO  great  a  number  of  our  fellow-beings?  Or  upon  commerce, 
which  requires  so  many  persons  to  leave  their  country,  to  brave 
the  dangers  of  the  sea,  to  encounter  the  fury  of  waves  and  tem- 
pests, and  to  spend  a  large  portion  of  their  existence  in  foreign 
and  distant  countries  ?  Or  upon  the  practice  of  usury,  so  odious 
in  itself  and  so  fatal  in  its  consequences  ?  Could  any  one  presume 
to  compare  these  things  with  husbandry,  that  harmless  and  inno- 
cent manner  of  life,  which  nothing  else  than  relaxation  of  morals 
could  bring  into  contempt  and  deprive  of  nearly  all  its  utility?" 

These  remarks  are  certainly  correct.  A  land  covered  with 
crops,  trees,  plants  and  flocks,  is  without  doubt  more  valuable 
for  men  than  a  country  which  produces  gold  and  silver.  The 
latter,  withoiitt  the  former,  would  be  unable  to  save  them  from 
heat,  cold,  and  other  inconveniences,  especially  from  hunger;  the 
wealthy  man,  destitute  of  the  productions  of  the  earth,  would  die 
of  starvation  upon  heaps  of  money.  The  farmer,  on  the  contrary, 
sees  all  around  him,  in  his  well  cultivated  fields,  an  abundance 

*  S;ue  ludicris  artibus  ....  olira  satis  feliccs  fuere  futurseque  suijt 
urberi ;  at  sine  agricultoribus  nee  consistere  mortales  nee  ali  posse  mani 
fewtum  est. — Columel.  lib.  i.  in  proem. 


AO«ICULrURE>.  433 

of  most  useful  riches,  which  he,  indeed,  acknowledges" with  lively 
gratitude  as  so  many  gifts  of  the  liberal  hand  of  his  Creator,  but 
which  are  besides  the  more  agreeable  to  him,  as  he  is  also  in- 
debted fcft  them  to  the  instrumentality  of  his  care,  industry  and 
l.ibor,  and  to  the  active  part  which  he  took  in  their  production. 

Independently  of  these  immediate  and  happy  effects  of  agricul- 
ture, it  has  moreover  given  rise,  on  various  occasions,  to  a  multitude 
of  useful  discoveries.  To  it  several  of  the  most  important  arts 
uud  sciences  owe  their  origin  or  their  improvement.  This  was 
tlio  case,  not  only  with  mechanics  and  the  working  of  woo,d  and 
iiutals  for  the  fabrication  of  divers  necessary  instruments,  but 
al^o  with  geometry,  surveying,  and  astronomy,  of  which,  for  this 
ir.ison,  as  also  of  geographj-,  we  will  here  say  historically  a  few 
words,  and  thus  close  the  present  chapter  on  agriculture. 

Necessity  or  interest  led  to  the  invention  of  geometry  and 
iurvcijw'j.  The  partition  of  estates  and  lands,  the  determination 
of  their  respective  limits  and  the  just  distribution  of  taxes, 
i  lequired  some  knowledge  and  application  of  the  principles  of 
geometry.  Hence  the  earliest  of  civilized  nations,  the  Babylo- 
nians, the  Egyptians  and  the  Phenicians,  are  believed  to  have 
been  soon  acquainted  with  the  fundamental  truths  and  practical 
application  of  that  science.  Yet,  the  two  greatest  geometricians 
of  antiquity  were  both  of  Grecian  origin;  Euclid,  who  was  a  con- 
temporarj'  of  Alexander  the  Great  and  wrote  an  excellent  work 
on  geometry;  and  Archimedes,  whose  genius  defended  Syracuse 
for  three  years,  at  the  time  of  the  second  Punic  war,  against  ah 
the  forces  and  attacks  of  the  Komans. 

Astronomy  is  nearly  as  ancient  as  the  world.  The  brilliancy 
of  the  heavenly  bodies  and  the  regularity  of  their  course  must, 
from  the  beginning,  have  attracted  the  notice  of  men ;  afterwards 
sagacious  persons  naturally  endeavored  to  derive  rules  based  on 
the  remarks  of  those  who  had  gone  before  them,  for  the  purpose 
I  of  ascertaining  the  periodical  return  of  the  seasons  and  settling 
I  -he  order  of  agricultural  operations.  The  Babylonians  or  Chai- 
!  deans  are  thought  to  have  led  the  way,  and  to  have  been  the  most 
skilful  in  the  science  of  astronomy  as  known  to  the  ancients;  they 
were,  however,  nearly  equalled  in  this  respect  by  both  the  I'igyp- 
tians  whose  knowledge  of  the  solar  year  of  365  days  may  appear 
Burprising  for  its  antiquity  (see  p.  25),  and  the  Phenicians,  who 
began,  towards  the  year  B.  c.  1250,  to  steer  their  course  at  sea, 
not  any  longer  by  the  constellation  of  the  Great  Bear,  as  appears 
to  have  been  done  before,  but  by  one  of  the  stars  of  the  Little 
Bear,  much  nearer  to  the  pole. 

About  six  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  Era,  Thales,  one 

37 


k 


434  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VIL 

of  tlie  Seven  Sages,  carried  astronomy  into  Greece,  and  succeeded 
in  foretelling  eclipses  with  considerable  accuracy,  among  others, 
an  eclipse  of  the  sun  which  took  place  on  the  9th  of  July,  B.  c. 
577.  The  greatest  astronomers  after  him,  till  the  Koman  em-  ' 
peror  Antoninus  Pius,  were  Anaximander  of  Miletus,  a  disci- 
ple of  Thales,  Meton  of  Athens,  Hipparcus  of  Nice,  and 
Ptolemy  of  Pelusium.  Anaximander  is  believed  to  have 
taught,  first  of  all,  the  exact  obliquity  of  the  ecliptic,  and  per- 
haps also  the  sphericity  of  the  earth,  and  to  have  been  the 
inventor  of  artificial  globes  and  geographical  maps.  Meton  first 
used  the  golden  number^  that  is,  a  cycle  of  19  years,  after  the 
lapse  of  which  the  new  moons  return,  in  regular  succession,  to 
the  same  days  on  which  they  occurred  during  the  preceding 
cycle.  Hipparcus  and  Ptolemy  drew  up  a  catalogue  of  the  fixed 
stars  then  known  (1022  in  number),  and  by  their  sagacious  ob- 
servations on  the  motions  of  the  sun,  moon  and  other  heavenly 
bodies,  probably  carried  the  science  of  astronomy  to  the  highest 
degree  of  perfection  which  it  could  reach  without  the  use  of  our 
astronomical  instruments.  Pythagoras  and  his  disciples  also 
made  great  progress  in  that  science,  and,  contrary  to  the  general 
opinion  of  their  time,  taught  what  is  now  admitted  by  all  astro- 
nomers, that  the  earth  moves  round  the  sun,  and  that  the  sun  is 
in  the  centre  of  the  world,  (or  planetary  system). 

Geography,  which  is  so  closely  connected,  if  not  with  agricul- 
ture, at  least  with  astronomy  and  geometry,  owed  its  origin,  as  a 
science,  to  journeys,  voyages,  commerce,  and  maritime  expeditions. 
As  appears  from  the  books  of  Moses  and  Josue,  it  was  known,  at 
least  to  a  certain  degree,  at  a  very  early  period  in  some  countries, 
particularly  in  Egypt  and  Palestine.  Its  greatest  progress,  how- 
ever, dated  only  from  the  conquests  of  Alexander  and  the  Romans. 
Hence,  notwithstanding  the  high  reputation  enjoyed  by  Homer 
and  Anaximander  for  their  skill  in  that  science,  the  best  geogra- 
phers of  antiquity  were  beyond  comparison  men  of  much  later 
ages,  for  instance,  Ptolemy  the  astronomer,  and  Strabo,  a  native 
of  Cappadocia.  The  regions  of  the  earth  then  known,  were 
central,  western,  and  part  of  southern  Asia;  Ethiopia  and  Egypt, 
with  the  rest  of  northern  Africa;  and  nearly  the  whole  of 
Europe 


COMMERCE.  485 


COMMERCE. 


Next  to  agriculture,  commerce  may  be  justly  considered  the 
most  fruitful  source  of  social  advantages  to  mankind.  In  the  first 
place,  men  are  indebted  to  it,  if  not  for  the  invention,  at  least  for 
the  improvement  and  rapid  progress  of  arithmetic;  for  the  art  of 
drawing  up  accounts,  keeping  registers,  and  conducting  factories  ; 
for  the  use  of  weights  and  measures,  etc.  All  these,  however,  con- 
stitute neither  the  greatest  nor  the  direct  and  immediate  advan- 
tages of  commerce. — If  agriculture  renders  nations  happy  and  se- 
cure, commerce  renders  them  wealthy  and  powerful.  It  is  no  ex- 
aggeration to  say  that,  of  all  the  natural  bonds  of  civil  society, 
commerce  is  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  effectual;  it  is,  in  fact, 
the  very  best  means  to  connect  together  the  different  parts  of  the 
earth  by  a  reciprocity  of  services.  It  spreads  or  tends  to  spread 
abundance  and  ease  everywhere.  By  it  the  whole  world  becomes, 
as  it  were,  one  and  the  same  family;  the  riches  of  one  peojple  are 
made  the  riches  of  another,  and  reciprocally  the  advantages  ari- 
sing from  the  soil  or  from  industry  possessed  by  the  latter,  are 
communicated  to  the  former,  thus  enabling  men  to  enjoy  many 
conveniences  of  life  which,  without  commercial  intercourse,  they 
never  would  have  known  or  possessed. 

The  origin  of  commerce  nearly  coincides  with  that  of  society. 
It  naturally  arose  from  the  different  circumstances  in  which  men 
were  placed ;  from  the  diversity  of  their  talents  or  industry;  and 
from  the  variety  of  earthl}^  productions,  fruits  and  other  advan- 
tages of  different  countries.  Mere  exchanges  at  first  took  place 
Dctween  private  individuals  and  families :  the  successful  hunter 
gave  a  part  of  the  game  he  had  killed,  for  some  of  the  eata- 
bles growing  in  his  neighbor's  field;  he  who  had  reaped  more 
wheat  or  corn  than  he  needed  for  the  support  of  himself  and 
his  family,  exchanged  some  of  it  for  a  proportionate  quantity  of 
honey,  fruit,  oil  and  other  necessaries. 

Necessity  thus  gave  rise  to  commerce.  In  a  short  time,  the 
knowledge  and  experience  of  its  utility,  together  with  a  desire  to 
procure  every  possible  convenience,  increased  it  and  enlarged  the 
Bphere  of  its  action;  it  gradually  extended  from  city  to  city  and 
from  province  to  province,  till,  by  the  continual  addition  of  new 
means,  facilities,  discoveries  and  successes,  it  finally  comprised 
the  whole  world. 

Long  before  this,  men  had  perceived  the  embarrassment  and 
difficulty  which  usually  attended  the  primitive  manner  of  conduct- 
ing trade      On  a  thousand  occasions,  the  articles  to  be  exchanged 


436*  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VH. 

were  far  from  having  the  same  value;  indeed,  it  seldom  happened 
that  the  price  of  one  object  was  exactly  or  even  nearly  the  same 
with  that  of  another.  The  case,  likewise,  must  have  frequently 
occurred  that  sellers  could  not  afford  what  the  purchasers  wanted, 
and  vice  versa;  and  besides,  several  articles  of  trade  could  not  be 
divided,  even  when  occasion  required,  without  losing  either  the 
whole  or  at  least  a  considerable  portion  of  their  value.  For  these 
reasons,  it  became  necessary  to  find  out  an  easier  method  for 
trading,  and  to  adopt  in  common,  by  universal  consent,  some 
representative  of  the  value  of  every  kind  of  mercantile  objects, 
and  thus  settle  the  worth  of  each  of  them,  so  as  to  facilitate  the 
performance  of  all  commercial  transactions.  It  was  soon  per- 
ceived that  metals,  by  their  solidity,  brilliancy  and  other  qualities, 
were  the  best  fitted  for  this  purpose ;  gold,  silver  and  copper  oi 
brass,  were  therefore  introduced  into  commerce,  and  universally 
adopted  by  civilized  nations  as  representatives  of  the  value  of  all 
articles  of  trade. 

We  learn  from  Sacred  History  that  the  use  of  specie  or  coin  was 
known  at  a  very  early  period.*  Abraham,  having  purchased  a 
burying  place  for  his  wife  and  family,  gave  for  it  four  hundred 
sides  of  silver,  of  common  current  money  (b,  c.  1859).  Ho 
himself,  on  a  previous  occasion,  had  received  a  thousand  pieces 
of  silver  from  Abimelech,  king  of  Gerara;  and  Joseph,  his  great- 
grandson,  was  sold  by  his  brethren  for  the  sum  of  twenty  pieces 
of  silver  to  some  Ismaelite  and  Madiauite  merchants  that  were 
going  to  Egypt  (b.  c.  1728). 

This  latter  fact,  in  particular,  plainly  shows  the  antiquity  of 
commerce  in  certain  countries.  The  Madianite  merchants,  just 
mentioned,  were  coming  from  Galaad  with  their  camels,  carrying 
spices,  and  balm,  and  myrrh,  which  they  intended  to  sell  in 
Egypt.  A  traffic  of  this  kind  necessarily  supposes  that  commerce 
was  already  in  full  operation,  and  even  embraced  a  great  numbei 
of  objects,  inasmuch  as  the  productions  just  mentioned  are  rather 
luxuries  than  matters  of  necessity. 

But  the  most  important  objects  of  trade  were  corn  and  wheat 
Egypt,  on  account  of  its  fertility,  was  conspicuous  in  this  respect, 
and  in  times  of  famine  proved  an  ample  resource  for  other  ccuu- 
tries;  witness  the  protracted  scarcity  which  occurred  during  the 
life  of  Jacob,  when  that  kingdom,  by  the  wise  management  of  his 
son  Joseph,  was  enabled,  not  only  to  support  its  own  inhabitants, 
but  even  tc  supply  foreigners  from  all  the  neighboring  provinces 
with  provisions  of  grain. ^  There  existed  so  regular  a  communica 
tion  between  these  various  countries,  that  Jacob,  whose  residence 
*  See  Gen.  xx,  xxiii,  xxxvxi,  etc.  f  Gen.  xli,  57. 


COMMERCE.  487 

was  in  the  land  of  Chanaan,  became  very  soon  apprized  of  the 
abundance  of  corn  which  was  found  in  Egypt;  nay,  people  had 
already  conceived  the  happy  idea  of  establishing  inns  or  resting 
places  in  the  way,  for  the  convenience  of  travellers.* 

It  is  true,  however,  notwithstanding  all  this,  that  the  ancient 
Egyptians  were  not  peculiarly  remarkable  as  a  commercial  nation; 
and  the  same  may  be  said  of-  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  al- 
though they  are  believed  to  have  carried  on  aq  extensive  trade 
through  the  river  Euphrates  and  the  Persian  gulph.  The  palm 
in  this  respect  ought  to  be  awarded,  among  the  states  of  remote 
antiquity,  to  the  Phenicians  and  their  chief  colony,  the  Carthagi- 
nians. Never  was  there  a  clearer  proof  of  the  height  of  power, 
glory  and  wealth,  which  a  nation  may  attain  through  an  assidu- 
ous and  almost  exclusive  application  to  commerce. 

The  Phenicians  occupied  a  narrow  neck  of  land  along  the  coast 
of  the  Mediterranean  sea.  This  tract  possessed  no  great  advan- 
tages for  agriculture;  and  the  city  of  Tyre  itself  was  built  upon  a 
barren  soil,  whose  productions  bore  no  proportion  whatever  to  the 
number  of  its  inhabitants.  Various  resources  of  another  kind 
amply  supplied  this  deficiency:  the  Phenicians  possessed  very 
good  harbors,  especially  in  their  chief  cities  Sidon  and  Tyre;  their 
natural  genius,  moreover,  fitted  them  so  well  for  all  the  operations 
of  trade,  that  they  applied  to  it  with  the  greatest  success,  and 
appear  even  to  have  been  the  first  to  introduce  maritime  com- 
merce, particularly  that  which  requires  voyages  of  long  duration 
and  to  a  considerable  distance.  As  Mount  Libanus  and  other 
mountains  in  the  neighborhood  furnished  them  with  excellent 
timber  for  the  construction  of  their  ships,  they  in  a  short  time 
equipped  numerous  fleets,  which  boldly  advanced  farther  and  far- 
ther across  unknown  seas  for  the  sake  of  mercantile  enterprise. 
Nor  did  they  confine  their  course  to  the  coasts  and  harbors  of  the 
Mediterranean  sea,  but,  passing  the  Strait  of  Gadez  (now  Gibral- 
ter),  they  entered  the  Atlantic,  and  extended  their  commerce 
both  to  the  left  and  to  the  right,  along  the  shores  of  western  Africa 
and  western  Europe. 

In  the  meanwhile,  their  population  rapidly  increased  from  the 
great  number  of  strangers  attracted  by  the  desire  of  gain  and  the 
facility  of  acquiring  wealth.  This  enabled  them  to  establish  sev- 
eral colonies  abroad,  among  others  the  famous  colony  of  Carthage, 
which,  by  preserving  the  industrious,  active  and  bold  enterpri- 
sing spirit  of  the  early  Phenicians,  was  not  surpassed  by  Tyre 
itself  in  the  extent  of  commercial  business,  and  far  surpassed  it 
in  extent  of  dominion  and  in  the  splendor  of  its  military  exploits. 

*  Gen.  xlii,  27. 
37* 


438  ANCIENT  HISTORY  Part  VII. 

What  profane  authors  relate  of  the  industry,  commerce,  riches 
and  magnificence  of  Tyre,  is  fully  corroborated  by  the  testimony 
of  sacred  writers.  '^  Is  not  this,"  exclaims  Isaias,  "  your  city, 
which  gloried  from  old  in  her  antiquity  ....  Tyre  that  was  for- 
merly crowned,  whose  merchants  were  princes,  and  her  traders 
the  nobles  of  the  earth?"*  Another  prophet,  Ezechiel,  is  still 
more  explicit,  and  his  words  on  the  subject  are  the  more  worthy 
of  notice,  as  they  convey  a  full  idea  of  the  commerce  of  ancient 
nations.     Thoy  are  as  follows : 

"  Tyre,  that  dwelleth  at  the  entry  of  the  sea,  being  the  mart  of 
the  people  fof  many  islands  ....  The  Carthaginians,  thy  mer- 
chants, suppli'^.d  thy  fairs  with  a  multitude  of  all  kinds  of  riches, 
with  silver,  iron,  tin,  and  lead.  Greece,  Thubal,  and  Mosoch, 
they  were  thy  merchants:  they  brought  to  thy  people  slaves  and 
vessels  of  brsss.  From  the  house  of  Thogorma  they  brought 
horses,  and  horsemen,  and  mules  to  thy  market.  The  men  of 
Dedan  were  thy  merchants:  many  islands  icere  the  traffic  of  thy 
hand;  they  exchanged  for  thy  price  teeth  of  ivory,  and  ebony. 
The  Syrian  wis  thy  merchant  by  reason  of  the  multitude  of  thy 
works :  they  ,tet  forth  precious  stones,  and  purple,  and  broidered 
works,  and  fine  linen,  and  silk  in  thy  market.  Juda  and  the  land 
of  Israel,  they  were  thy  merchants  with  the  best  corn :  they  set 
forth  balm,  siad  honey,  and  oil,  and  rosin  in  thy  fairs.  The  men 
of  Damascus  were  thy  merchants  in  the  multitude  of  thy  works, 
in  the  multitude  of  divers  riches,  in  rich  wine,  in  wool  of  the  best 
color.  Da«,  and  Greece,  and  Mosel,  have  set  forth  in  thy  marts 
wrought  irou  •.  stacte  and  calamus  were  in  thy  market.  The  men 
of  Dedan  wero  thy  merchants  in  tapestry  for  seats.  Arabia,  and 
all  the  princess  of  Cedar,  they  were  the  merchants  of  thy  hand: 
thy  mercbanti5  came  to  thee  with  lambs,  and  rams,  and  kids. 
The  sellers  of  Saba  and  Reema,  they  were  thy  merchants,  with 
all  the  best  sr^ices,  and  precious  stones,  and  gold,  which  they  set 
forrh  in  thy  n^arket  ....  What  city  is  like  Tyre,  which  is  become 
silent  in  the  raidst  of  the  sea?  Which  by  thy  merchandise  that 
went  from  thne  by  sea,  didst  fill  many  people :  which  by  the  mul- 
titude of  thy  riches,  and  of  thy  people,  didst  enrich  the  kings  of 
the  earth."! 

Thus  it  seems  as  if  all  the  merchandise  of  the  world  was  gath- 
ered in  that  city  alone,  and  the  various  tribes  of  the  earth  were 
lier  tributaries  rather  than  her  allies;  the  extent  of  her  commjerce 
knew  indeed  no  other  boundaries  than  those  of  the  known  world 
For  this  reason  did  she  regard  herself  as  the  queen  of  the  sea, 

*  Isa.  xxiii,  7,  8.  ]  Ezechiel,  ch.  xxvii. 


COMMERCE.  489 

:md  the  common  emporium  of  nations;  she  gave  them  in  exchange 
for  their  treasures,  the  produce  of  other  countries  imported  by 
her  vessels,  and  the  works  of  her  own  industry,  which  were  at 
the  same  time  very  numerous  and  valuable. 

Whilst  Sidon,  the  mother-country  of  Tyre,  was  celebrated  for 
tliG  fabrication  of  linen,  cloth,  tapestry  and  precious  veils;  for 
the  art  of  working  metals  and  wood,  the  invention  of  glass,  etc.; 
Tyre  itself  was  renowned  for  its  ivory-works,  the  dyeing  of  cloth 
and  stuifs,  above  all,  the  use  and  application  of  the  purple-color, 
tliat  had  been  originally  discovered,  it  is  said,  by  a  mere  accident. 
A  shepherd's  dog,  tormented  by  hunger  and  finding  nothing  where- 
with to  satisfy  it,  took  and  broke  between  his  teeth  a  shell  on  the 
sea-shore.  Blood  having  gushed  from  the  shell-fish  immediately 
stained  the  dog's  mouth  with  a  beautiful  color,  the  sight  of  which 
filled  every  beholder  with  admiration.  The  Tyrians,  with  their 
usual  industry  and  skill,  quickly  sought  to  apply  this  discovery 
to  the  art  of  dyeing,  nor  was  the  experiment  in  vain;  their  efforts 
proved  perfectly  successful,  and  they  gave  to  the  purple  so  high 
a  value  in  the  judgment  of  antiquity,  that  the  use  of  it  was  almost 
exclusively  reserved  for  sovereigns,  princes,  and  other  great  dig- 
nitaries of  states. 

It  has  been  related  in  another  part  of  this  volume  (p.  97); 
that  the  ancient  city  of  Tyre  was  destroyed  by  Nabuchodonosor, 
after  a  very  arduous  and  painful  siege  which  had  lasted  thirteen 
years.  Mention  was  also  made  in  the  same  place,  of  the  new 
city  of  Tyre,  built  immediately  after  the  destruction  of  the  first, 
in  a  neighboring  island.  It  soon  regained  the  empire  of  the  sea, 
and  continued  in  the  same  career  of  enterprise  and  traffic  with  at 
least  as  much  success  and  prosperity  as  before,  till,  being  itself 
taken  by  Alexander  the  Great  (see  p.  232),  it  lost  its  powerful 
navy,  extensive  trade  and  immense  revenues,  and  yielded  its  lofty 
title  of  emporium  of  all  the  east,  to  the  rising  city  of  Alexandria. 

Whilst  the  Phenician  capital  underwent  so  many  revolutions, 
Carthage,  the  principal  of  its  colonies,  had  become  very  flourish- 
ing. After  the  first  difficulties  which  it  had  to  encounter,  commerce 
gave  it  a  rapid  increase,  and  in  the  course  of  time  rendered  it  so 
powerful,  that  it  was  able  to  contend  with  the  Komans  for  tlie 
empire  of  the  west.  Its  geographical  position  was  still  more  advan- 
tageous than  that  of  Tyre.  Placed  at  an  equal  distance  from  both 
extremities  of  the  Mediterranean  sea,  it  could  easily  reach  them 
by  means  of  its  fleets;  and  the  northern  coast  of  Africa,  a  vast 
and  fertile  region  in  the  midst  of  which  it  stood,  supplied  it  with 
all  things  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  its  population. 

These  Africans,  adding  to  so  many  advantages  that  of  a  natu- 


140  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VIL 

ral  aptness  for  navigation  and  trade,  an  aptness  acquired  in  Pheni- 
cia,  became  so  skilful  at  sea,  that,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Polybius,  they  had  in  this  respect  no  equals  in  the  world.  In 
this  way  did  they  prosper  and  increase,  and  finally  reach  such  a 
height  of  power,  that,  notwithstanding  the  severe  losses  inflicted 
on  them  by  the  first  and  second  Punic  wars,  they  had  still,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  third,  no  fewer  than  three  hundred  cities  of 
northern  Africa  in  their  possession,  besides  a  population  of  seven 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants  in  Carthage  alone. 

In  more  ancient  times,  the  Carthaginians  had  extended  their 
sway  not  only  over  all  that  coast  which  extends  from  the  great 
Syrtes  near  Libya  to  the  straits  of  Gadez,  but  even  over  another 
large  extent  of  country  south  of  those  straits,  where  Hanno,  one  of 
their  greatest  men,  established  several  colonies  and  built  many 
cities.  They  likewise  subdued  a  considerable  portion  of  Spain, 
and  under  Asdrubal,  the  successor  of  Amilcar  Barcas  and  the 
immediate  predecessor  of  Annibal  in  the  command  of  their  troops, 
founded  there  the  celebrated  colony  and  city  of  Carthago  Nova. 
Sardinia  also,  with  an  extensive  part  of  Sicily,  had  formerly  sub- 
mitted to  their  laws. 

The  immediate  cause  of  all  this  greatness,  as  we  have  just 
remarked,  was  the  astonishing  relish  for  trade  which  pervaded 
that  nation.  The  Carthaginians  spared  neither  time,  care,  nor 
expense,  to  enlarge  and  improve  their  commerce;  this  was,  it 
may  be,  said  their  predominant  passion  and  the  chief  end  of  all  their 
endeavors.  The  other  arts  and  sciences  were  generally  neglected 
and  disregarded  at  Carthage,  nor  was  there  any  one  who  professed 
himself  to  be  an  orator,  a  philosopher,  or  a  poet,  as  the  atten- 
tion of  youth  was  directed,  from  their  infancy,  to  the  various 
parts  of  mercantile  business.  Skill  in  traffic  was  reputed  the 
best  portion  of  their  inheritance,  and,  as  they  added  their  own 
reflections  and  industry  to  the  experience  of  their  fathers,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  the  Carthaginians  became  so  conspic- 
uous in  the  world  as  a  commercial  nation. 

Ambition,  as  frequently  happens,  was  the  occasion  of  their 
ruin.  It  cost  them  dear  to  exchange  the  ordinary  and  pacific 
course  of  traffic  for  the  glory  of  arms  and  the  advantages  of  con- 
quests. Their  state,  which  commerce  had  rendered  so  flourishing, 
experienced  a  diminution  of  population  and  strength,  from  the 
necessity  of  continually  raising  troops  for  new  expeditions  and 
providing  reinforcements  for  their  armies.  On  the  other  hand, 
their  fleets,  which  formerly  carried  merchants  and  mercantile  ob- 
jects, were  henceforth  used  principally  to  convey  soldiers  and 
implements  of  war ;  their  citizens  became  warriors  j  their  magis- 


COMMERCE  441 

trates,  generals.  Some  of  the  latter,  it  is  true,  gained  for  them* 
selves  and  their  country  immortal  honor  on  the  field  of  battle ; 
I  Hit  this  military  prosperity  was  of  short  duration,  and  could 
prevent  neither  their  decline,  nor  their  entire  overthrow. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  eastern  nations.  The  conquest  uf 
Tyre  and  the  foundation  of  Alexandria  by  Alexander  produced 
!i  great  change  ii;  commercial  relations,  especially  throughout  the 
cast;  the  tide  of  extensive  traffic  left  the  former,  to  concentrate 
itself  in  the  latter  city,  whose  situation  was  the  best  that  could 
bo  desired  to  become  a  centre  of  communication  between  the 
various  nations  of  the  then  known  world.  Alexandria  was  able 
to  maintain  an  easy  intercourse  with  the  regions  of  Asia,  through 
the  isthmus  of  Suez  and  the  Red  sea;  through  the  same  sea  and 
the  river  Nile,  with  Ethiopia ;  and  through  the  Mediterranean, 
with  the  other  parts  of  western  Asia,  all  northern  Africa,  and 
nearly  all  Europe.  As  to  the  inland  commerce,  there  was  also 
every  facility  afforded  by  both  the  navigation  on  the  Nile  or  nu- 
merous canals  with  which  Egypt  was  intersected,  and  by  means 
of  caravans  or  companies  of  travelling  merchants,  so  useful  for 
their  personal  safety  and  the  transport  of  their  goods. 

The  consideration  of  these  advantages  led  Alexander  to  the 
conclusion  that  a  city  built  on  such  a  spot,  and  favored  besides 
with  an  excellent  harbor,  might  become  one  of  the  most  flourish- 
ing and  wealthy  cities  on  earth.  His  expectations  were  fully 
realized,  if  not  during  his  life,  at  least  shortly  after  his  death. 
The  Ptolemies,  his  successors  in  the  possession  and  government 
of  Egypt,  took  an  assiduous  care  to  encourage  and  improve  the 
rising  commerce  of  Alexandria ;  their  exertions  proved  so  benefi- 
cial, and  the  trade  carried  on  by  that  city  was  rendered  so  pros- 
porous  and  so  extensive,  that  both  Tyre  and  Carthage,  formerly  sf 
much  celebrated  in  this  particular,  were  almost  buried  in  oblivion 

Among  all  the  Egyptian  kings  of  that  period,  Ptolemy  Phila 
dolphus  was  the  most  zealous  and  successful  in  patronizing  com 
niorce.  To  secure  the  execution  of  his  designs,  he  maintained  a« 
sou  numerous  fleets,  the  bare  enumeration  and  description  ol 
which,  as  found  in  Athenseus,  can  hardly  be  read  without  aston 
ishment.  Besides  a  hundred  and  twenty  vessels  of  extraordinarj 
size,  there  were  four  thousand  other  ships  for  the  service  of  thf 
state  and  the  advancement  of  commercial  interest;  and  this  num 
ber,  if  we  take  every  thing  into  consideration,  was  not  excessi\ 
for  the  extent  of  his  dominions.  Philadelphus  was  the  sovereign 
of  a  vast  empire,  founded  by  the  valor  and  prudence  of  his  f-pXhei 
Ptolemy  Lagus,  and  comprising  (besides  Egypt),  Libya,  Pa'^'Stino 
and  Phenicia,  with  a  part  of  Arabia,  Ethioj  ia  and  Syria ;   xlso  3e- 


442  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII. 

veral  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  that  is,  Lycia,  Caria,  Cilicia  and 
Pamphylia;  in  fine,  Cyprus  and  many  other  islands. 

The  number  of  cities  belonging  to  this  extensive  monarchy 
amounted  to  nearly  fDur  thousand.  They  were  situated  in  some 
of  the  most  fertile  countries  of  the  world ;  but  Philadelphus,  not 
satisfied  with  this  advantage,  undertook  to  make  his  kingdom  the 
principal  seat  of  all  the  commerce  between  the  east  and  west,  and 
succeeded  in  the  attempt.  He  not  only  rendered  maritime  trade 
perfectly  active  and  secure  by  means  of  his  numerous  fleets,  but 
moreover  founded  a  city  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Red  sea,  to 
receive  all  the  merchandise  from  Arabia,  India,  Persia  and  Ethi- 
opia; he  then  opened  an  easy  communication  between  that  sea  and 
the  river  Nile,  by  means  of  a  canal  and  a  high-road  that  traversed 
the  whole  country  by  the  side  of  each  other ;  and  finally  he  estab- 
lished inns  along  the  road  for  the  convenience  of  merchants  and 
travellers. 

This  facility  of  transport  and  travelling  made  the  city  of  Alex 
andria  a  sort  of  universal  emporium,  and  caused  the  riches  of  the 
whole  earth  to  flow  abundantly  into  Egypt.  The  amount  of 
wealth  obtained  from  commerce  was  enormous,  since,  notwith- 
standing the  great  moderation  of  the  Ptolemies  in  the  laying  of 
taxes,  the  duties  alone  in  the  above  named  city  produced  a  yearly 
revenue  of  probably  fifteen  millions  of  dollars;  and  Philadelphua 
left  at  his  death  more  than  a  hundred  millions  of  pounds  sterling 
in  the  treasury. 

Tyre,  Carthage  and  Alexandria  were,  beyond  comparison,  the 
most  commercial  cities  of  antiquity.  Trade,  however,  was  car- 
ried on  with  great  activity,  though  not  with  equal  splendor  nor 
upon  so  large  a  scale,  in  several  other  p-aces,  such  as  Corinth, 
Ilhodes,  Marseilles,  and  generally  in  the  cities  of  Grecian  origin. 

As  to  the  Romans,  they  never  thought  it  in  accordance  with 
their  national  character,  to  make  a  peculiar  profession  of  commerce. 


NxVVIGATION. 

Commerce  and  navigation  are  intimately  connected,  if  not  ia 
their  first  origin,  at  least  in  their  eftects  and  destination ;  support- 
ing and  improving  each  other,  they  prosper  or  decline  together. 
If  navigation  is  indebted  to  the  spirit  of  commercial  enterprise 
for  its  progress  and  discoveries,  commerce  likewise  owes  to  navi- 
gation its  most  brilliant  success.  For  this  reason,  while  we  spoko 
at  length  of  the  one  in  the  preceding  section,  we  unavoidably 
touch  occasionally  upon  the  other;  yet  much  remains  to  be  said 
on  the  inter 3sling  subject  of  navigation. 


NAVIGATION.  443 

Of  all  the  arts  wbich  require  sagacity  atfd  genius,  there  is  none, 
perhaps,  more  honorable  to  the  human  mind  than-  the  art  of  nav- 
igation; so  much  so,  that  it  might  seem,  in  some  measure,  to 
exceed  the  ordinary  limits  of  man's  courage  and  intelligence. 
What  is  more  admirable,  in  the  whole  natural  range  of  human 
actions,  than  to  see  a  weak  and  frail  being  reach  every  part  of  the 
clobe  across  the  immensity  of  seas,  direct  either  a  small  bark  or 
an  enormous  vessel  on  the  broad  ocean,  and  not  only  brave  the 
fury  of  winds  and  waves,  but  even  turn  them  to  his  own  use, 
and  enable  himself  through  their  means  the  sooner  to  arrive  at 
his  destination  ?  Is  not  this  well  calculated  to  inspire  men,  not  with 
self-esteem  and  pride,  but  with  a  lively  sense  of  gratitude  to  the 
Author  of  all  good,  who  has  endowed  them  with  so  many  precious 
(faculties? 

Independently  of  the  conclusion  that  might  be  drawn  from  the 
recollection  of  Nde's  ark,  the  idea  of  navigation  must  have  been  sug- 
i  gested  tothemindsof  men  by  the  sight  of  logs,  branches,  and  various 
pieces  of  wood,  floating  on  the  waters.  "Without  doubt,  this  art, 
like  all  other  arts,  except  those  absolutely  necessary  for  human  life, 
was  very  imperfect  in  the  beginning.  Rafts  or  logs  joined 
together,  trunks  of  trees  carved  in  a  certain  fashion,  and  small 
boats  or  canoes,  were  at  that  time,  as  they  are  still  among  uncivi- 
lized tribes,  the  only  vessels  .possessed  by  men ;  the  size,  bulk 
and  solidity  of  those  vessels  increased  only  in  proportion  with 
man's  experience,  his  boldness  and  courage  animated  by  success, 
as  well  as  the  intended  length  of  his  subsequent  voyages.  It  is 
thought,  or  at  least  conjectured,  that  the  idea  of  using  oars,  rud- 
ders and  sails,  came  successively  from  an  attentive  consideration 
1  of  the  manner  in  which  fish  move  in  the  water,  and  birds  in  the 
air;*  but  necessity  alone  was  probably  sufficient  to  lead  the  ear- 
t  liest  navigators  to  devise  the  use  of  anchors. 

Whether  these  conjectures  be  well  founded  or  not,  it  is  certain 
that  the  first  attempts  at  navigation  took  place  at  a  very  remote 
period,  and  near  the  epoch  of  the  Deluge.  Moses  relates  that 
**the  islands  of  the  gentiles"  were  divided  among  the  sons  of 
Javan,  a  grand-son  of  Nee.  It  is  plain  also  from  other  sources, 
that  very  early  colonies  passed  from  Egypt  and  Phenicia  into 

*  Some  think  that  the  practice  of  sails  may  have  originated  in  the 
carious  spectacle  presented  by  the  animal  called  Nautilus.  Its  shell 
has  somewhat  the  figure  of  a  shallop ;  consequently  the  animal,  when 
the  sea  is  calm,  uses  it  as  a  boat,  employing  six  of  its  tentacula  as  oars, 
and  uplifting  two,  which  are  spread  out  as  sails.  If  the  sea  becomes 
rough,  or  an  enemy  appears,  the  sails  and  oars  are  instantly  drawB 
within  the  shell,  and  the  shallop  sinks. 


444  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  Va 

Greece ;  certainly  both  Greece  and  other  maritime  countries  were 
thus  reached  only  through  the  means  of  navigation. 

The  Phenicians,  in  particular,  were  the  most  skilful  and  expe» 
rienced  seamen  during  those  ages  of  remote  antiquity,  and  to 
them  was  ascribed  the  honor  of  having  first  known  how  to  steer, 
and  to  direct  their  course  at  sea  by  observing  the  stars.  It  was 
with  the  assistance  of  the  Phcnicians  that  Solomon,  the  third 
king  of  the  Hebrews,  succeeded  in  equipping  a  fleet,  and  carried 
on  a  prosperous  commerce  with  distant  regions.  "King  Solo- 
mon," says  the  sacred  writer,  ''made  a  fleet  in  Asiongaber,  which 
is  by  Ailath  on  the  shore  of  the  Red  sea,  in  the  land  of  Edom. 
And  Hiram*  sent  his  servants  in  the  fleet,  sailors  that  had  know- 
ledge of  the  sea,  with  the  servants  of  Solomon.  And  they  came 
to  Ophir;f  and  they  brought  from  thence  to  king  Solomon  four 
hundred  and  twenty  talents  of  gold.^'J 

It  was  also  by  the  help  of  the  Phenicians  that  Nechao,  the 
Egyptian  king,  successfully  carried  on  a  still  more  arduous  under- 
taking. By  order  of  this  prince,  and  under  the  guidance  of 
seamen  of  that  nation,  a  fleet  set  sail  from  the  shores  of  the  lied 
sea,  for  the  purpose  of  circumnavigating  Africa  and  returning  to 
Egypt  through  the  strait  of  Gadez  (now  Gibraltar),  and  the  Medi- 
terranean sea.  This  order  was  faithfully  executed.  The  Pheni- 
cians, on  leaving  the  Red  sea,  entered  the  Southern  ocean,  and 
constantly  followed  the  coast  on  their  right.  When  the  season  of 
autumn  arrived,  they  landed  in  a  favorable  spot,  sowed  grain 
there,  waited  for  its  maturity,  and  having  reaped  the  harvest, 
reembarked  in  order  to  prosecute  their  expedition.  They  spent 
two  years  in  circumnavigating  Africa,  before  they  reached  the 
strait  of  Gadez;  then  entering  the  Mediterranean,  they  came  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Nile  in  the  third  year  of  their  voyage. 

The  Carthaginians  scarcely  yielded  to  the  Phenicians,  their 
ancestors,  in  boldness  of  enterprise  and  success  in  navigation. 
During  the  sixth  century  before  the  Christian  era,  they  commis- 
sioned Hanno,  an  experienced  admiral,  to  explore  the  western 
coast  of  Africa;  he  did  so,  and  judging  from  his  own  relation, 
which  is  still  extant,  he  went  as  far,  at  least,  as  the  fifth  degree 
of  north  latitude.  It  is  even  highly  probable  that  America  was 
known  to  the  Carthaginians;  that  they  were  delighted  with  the 
fertility  of  the  land ;  but  that  the  senate,  for  this  very  reason, 


*  King  of  the  celebrated  city  of  Tyre  in  Phenicia. 
f  Ophir,  a  rich  and  distant  country,  some  say,  of  Southern  Asia,  othcri^ 
jf  Eastern  Africa. 
X  3  Kings  ix,  26—28. 


NAVIGATION.  445 

would  not  countenance  any  further  pursuit  in  that  direction,  for 
tear  of  depopulating  their  republic  (sec  Modern  History,  p.  352) 
It  is,  however,  true  that  ancient  voyages  were,  generally 
tjpcaking,  neither  very  long,  nor  to  be  compared  with  those  un- 
dertaken and  executed  in  modern  times.  The  reason  of  this 
'liflerence  is  very  simple  and  natural.  The  mariner's  compass 
w-is  unknown  to  the  navigators  of  old,  and  they  had  no  other 
{^uide  to  steer  their  course,  than  the  sun  during  the  day,  and  the 
';irs  during  the  night;  when,  on  account  of  the  clouds,  this  gui- 
lance  failed  them,  they  knew  no  longer  in  what  direction  they 
advanced,  and  they  wandered  at  random  and  at  the  mercy  of  the 
waves.  For  this  reason,  they  made  it  a  general  rule  not  to  steer 
far  from  the  coasts,  nor  undertake  voyages  to  a  great  distance 
across  the  sea;  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  dangers  of  navi- 
gation, owing  to  the  same  circumstance,  were  then  much  greater 
than  they  are  at  present.  The  mariner's  compass,  which  began 
to  be  used  only  during  the  crusades,  has  removed  these  difficul- 
ties :  whatever  may  be  the  state  of  the  atmosphere  in  the  day- 
time or  during  the  night,  the  magnetic  needle,  by  its  directive 
property,  always  tells  the  pilot  of  the  direction  in  which  he  is 
actually  going,  and  of  the  course  he  has  to  take.  Hence,  it  is 
in  a  great  measure  to  the  knowledge  of  this  singular  property  of 
the  magnet,  which  the  ancients  did  not  even  suspect,  that  mo- 
dern nations  have  been  indebted  for  the  discovery  of  America  and 

ihc  circumnavigation  of  the  globe.  ^ 

In  the  beginning,  and  for  a  certain  length  of  time,  the  use  of 
a  navy  was  probably  confined  to  purposes  of  trade  or  colonization ; 
perhaps  also-the  desire  of  pillaging  coasts  and  maritime  towns,  or 
a  spirit  of  conquest  and  adventure,  had  some  share  in  it.  This  last 
seems  to  have  been  the  cause  of  the  famous  Argonautic  expedi- 
tion of  Jason  and  other  Grecian  princes  across  the  Euxine  sea, 
about  the  year  B.  c.  1253.  Shortly  after,  the  Greeks  equipped 
their  famous  fleet  of  twelve  hundred  ships  for  the  Trojan  expedi- 
tion ;  still  we  do  not  read  of  any  naval  battle  fought  between  ihem 
and  the  Trojans,  and  the  same  is  to  be  remarked  of  the  fleet  pt  opared 
by  Sesostris,  the  Egyptian  king,  for  the  conquest  of  the  maritime 
provinces  situated  near  the  Red  sea.  Navigation  ther-ctore  was 
not  yet  applied  to  regular  operations  of  war  on  the  seaiihclt;  this 
required  a  greater  bulk  in  the  ships  and  greater  boldness  or  expe- 
rience in  their  crowds,  than  could  be  supposed  to  exist  during  the 
first  ages,  and  it  may  be  conjectured  to  have  first  taken  place  only 
about  the  sixth  or  seventh  century  before  the  coming  of  Christ. 
From  that  time,  there  existed  among  the  ancients,  as  is  the 
case  among  us,   two  kinds  of  ships,  some  intended  for  merchant 

88 


446  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII 

vessels  or  transports,  and  others  destined  for  war.  The  former 
Tere  called  bj  the  Latins  onerarice  naves,  from  their  destination, 
and  the  other,  longoe  naves,  from  their  peculiar  form;  as  in  the 
following  sentence  of  Livy  (b.  xxv,  n.  27)  :  ^'  Bomilcar  centum  tri- 
ginta  navibus  longis  et  septingentis  onerariis  profectus."  Since, 
moreover,  the  use  of  oars  was  much  more  frequent  then  than  at 
present,  the  long  vessels  were  again  of  different  sorts  ;  there  were 
those  which  had  only  one  row  of  oars,  for  instance,  lifteen,  twen- 
ty-five, or  fifty  oars  on  each  side  of  the  vessel ;  and  others  had  two 
or  more  banks  of  oars  placed  obliquely  over  one  another,  being 
for  this  reason  called  hiremes,  triremes,  quiuqueremes,  etc. 

To  the  Corinthians  was  attributed  the  honor  of  having  changed 
the  ancient  form  of  vessels,  and  of  having,  first  of  all,  built  ships 
supplied  with  three,  and  perhaps  five  banks  of  oars.  Syracuse,  a 
colony  of  Corinth,  successfully  undertook  to  imitate  the  mother- 
country,  and  even  surpassed  it  in  this  respect.  The  frequent  and 
protracted  wars  in  which  the  Syracusans  were  engaged  against 
the  republic  of  Carthage,  obliged  them  to  bestow  special  care  on 
their  navy;  and  this,  added  to  other  favorable  circumstances, 
contributed  to  render  Syracuse  one  of  the  greatest  maritime  pow- 
ers of  that  period. 

Generally  speaking,  Greece  in  early  times  was  not  much  dis- 
tinguished for  her  naval  strength.  As  to  the  Spartans  in  particu- 
lar, it  had  been  one  of  the  chief  objects  of  Lycurgus's  legislation 
not  to  allow  them  the  possession  ansi  use  of  a  regular  navy ;  his 
reason  for  this  measure  was  to  prevent,  as  much  as  possible, 
mtercourse  with  strangers,  lest  it  should  weaken  the  severity  of 
those  maxims  he  had  sought  to  establish  among  his  people,  and 
alter  the  simplicity  of  their  manners.  The  practical  contempt  in 
which  industry,  commerce,  and  the  arts  were  held  at  Sparta, 
must  have  been  an  insuperable  obstacle  to  the  improvement  and 
prosperity  of  her  navy;  hence  it  naturally  happened  that  the 
Spartans,  for  a  long  time  and  till  they  were  engaged  in  distant 
and  difiicult  wars,  had  but  very  few  vessels. 

The  same  remark  applies  to  the  republic  of  Athens  during  the 
first  period  of  its  existence,  till  the  battle  of  Marathon  (b.  c.  490). 
Themistocles,  whose  sagacious  mind  dived,  as  it  were,  into  futu- 
rity, and  foresaw  what  was  further  to  be  feared  from  the  Persians, 
directed  all  the  attention  and  solicitude  of  his  countrymen  towards 
the  increase  of  their  navy.  Having  prevailed  on  the  Athenians 
to  raise  the  number  of  their  vessels  to  two  hundred,  he,  by  this 
prudent  foresight,  enabled  his  country  to  avert  the  awful  storm 
with  which  it  was  threatened. 

Things  were  in  this  situation,  when  the  formidable  armament 


NAVIGATION.  447 

of  tlio  Persians  under  Xerxes  came  to  attack  Greece.  Their 
fleet,  independently  of  three  thousand  smaller  vessels  and  trans- 
ports, consisted  of  more  than  twelve  hundred  galleys,  having  each 
three  banks  of  oars,  with  two  hundred  and  thirty  men.  The 
other  ships,  one  hundred  and  twenty  in  number,  furnished  by 
the  European  allies  of  Persia,  had  each  two  hundred  men  on 
hoard;  and  as  the  Athenian  galleys  that  went,  sixty-five  years 
later,  to  the  attack  of  Sicily  and  Syracuse,  carried  an  equal  num- 
ber of  persons,  this  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  the  usual 
amount  of  men  in  ancient  vessels  of  war. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  tell  how  many,  out  of  this  amount, 
were  destined  to  fight,  and  how  many  belonged  to  the  crew. 
Historians  say  very  little  on  this  particular;  Plutarch,  however 
(in  the  life  of  Themistocles),  speaking  of  the  Athenian  galleys 
which  fought  at  Salamis,  states  that  each  of  them  had  no  more 
than  eighteen  combatants,  fourteen  of  whom  were  heavy  armed 
men,  and  the  remaining  four  were  archers. 

This  assuredly  was  a  very  inconsiderable  amount;  yet,  the 
Athenians  did  not  the  less,  on  that  account,  show  in  this  famous 
battle  an  undaunted  courage,  which  contributed  most  to  the  vic- 
tory. They  afterwards  continued  to  signalize  themselves  at  sea 
during  the  whole  course  of  the  Persian  war,  particularly  at  My- 
cale,  and  in  the  celebrated  battles  under  Cimon  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Eurymedon  and  near  the  island  of  Cyprus.  Their  navy 
persevered  in  a  flourishing  and  prosperous  condition  during  the 
whole  administration  of  Pericles.  The  superior  number  of  their 
vessels  enabled  them  for  a  long  time,  at  the  period  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian  war,  to  cope  even  successfully  with  most  of  the  other 
Grecian  states.  But  the  Sicilian  expedition,  which  they  undertook 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  wisest  and  most  experienced  lead- 
ers, gave  a  deadly  blow  to  their  maritime  preponderance;  the  supe- 
riority of  power  they  had  long  enjoyed  at  sea,  was  utterly  destroyed 
by  the  last  battle  which  they  fought  in  the  harbor  of  Syracuse. 

Still,  this  overthrow,  however  signal  and  complete,  did  not  en- 
tirely ruin  the  aiFairs  and  resources  of  the  Athenians.  They  par- 
tially recovered  from  the  terrible  blow  just  inflicted  on  them  by 
that  unfortunate  expedition;  nay,  with  a  fortitude  and  energy 
worthy  of  a  magnanimous  people,  they  equipped  new  fleets,  which 
enabled  them  again  to  contend  for  victory  and  superiority  at  sea. 
The  reader  may  recall  to  mind  the  brilliant  success  they  still  ob- 
tained in  some  naval  engagements,  and  particularly  at  the  cele- 
brated battle  near  the  Arginusae  islands,  in  which  their  fleet  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  vessels,  under  the  command  of  ten  generals, 
signally  defeated  the  Lacedajmonians  and  the  brave  admiral  Calli* 


4'18  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VIL 

cratidas  No  later  than  the  ensuing  year,  they  were  in  their  turn 
so  completely  vanquished  by  Lysander  at  jEgos  Potamos,  that,  of 
a  hundred  and  eighty  Athenian  vessels,  only  nine  escaped  with 
Conon,  one  of  their  leaders  (see  p.  178). 

The  naval  power  of  Greece  was  revived  after  the  death  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  when  his  immediate  successors  fought  both 
by  land  and  sea,  to  possess  themselves  of  some  portion  of  his  vast 
empire.  Above  all,  the  navy  of  Antigonus  and  of  Demetrius, 
his  son,  was  for  a  long  time,  on  a  most  respectable  footing.  The 
latter,  on  one  occasion,  had  under  his  command  a  hundred  and 
eighty  galleys,  with  which  he  gave  an  entire  overthrow  to  the  Graeco- 
Egyptian  fleet  under  Ptolemy  Lagus ;  in  another,  he  steered  with 
three  hundred  and  thirty  vessels  to  the  relief  of  Athens,  then 
occupied  by  Cassander;  and  finally,  at  a  later  period,  he  equipped 
no  fewer  than  five  hundred  ships  for  the  invasion  of  Asia,  thougb 
his  design,  for  various  causes,  never  was  put  in  execution. 

This  Demetrius,  well  known  in  history  under  the  surname  of 
Poliorcetes,  was  endowed  with  a  wonderful  genius,  not  only  for 
the  invention  of  military  engines  to  be  used  on  land,  but  also 
with  regard  to  the  construction  of  ships  and  galleys.  Every  one 
was  surprised  at  the  greatness  as  well  as  the  number  of  his  works; 
for  no  man,  before  his  time,  ever  saw  a  galley  with  fifteen  oi 
sixteen  banks  of  oars.  Afterwards,  indeed,  Ptolemy  Philopator 
built  one  of  forty  banks  of  oars :  its  length  was  two  hundred  and 
eighty  cubits  or  nearly  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  its  breadth 
about  sixty  feet,  and  its  height  to  the  top  of  the  prow,  at  least 
seventy-two  or  seventy-five  feet.  Four  hundred  mariners  iDclonged 
to  it,  exclusive  of  the  rowers,  who  were  no  fewer  than  four  thou- 
sand, and  the  decks  with  the  several  interstices  were  capable  of 
containing  near  three  thousand  soldiers.  This,  however,  was 
mere  matter  of  curiosity ;  for  so  enormous  a  galley  differed  little' 
from  an  immoveable  building,  and  was  calculated  more  for  show 
than  for  use,  as  it  could  not  be  put  in  motion  without  great  diffi- 
culty and  danger. 

But  the  ships  of  Demetrius^ had  their  use  as  well  as  beauty; 
with  all  their  magnificence  of  construction,  they  were  equally  fit 
for  fighting,  and  though  admirable  for  their  size,  were  still  more 
so  for  the  swiftness  of  their  movements.  His  friends  were  as- 
tonished at  their  bulk,  and  his  very  enemies  admired  their  beauty. 
Lysimachus,  who  of  all  the  princes  of  his  time  was  the  bitterest 
enemy  of  Demetrius,  desired  him  once  to  show  him  his  engines 
of  war  and  his  galleys  in  motion ;  and  he  was  so  struck  with  the 
bight,  that  he  immediately  retired.* 

*  Platarcli,  in  Demeir 


fl 


NAVIGATION.  449 

Still,  if  e\rcry  thing  is  taken  into  consideration,  it  ^ill  be  ad- 
mitted that  the  Carthaginians  and  the  Romans  were  the  greatest 
jiaval  powers  of  antiquity.  The  former  had  always  been  remarlc- 
ahle  as  such,  almost  from  the  foundation  of  their  republic;  the 
latter,  on  the  contrary,  during  the  first  five  centuries  of  their 
existence,  hardly  knew  any  thing  about  fleets  and  galleys  manned 
fur  war.  Being  constantly  engaged,  all  that  time,  in  fighting  and 
gubduing  the  nations  or  tribes  of  continental  Italy,  they  stood  in 
no  need  of  maritime  forces ;  and  even  at  the  beginning  of  tho 
Punic  wars,  they  were  still  deficient  in  this  point  to  such  a 
degree,  as  to  be  under  the  necessity  of  borrowing  vessels  from 
their  neighbors  f9r  the  transportation  of  their  troops  into  Sicily. 

Yet,  the  Romans  at  this  time  soon  perceived  that  they  could 
not  cope  with  the  Carthaginians,  so  long  as  the  latter  were  mas- 
ters at  sea ;  they  therefore  determined  to  raise  a  navy  of  theii 
own,  and  fight  their  opponents  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land.  A  Car 
thaginian  galley  that  happened  to  be  stranded  on  the  Italian 
coast,  was  made  use  of  by  them  as  a  model ;  and  such  was  theii 
earnestness  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  work,  that,  at  the  close 
of  two  months^  they  had  equipped  a  hundred  galleys,  having  each 
five  banks  of  oars,  and  twenty  others  having  three.  They  also 
drilled  rowers  and  sailors  with  great  diligence  and  care,  and  their 
efi'orts  proved  so  successful,  that,  in  the  very  first  naval  battlu 
fought  by  them  (b.  c.  260),  they  defeated  the  Carthaginians. 

Four  years  later,  exertions  upon  a  much  larger  scale  were  made 
by  the  two  parties.  The  Romans  put  to  sea  no  fewer  than  three 
hundred  and  thirty  ships,  having  on  board  a  hundred  and  forty 
thousand  men,  under  the  command  of  the  two  consuls,  Manlius 
and  Regulus.  The  Carthaginians  opposed  them  with  a  still 
more  numerous  fleet,  since  it  consisted  of  three  hundred  and  fifty 
or  sixty  vessels,  carrying,  it  is  said,  upwards  of  a  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  men.  These  armaments  of  two  mighty  republics, 
which  led  to  the  decisive  battle  of  Ecnomus,  near  the  coast  of 
Sicily,  may  be  justly  regarded  as  the  most  powerful  and  formi- 
dable that  ever  appeared  at  sea  The  only  naval  forces  that  might 
bear  a  comparison  with  them,  were  those  of  the  Greeks  and  Per- 
sians in  the  battle  of  Salamis,  and  of  the  two  opposite  parties  of 
the  Romans  in  the  battle  of  Actium  between  Octavius  Caesar  and 
Mark  Antony — both  of  them  mentioned  in  this  volume;  finally, 
those  of  the  Christians  and  Turks  in  the  battle  of  Lepanto  (A.  D 
1571),  when  the  Christians,  with  about  two  hundred  and  forty 
ships,  defeated  and  almost  annihilated  a  Turkish  fleet  of  nearly 
three  hundred  vessels,  inflicting  on  them  a  loss  of  two  hundred 
and  forty  or  fifty  galleys  and  thirty-five  thousand  men,  besides  the 

38« 


450  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VU 

liberation  ^roni  their  hands  of  fifteen  thousand  prisoners  or  Chris- 
tian slaves. 

The  last  illustrations  and  particulars  belong,  not  only  to  the  art 
ol  navigation,  but  also  to  the  military  art,  of  which  we  have  now 
tc  speak  more  directly  and  at  greater  length,  though,  according 
to  our  custom,  in  a  merely  historical  manner 


MILITARY  ART. 

It  is  an  unfortunate  fact  that,  ever  since  the  fall  of  our  first 
parents,  the  spirit  of  discord  has  made  dreadful  ravages  upon 
earth.  Quarrels  and  fights  were  almost  coeval  with  men,  because 
envy,  the  chief  cause  of  public  as  well  as  private  animosities,  most 
easily  finds  its  way  to  the  human  heart;  it  was  envy,  indeed,  that 
spilled  the  first  blood  and  caused  the  first  death,  as  the  Holy 
Scriptures  give  us  fully  to  understand.* 

When,  after  the  dispersion  of  mankind,  a  certain  number  of 
families  agreed  to  live  together,  the  interests  of  the  private  indi- 
viduals who  composed  these  associations  became  in  some  measure 
common  to  all.  Then  also  hostilities  began  to  take  place  between 
the  difi'erent  tribes,  some,  under  the  wretched  influence  of  revenge, 
ambition  and  cupidity,  attempting  to  inflict,  and  others,  under  the 
better  plea  of  necessity,  intending  to  repel  injuries.  The  first 
wars,  however,  were  nothing  more  than  transient  inroads ;  parties 
of  marauders  set  out,  the  enemy's  territory  was  invaded  and  laid 
waste,  its  buildings  were  destroyed,  its  cattle  and  herds  carried 
ofi",  and  its  inhabitants  led  away  captives.  The  warring  parties 
were  nut  then  bent  on  making  conquests;  as  revenge  or  jealousy 
was  the  main  object  of  those  early  expeditions,  no  sooner  was  this 
object  sufficiently  attained,  than  the  campaign  was  over,  sm^ 
every  one  returned  to  his  own  settlement. 

These  views  were  changed  and  modified,  when  the  number  of 
families  subjected  to  the  same  rule  became  so  great  as  to  form  a 
nation  or  political  body  under  a  sovereign;  then  ambition  arose 
and  began  to  unfold  its  many  schemes  of  aggrandizement.  Mo- 
narchs  thought  of  enlarging  their  dominions.  For  this  purpose, 
they  carefully  reflected  on  the  means  of  ensuring  success,  and  en- 
deavored to  make  warfare  an  art ;  whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  they 
proposed  to  themselves,  in  their  military  expeditions,  motives 
difi'erent  from  a  mere  desire  of  annoying  an  enemy,  and  aimed  at 
deriving  greater  and  more  lasting  advantages  from  their  cam- 
paigns than  the  bare  eff'ects  of  a  transient  invasion.     Tke  political 

*  Gen   ch.  iv,  and  1  John  iii,  12. 


MILITARY  ART.  451 

art  joined  its  interests  with  the  cravings  of  ambition,  and  directed 
the  hitter  in  its  proceedings.  Sometimes,  too,  humanity  exercised 
a  beneficial  influence  in  the  midst  of  public  coniests;  a  certain 
(Iieck  was  put  to  the  ravages  of  war,  and  means  were  sought  to 
keep  the  vanquished  under  subjection,  rather  than  mercilessly 
devote  them  to  entire  ruin.  Such  was  the  origin  of  the  first 
empires  that  existed  in  the  world.  They  acquired  more  or  less 
extent,  in  proportion  to  the  degree  of  ambition,  skill  and  prospe- 
rity of  the  sovereigns  by  whom  they  were  founded. 

The  first  instance  recorded  in  writing  of  a  war  undertaken  for 
the  sake  of  conquest,  is  traced  to- the  times  of  Abraham,  nineteen 
hundred  years  before  the  Christian  era.  The  book  of  Genesis, 
describing  the  life  and  actions  of  this  holy  patriarch,  in  order  to 
show  how  constantly  he  was  favored  and  protected  by  God,  relates 
on  that  occasion  how  a  war  broke  out  between  many  princes  of 
the  neighborhood. 

Chodorlahomor,  king  of  the  Elamites,  had  subdued  the  kings 
of  the  Pentapolis,  a  beautiful  and  fertile  district,  thus  called' from 
the  five  cities  it  contained,  the  same  that  were  afterwards  destroyed 
by  fire  from  heaven.  He  kept  them  under  his  control  during  twelve 
years ;  but  in  the  thirteentb  year,  they  endeavored  to  shake  off 
the  yoke  and  to  regain  their  independence.  This  fact  supposes 
that  Chodorlahomor  had  made  a  moderate  use  of  his  victory,  since 
he  had  left  the  kings  of  those  five  cities  in  possession  of  their 
thrones,  very  probably  on  condition  that  they  should,  every  year, 
pay  him  a  certain  tribute. 

Whatever  their  particular  situation  or  discontent  was,  these 
princes  revolted,  formed  a  confederacy,  and  joined  their  forces 
against  the  king  of  the  Elamites;  whilst  he,  on  his  side,  made 
great  preparations  to  meet  the  emergency,  and  having  secuied 
the  assistance  of  three  other  kings,  his  neighbors  or  allies,  marched 
the  following  year  against  the  insurgents.  He  gained  a  signal 
victory  over  the  five  allied  monarchs,  took  and  plundered  their 
principal  cities,  carried  off  whatever  was  valuable  in  them,  and 
led  away  their  inhabitants  captive.  The  sequel  of  this  expedition 
is  well  known.  Abraham,  informed  that  Lot  his  nephew  was 
among  the  prisoners,  armed  three  hundred  and  eighteen  of  his 
servants,  with  whom  he  pursued  the  conquerors,  and  attacking 
them  during  the  night,  gave  them  so  signal  an  overthrow,  that  ho 
was  enabled  to  recover  all  the  booty  and  prisoners.* 

The  Holy  Scriptures  mention  scarcely  any  other  wars  and  con- 
quests connected  with  this  period.  The  profane  historians, 
^likewise,  are  generally  silent  on  this  point;  for,  the  Assyrian 
*  The  whole  narrative  may  be  seen  in  Genesis,  ch.  xiv. 


452  ANCIENT  IIISTOllY.  •         Part  VII 

king  Ninus,  and  Sesostris,  king  of  Egypt,  wliom  tliey  represen 
as  iwo  mighty  conquerors,  probably  lived  at  a  much  later  period; 
and  we  know,  moreover,  but  few  particulars  respecting  their  mill 
tary  expeditions.  Still,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  warfare  was 
known  in  those  countries  at  a  very  early  period. 

From  time  immemorial,  the  public  revenues  of  Egypt  were 
divided  into  three  portions;  one  of  which  was  for  the  king 
and  his  household,  another  for  the  ministers  of  religion,  and 
a  third  for  the  support  of  the  army.  Consequently,  it  was  a  custom 
or  law  among  the  early  Egyptians,  to  maintain  bodies  of  troops, 
nay,  considerable  forces  for  the  defence  of  their  country. 

These  assertions,  taken  chiefly  from  Diodorus  Siculus,  are  sup- 
ported by  a  few  passages  of  the  sacred  writings.  Moses,  in  the 
book  of  Grenesis,  mentions  a  chief  captain  of  the  Egyptian  army, 
and  speaks  of  him  as  a  man  of  great  importance  and  authority; 
this  refers  to  the  times  of  Joseph,  a  son  of  Jacob  and  great-grand- 
son of  Abraham.  Some  time  after,  under  Moses  himself.  King 
Pharao,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  departure  of  the  Israelites  from 
Egypt,  pursued  them  with  great  numbers,  both  of  infantry  and 
cavalry.*  The  rapidity  with  which  this  numerous  army  was 
assembled,  supposes  an  established  system  of  war,  and  great  atten- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  Egyptian  government  always  to  have  at 
hand  many  bodies  of  troops,  well  equipped,  and  ever  ready  to  go 
wherever  any  emergency  might  require.  These  facts  are  suffi- 
cient to  show  that  Egypt  was  one  of  the  first  countries  in  which  the 
military  art  made  some  progress. 

It  is,  however,  true  that  this  kingdom  was,  generally  speaking, 
far  less  conspicuous  for  its  proficiency  in  war  than  for  the  arts  of 
industry  and  peace.  Except  during  the  reign  of  Sesostris  and  a 
few  other  monarchs  that  were  engaged  in  foreign  wars,  the  Egyp- 
tians confined  themselves  to  their  internal  affairs,  and  usually 
applying  but  little  to  the  cultivation  of  a  warlike  spirit,  were 
much  oftener  conquered  than  conquerors. 

The  prize  of  military  skill  and  valor  would  indeed,  among 
ancient  nations,  be  more  justly  awarded  to  the  Assyrians  and 
Babylonians,  and  still  more  so  to  the  Persians  under  their  first  sove- 
reigns, Cyrus,  Cambyses,  and  Darius  Hystaspes;  still  all  these 
were  far  surpassed  in  this  respect  by  the  Greeks,  and  subsequently 
by  the  llomans.  Of  what  courage  must  not  the  Greeks  have 
been  possessed,  not  only  to  repel  the  innumerable  armies,  but 
even  to  shake  and  finally  overthrow  the  formidable  empire  of 
Persia !  Above  all,  what  must  not  have  been  the  energy,  con- 
stancy, and  abilities  of  the  Romans,  to  conquer  successively  the 
*  Exodus,  ch.  xiv. 


MILITARY  ART.  458 

mightiest  rlates,  tlicjiiost  warlike  nations,  and  nearly  every  part 
»f  the  civilized  world !  Hence,  in  the  particulars  we  are  going 
to  present  about  the  military  tactics  of  the  ancients,  most  of  the 
facts  and  illustrations  that  we  sha'U  adduce,  will  be  taken  from 
IvomanandGrecian  history ;  not,  however,  altogether  excluding  in- 
>t;mccs  derived  from  the  history  of  other  nations,  particularly  the 
Cirthagiuians,  whose  power,  for  a  time,  was  so  great,  and  success 
in  war,  so  glorious. 

On  account  of  the  multiplicity  of  objects  to  be  mentioned  in 
this  matter,  there  will  be  a  proportionate  number  of  titles  and 
sections. 

§  I.  ENLISTING  AND  LEVYING  OF  TROOPS. 

Nothing  certain  can  be  said  about  the  manner  in  which  troops 
were  levied,  and  armies  formed  during  the  primitive  ages.  It 
appears  that  all  the  citizens,  except  old  men,  women,  and  chil- 
dren, were  then  reputed  able,  and,  in  case  of  war,  required  to  act 
as  soldiers;  and  this  accounts  for  the  numerous  armies  that  were 
easily  raised  even  in  small  countries,  especially  in  Palestine. 

In  subsequent  ages,  at  least  among  civilized  nations,  a  selection 
was  made  of  the  stoutest  men,  or  such  as  appeared  most  fit  for 
war,  to  compose  an  army.  Finally,  it  was  thought  proper  to 
designate  out  of  the  multitude  of  citizens,  a  certain  number  of 
individuals  solely  for  the  profession  of  arms;  and  the  idea  was 
suggested,  probably  more  by  experience  tban  bare  reflection, 
of  maintaining  at  all  times  regular  bodies  of  troops,  in  order  to  be 
constantly  prepared  for  every  danger  and  every  sudden  attack. 
This  was  the  practice,  among  other  instances,  of  the  ancient 
,  Egyptians,  and  of  the  Persians,  at  least  since  the  time  of  Cyrus 
and  Darius. 

-  Among  the  Greeks,  the  Lacedaemonians  were,  properly  speak- 
;  ing,  nothing  else  than  a  nation  of  soldiers.  They  knew  neither 
I  the  arts  nor  sciences;  they  applied  not  to  traffic;  they  did  not  so 
much  as  practise  agriculture,  but  left  their  fields  to  be  cultivated 
by  slaves.  All  their  laws,  their  education,  their  mannei-s  and 
customs,  in  a  word,  the  whole  of  their  national  constitution  and 
character,  whatever  may  have  been  their  legislator's  intention, 
naturally  and  exclusively  tended  to  make  them  a  race  of  hardy 
warriors.  And  so,  indeed,  they  were.  Never  did  there  appear  iu 
all  antiquity  soldiers  more  inured  to  hardships,  more  undaunted, 
or  better  trained  to  military  exercises,  and  to  discipline,  obedience, 
feelings  of  national  hon6r  an  i  unreserved  devotedness  to  the  glory 
and  interests  of  their  country,  than  those  raised  under  the  vigor- 
ous  influence  of  Lycurgus's  legislation. 


454  ANCIENT  IIISTOIIY.  Part  VII 

They  wero  comprised  in  two  classes:  the. Lacedccmonians  pro- 
perly  so  called,  who  inhabited  the  country  or  district  of  Laconia, 
and  the  SpartanSj  or  citizens  and  inhabitants  of  Sparta,  the 
capital  of  the  whole  state.  The  latter  were  considered  the  choicest 
men  of  the  nation,  and  upon  them  alone  were  conferred  the  dig-  \ 
nities,  magistracies  and  preferments  of  their  republic;  in  faci, 
nearly  all  of  them  could  be  placed  with  justice  at  the  head  of 
armies.  Every  one,  nowever  little  versed  in  ancient  history,, 
knows  what  advantage  the  arrival  of  one  Spartan  officer,  Xantip. 
pus,  brought  to  the  dispirited  Carthaginians  during  the  first  Puuic 
war ;  and  how  quickly  another,  Gylippus,  delivered  Syracuse  from 
the  imminent  danger  to  which  that  city  was  exposed  from  the 
victorious  army  of  the  Athenians  under  Nicias  (see  pp.  175-176.) 
How  wonderful,  too,  was  the  heroism  and  intrepedity  of  those 
three  hundred  Spartans  who,  having  King  Leonidas  at  their 
head,  stopped  for  a  long  time  the  innumerable  troops  of  the 
Persians  in  the  defiles  of  Thermopylae,  and  did  not  lose  their 
lives,  till  they  had,  with  the  assistance  of  a  few  allies,  put  twenty 
thousand  of  their  opponents  to  the  sword  !  The  total  number  of 
the  citizens  of  Sparta  amounted,  at  this  period,  to  about  eight 
thousand  men. 

The  age  prescribed  by  the  Spartan  law  for  military  service, 
extended  from  thirty  to  sixty  years;  men  under  or  above  that  age 
were  left  for  the  defence  of  the  city.  Slaves  never  were  enlisted 
among  the  troops  except  in  cases  of  urgent  necessity,  and  even 
then,  they  were  but  lightly  armed.  At  the  time  of  the  Persian 
invasion,  thirty-five  thousand  of  them  fought  in  the  battle  of 
Plataea,  where  they  accompanied  five  thousand  Spartan  and  five 
thousand  Lacedaemonian  warriors,  thus  making  an  aggregate 
amount  of  forty-five  thousand  men,  nearly  one  half  of  the  whole 
Grecian  army.  This  probably  was  the  highest  number  of  native 
troops  ever  raised,  and  the  greatest  personal  effort  ever  made  by 
that  nation.  Their  cavalry  was  not  remarkable,  their  navy  still 
less  so,  as  it  never  had  been  the  intention  of  Lycurgus  that  his 
countrymen  should  become  powerful  at  sea;  hence  it  happened 
that,  although  the  course  of  subsequent  events  obliged  the  Lace- 
daemonians to  have  vessels  for  the  support  of  their  national  influ- 
ence, they  never  possessed  any  considerable  fleet  of  their  own,  or 
at  least  they  never  had  such  a  one  without  the  help  of  their  allies. 

Athens  was  a  larger  and  more  populous  city  than  Sparta.  In 
the  time  of  Demetrius  Phalereus,  about  three  hundred  years  B.  C, 
it  reckoned  seventy  thousand  inhabitants,  among  whom  there 
were  found  twenty  thousand  citizens,  ten  thousand  strangers,  and 
forty  thousand  slaves. 


MILITARY  ART.  455 

All  tbe  young  Athenians,  when  they  reached  the  age  of  eigh- 

eon  years,  inscribed  their  names  in  a  public  register,  and  pledged 

^ "111*801  ves  by  a  solemn  oath  to  serve  and  defend  the  republic  on 

ry  occasion  to  the  best  of  their  power;  this  oath  bound  them 

ihe  military  service,  if  required  of  them,  till  the  age  of  sixty. 

I\,ich  one  of  the  ten  tribes  that  formed  the  body  of  the  state,  was 

'  Miied  to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  soldiers,  to  serve  either  by 

i  or  sea.     Under  Pericles,  and  towards  the  end  of  his  admi- 

n:>tration,  the  navy  consisted  of  three  hundred  galleys,  and  the 

hnid  troops  of  sixteen  thousand  men,  besides  an  equal  number 

lined  to  the  defence  of  the  city,  the  harbor,  and  the  citadel. 

li  was,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  war,  the  amount 

.  ;  the  Athenian  forces,  as  recorded  by  Thucydides  the  historian, 

;i  ((^ntemporary,  and  himself  an  Athenian. 

These  armies  both  of  Athens  and  Sparta,  if  not  very  numerous, 
Twre  at  least  full  of  courage,  boldness,  intrepidity,  and  almost 
invincible.  They  did  not  consist  of  wanderers  or  hirelings, 
strangers  to  feelings  of  national  glory,  little  concerned  about  the 
success  of  the  war,  and  often  ready  to  sell  their  services  to  the 
highest  bidder;  but  they  were  composed  of  the  choicest  men  of 
these  two  warlike  republics,  soldiers  inured  to  all  the  dangers  of 
war,  and  the  more  determined  to  conquer  or  to  die,  as  they  fought 
their  battles  for  whatever  is  naturally  most  dear  to  men  in  this 
life — liberty,  the  defence  of  their  families,  the  glory  of  their 
country,  etc.  Among  troops  of  this  description,  desertions  from 
the  army  were  seldom  heard  of,  and,  consequently,  there  was 
scarcely  any  punishment  decreed  against  deserters,  because  patri- 
otism, honor,  and  fiimily  ties,  were  motives  strong  enough  to  bind 
soldiers  like  these  invariably  to  the  line  of  their  dut}'. 

At  Rome,  the  levies  of  troops  were  commonly  performed  by 
the  consuls,  and  as  the  consuls  were  annually  elected,  so  the  en- 
listing of  soldiers  also  took  place  every  year.  The  age  determined 
by  law  for  the  military  service,  extended  from  seventeen  to  fifty; 
but  no  one,  during  the  flourishing  times  of  the  commonwealth, 
could  be  admitted  as  a  soldier,  who  was  not  a  Roman  citizen  and 
had  not  some  property;  in  order  that  both  his  free  condition  and 
the  fortune  he  possessed,  however  inconsiderable  this  might  be, 
Bhould  be  a  pledge  of  his  brave  and  gallant  behaviour.  Once 
only,  after  the  terrible  losses  inflicted  by  iVnnibal  on  the  republic, 
necessity  obliged  the  government  to  arm  slaves;  and  even  that 
single  exception  was  accompanied  with  the  extraordinary  precau- 
tion of  asking  them  individually,  beforehand,  whether  they 
readily  and  spontaneously  agreed  tc  be  enlisted  as  soldiers. 
Sometimes,   too,  persons  detained  in  prison  for  debts  or  some 


i56  ANCIENT  HISTORY/  Part  VIL 

other  cause  were  released  from  their  imprisonment,  and  called  j 
upon  to  lake  a  share  in,  and  contribute  to,  the  preservation  and! 
welfare  of  their  country;  but  this  very  seldom  occurred. 

The  Roman  troops,  therefore,  consisted  only  of  citizens  and 
members  of  the  state.  Most  of  them,  before  becoming  soldiers, 
had  lived  in  the  country,  to  attend  their  farms  and  cultivate  the 
ground  with  their  own  hands,  and  thus  not  only  had  acquired,  by 
hard  labor,  an  increase  of  bodily  strength  and  a  vigorous  consti- 
tution, but  were  already  used  to  that  sober,  toilsome  and  painful 
manner  of  life,  which  the  military  service  requires.  The  other 
young  Romans,  who  were  born  and  sojourned  in  Rome  itself, 
hardly  received  a  more  delicate  education.  The  continual  exer- 
cises of  the  Campus  Martins,  the  races  to  be  run  on  foot  or  horse- 
back, and  the  custom  they  had  contracted  of  throwing  themselves 
into  the  Tiber,  in  order  to  wipe  off,  by  swimming,  the  dust  and 
sweat  which  covered  them,  were  assuredly  an  excellent  appren- 
ticeship for  war.  Troops  composed  of  such  men,  and  well  tramed 
in  military  discipline  and  subordination,  must  have  been  un- 
daunted in  battle. 

Before  proceeding  to  the  levy  of  soldiers,  the  consul  in  office 
notified  the  people  of  the  day  on  which  all  the  Romans  able  to 
bear  arms,  were  to  assemble.  When  that  day  came,  the  military 
tribunes  or  commanders  of  legions  partitioned  by  lot  the  several 
tribes  among  themselves,  aki  then  selected,  out  of  these  tribes, 
such  citizens  as  seemed  to  L'lem  the  best  fitted  for  war,  not  all 
at  once,  but  successively  and  four  by  four,  endeavoring  to  put 
together  those  who  were  equal  or  nearly  equal  in  age,  size  an(il 
bodily  strength. 

The  enlisting  went  on  in  this  manner,  till  four  legions  were 
completed.  The  levies  being  finished,  the  tribunes  of  every  le- 
gion singled  out  a  soldier  to  pronounce  in  their  presence  the  so- 
lemn oath,  by  which  he  obliged  himself  to  obey  the  commanders 
in  all  things  to  the  best  of  his  power,  be  ready  to  attend  when- 
ever they  ordered  his  appearance,  and  never  leave  the  army 
without  their  consent.  After  he  had  ended,  the  whole  legion, 
passing  one  by  one,  ratified  this  oath ;  every  man  crying  out,  as 
he  passed:  ^^ Idem  in  me,  I  pledge  myself  to  the  same." 

Next  to  the  taking  of  the  oath,  the  tribunes  appointed  a  day 
and  place  for  the  troops  to  make  their  appearance.  Here  the 
youngest  soldiers  of  a  low  condition  in  life,  were  set  apart  to 
serve  as  light-armed  infantry  under  the  name  of  Velites,  a  name 
which  denoted  their  swiftness  and  expedition;  the  next  in  age 
formed  a  body  called  the  llastati,  from  their  principal  weapon  in 
ancient  times,  that  is,  a  spear  or  hasta  ;  the  stoutest  men  composed 


MILITARY  ART.  457 

tber  body,  called  Principes;  and  the  oldest,  another,  called 
'aril.     In  battles,  the  first  line  was  formed  by  the  hastati ; 

'  second,  by  the  ^;r?';icvJ9c.s;  and  the  third,  a  kind  of  reserve, 
the  triariL,  who,  being  the  choicest,  bravest  and  most  experi- 

■'cd  warriors  of  the  whole  army,  were  for  this  reason  kept  to 

lit  in  cases  of  extreme  danger;  when,  for  instance,  the  first  two 
'S  had  been  broken  and  disordered.     The  light  infantry  or 

ifes  did  not,  in  battles,  form  a  separate  body,  but  were  parti- 
al >ncd  and  scattered  among  the  lines,  or  in  loose  order  placed 
b;  fore  the  army,  to  exert  themselves  as  the  occasion  required. 

Two  complete  legions  were  generally  allotted  to  each  consul, 
but  the  number  of  soldiers  who  composed  a  legion,  was  not  al- 
wtys  the  same.  In  the  beginning,  it  amounted  to  three  thousand 
mIv;  it  was  subsequently  increased  to  four  or  five  thousand,  and 
ii  reached  at  a  certain  period  upwards  of  six  thousand.  The 
cMiiiiary  number  was  four  thousand,  and  two  hundred,  with  three 
hundred  cavalry;  and  so  it  stood  in  the  time  of  Polybius. 

A  consular  army  was,  however,  much  more  numerous  thati  the 
preceding  observation  might  lead  the  reader  to  suppose;  for  it 
ci  111  prised,  besides  the  specified  average  of  Roman  soldiers,  an 
cijual  amount  of  infantry  furnished  by  their  allies,  and  double 
their  number  of  cavalry.  Moreover,  in  times  of  great  danger  or 
wars  of  great  importance,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  second  Punic 
war  and  the  great  civil  struggles  which  in  the  end  convulsed  the 
republic,  the  number  of  troops  was  considerably  increased,  being 
sometimes  carried  to  ten  or  twelve,  and  sometimes  to  sixteen  or 
twenty  legions. 

Every  thing  being  taken  into  consideration,  the  Roman  infantry 
was  the  best  in  the  world ;  and  next  to  it,  similar  praise  is  d«e  to 
that  of  the  Greeks,  including  the  Macedonians.  It  was  not  ex- 
actly the  same  ?vith  the  cavalry;  as  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the 
ciinpaigns  of  Alexander  the  great,  Annibal  and  others,  the  best 
fccems  to  havebeon  the  Thessalian,  Numidianand  Parthian  cavalry. 

As  to  the  defensive  and  offensive  arms  of  both  infantry  and 
cavalry  among  the  ancients,  those  of  the  first  class  were  the  hel- 
met, the  shield  or  buckler,  and  the  cuirass  or  coat  of  mail;  and 
those  of  the  second  were  chiefly  the  sword,  the  lance  or  spear, 
the  short  pike  or  javelin,  and  the  arrows.  Some  used  slings,  and 
some  Imttle-axes,  with  terrible  effect.  Wooden  towers  placed  on 
the  backs  of  elephants,  and  chariots  armed  with  scythes,  were  like- 
wise employed  by  several  nations;  but  the  use  of  these  machines 
was  neither  universal  nor  lasting.  As  experience  taught  that, 
besides  the  great  encumbrance  they  necessarily  occasioned,  they 
often  proved  unavailing,  and  sometimes  w6rc  more  prejudicial  to 

39 


458  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Tart  VII 

their  own  troops  than  to  the  enemy,  they  never  obtained  the  ap- 
probation or  confidence  of  the  most  warlike  nations,  and  gradually 
fell  into  total  disuse. 

g  II.  IMMEDIATE  PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  OPENING  OF  A 
CAMPAIGN.— APPOINTMENT  OF  THE  GENERAL.— DEPART- 
URE,  MARCH,  ENCAMPMENT  AND  DISCIPLINE  OF  THE  ARMY. 

When  all  things  were  put  in  readiness  for  the  beginning  of  an 
expedition,  the  armies  set  out  from  their  capital  city  on  the  day 
specified;  not  however  before  they  had  implored  the  divine  assist- 
ance, and  earnestly  endeavored,  by  sacrifices  and  supplications, 
to  conciliate  it  to  their  cause.  This  was  a  very  general  custom 
among  the  ancient  nations,  never  to  embark  in  a  war  or  any  greal 
enterprise  without  previous  acts  of  religion.  They  were,  with  the 
only  exception  of  the  Jews,  unfortunately  mistaken  about  the 
objects  of  their  worship,  and  foolishly  asked  of  false,  imaginary 
and  senseless  deities,  what  they  ought  to  have  asked  only  of  the 
true  God,  the  creator  of  heaven  and  earth;  yet,  their  conduct  in 
this  point  plainly  shows,  to  the  great  shame  of  modern  infidelity, 
how  strongly  impressed  they  were  with  the  sense  and  belief  of 
Divine  Providence,  and  how  fully  convinced  of  this  capital 
truth,  that  there  is  a  Sovereign  Being  who  regulates  the  destinies 
of  empires  as  well  as  other  events,  that  all  things  are  subject  to 
him,  that  he  is  the  author  of  all  good  and  nothing  can  be  obtained 
without  his  assistance. 

This  was  the  reason  why  Cambyses  I,  king  of  Persia  and  fixther 
of  Cyrus  the  Great,  thought  that  the  best  advice  he  could  give  to 
his  son  was,  never  to  undertake  any  thing  without  having  previ- 
ously consulted  heaven  and  off"ered  sacrifices.  As  we  learn  from 
Xenophon,  Cyrus  always  followed  this  advice  with  scrupulous  ex- 
actness; and  Xenophon  himself,  a  great  general  as  well  as  phi- 
losopher, constantly  did  the  same. 

All  the  heroes  of  Homer  are  represented  by  this  great  poet  as 
deeply  imbued  with  religious  principles,  and  careful  to  have 
recourse  to  the  divinity  in  all  their  wants  and  dangers. 

Alexander,  at  the  beginning  of  his  grand  expedition  against  the 
Persians,  did  not  leave  Europe  and  reach  Asia,  till  he  had 
invoked  the  gods  that  were  supposed  to  preside  over  both  those 
countries. 

Annibal  also,  before  commencing  the  second  Punic  war  against 
the  Romans,  repaired  to  Cadiz,  for  the  purpose  of  fulfilling  a  vow, 
and  of  imploring  the  protection  of  Hercules  for  the  success  of  hia 
entcrDrise. 


MILITARY  ART.  469 

The  Greeks  were  very  punctual  in  acquitting  themselves  of 
what  they  thought  to  be  their  religious  duty,  and,  above  all,  en- 
deavored to  ascertain  the  will  and  secure  the  favor  of  their  gods. 

No  nation,  however,  was  more  faithful  in  the  use  of  these  prac- 
tices than  the  Romans,  whether  before  their  wars  and  during 
their  dangers,  to  obtain  succor  and  relief,  or  after  their  victories 
and  conquests,  to  express  their  feelings  of  gratitude.  Instances 
of  this  may  be  found  in  almost  every  page  of  lloman  history. 

Another  common  practice  of  the  ancients  in  reference  to  war- 
fare, was  that  the  same  persons  who  were  invested  with  the  chief 
authority  in  the  state,  led  the  armies  to  the  field  and  conducted 
their  military  expeditions.  Besides  the  numberless  instances  re- 
corded in  Scripture  of  Jewish  kings  being  the  only  generals  of 
their  troops,  we  see  the  like  among  the  Egyptians  in  the  persons 
of  Sesostris,  Sesac,  Nechao;  among  the  Assyrians  and  Babyloni- 
ans, in  Ninus,  Nabuehodonosor,  Neriglissor;  among  the  Persians, 
in  Cyrus,  Cambyses,  Darius  Hystaspes,  etc.;  among  the  Spartans, 
in  Leonidas,  Agesilaus,  Cleomenes;  among  the  Macedonians,  in 
Philip  and  Alexander  the  Great;  among  the  Carthaginians,  in 
Arailcar  Barcasand  Annibal;  finally,  among  the  Romans,  in  their 
sovereigns,  and  subsequently  in  their  dictators  and  consuls. 

The  Athenians  had,  in  this  respect,  a  custom  quite  peculiar  to 
themselves,  and  not  less  curious  than  liable,  by  its  nature,  to  evil 
consequences :  an  excessive  love  of  liberty,  and  apprehension  or 
a  certain  kind  of  jealousy  against  their  greatest  men,  made  them 
often  change  the  commanders  of  their  troops  and  elect  new  ones, 
even  to  the  number  of  ten  for  one  year.  This  gave  occasion  to 
Philip,  the  Macedonian  king,  to  make  this  witty  remark,  that  ho 
exceedingly  wondered  at  the  good  fortune  of  the  Athenians  and  at 
their  being  able  to  find  ten  generals  every  year,  whilst  he,  during 
the  whole  of  his  life,  had  not  been  able  to  find  more  than  one, 
that  is,  Parmenio. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  the  Athenian  people  were  careful,  in 
times  of  dangerous  and  important  wars,  to  place  no  others  than 
officers  of  truly  great  merit  at  the  head  of  their  troops.  This,  if 
not  always,  at  least  commonly  happened;  and  hence,  during  an 
interval  of  two  hundred  years  that  elapsed  between  Miltiades  and 
Demetrius  Phalereus,  we  find  a  very  large  number  of  eminent 
generals  who  led  the  armies  of  that  republic,  and  who  carried  to 
the  highest  pitch  the  military  glory  of  Athens,  such  as  Miltiades 
himself,  Themistoclcs,  Aristides,  Cimon,  Pericles,  Chabrias,  Pho- 
cion,  etc.  The  Thebans,  although  very  particular  likewise  about 
their  rights  and  liberty,  acted  nearly  in  the  same  manner,  and  the 
history  of  their  bloody  struggle  against  Sparta  shows  the  two 


460  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII 

greatest  men  that  Thebes  ever  produced,  Epaminondas  and  Pe- 
lopidas,  constantly  at  the  head  of  their  armies.  Such,  in  fine, 
was  also  the  conduct  of  the  Romans  during  tlie  long  period  of  the 
commonwealth :  to  the  excellent  choice  they  generally  made  of 
their  dictators  or  consuls,  were  they  principally  indebted  for  their 
astonishing  success  in  war. 

To  speak  more  particularly  of  the  Roman  commanders,  and  of 
the  manner  in  which  they  discharged  their  oJB&cial  duties;  they 
not  only  took  in  person  the  command  of  the  troops,  but  set  out 
together  with  them,  and  went  on  foot  at  the  head  of  the  legions. 
Since  the  far  greater  force  of  the  Roman  armies  was  infantry,  it 
was  deemed  expedient  and  just  that  the  general  should  be  one  of 
their  number.  This  obliged  him  to  set  to  all  an  example  of  cou- 
rage and  patience  in  the  greatest  hardships;  and  it  must,  indeed; 
have  been  w^onderfully  encouraging  for  the  soldiers  to  see  their 
dictator  or  consul  doing  first  what  he  required  of  them,  and 
cheerfully  undergoing  like  themselves  every  fatigue,  every  inconve- 
nience, and  every  difficulty  of  the  march,  whether  it  came  from 
the  roads,  the  weather,  the  climate,  or  other  circumstances. 

Hence,  this  practice  lasted  more  than  the  republic  itself,  and 
continued  -to  be  observed  under  the  empire,  especially  by  the 
most  warlike  emperors,  Trajan,  Septimius  Severus,  Alexander 
Sevcrus,  etc. 

The  march  of  the  legions  was  about  twenty  miles  a  day ;  a  long 
route  for  an  army,  if  we  take  notice  that  the  Roman  soldier,  be- 
sides his  helmet,  shield,  sword  and  javelin,  all  of  which  he  looked 
upon  as  his  own  members,  had  also  to  carry  his  baggage,  provi- 
sions for  at  least  fifteen  days,  and  a  stake,  the  whole  amounting 
to  fifty  or  sixty  pounds.*  This  might  exceed  belief,  were  it  not 
otherwise  known  that  the  young  Romans  were  previously  trained 
by  violent  exercise  to  these  paiuftd  and  harassing  marches. 

The  stakes  they  had  to  carry  in  their  march,  were  for  the 
purpose  of  providing  themselves  with  solid  intrenchments  during 
the  night.  This  was  one  of  the  chief  rules  of  their  military  dis- 
cipline, never  to  make  a  stay,  though  but  for  one  night,  either  on 
their  own  or  on  a  hostile  territory,  without  being  protected  by  a 
regular  and  fortified  camp,  in  order  to  avoid,  as  it  were,  even  the 
possibility  of  a  surprise.  For  the  same  reason,  they  did  not  en- 
gage in  a  battle,  until  their  intrenchments  were  completed.  As 
the  success  of  arms  is  uncertain,  the  Romans  wished  to  secure  a 
shelter  for  their  troops  in  case  of  an  overthrow;  in  fact,  afortifieil 
camp  checked  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  received  the  fugitive 
soldiers,  prevented  a  complete  rout,  and  facilitated  a  second  cd- 
*  See  Veget.  De  re  milita  i,  lib.  i,  c.  19;  and  Cicer.   Tusciil.  ii,  n.  37. 


MILITARY  ART.  461 

gageniont  in  which  victory  might  reward  their  efforts;  whereas, 
without  such  a  place  of  safety,  an  army  might  be  vanquishcJ 
uitliout  resource  and  exposed  to  the  danger  of  entire  destruction 
lliine  knew  this  from  sad  experience:  it  had  been  for  want  of 
sicli precaution,  that  is,  not  having  provided  a  good  encampment 
iur  the  troops,  that  the  battle  which  they  fought  at  Allia  was  so 
disastrous,  and  their  defeat  irreparable. 

From  this  epoch,  the  Romans  were  more  exact  than  ever  in 
fnrming  their  camp.  They  displayed  in  it  so  much  art  and  rcgu- 
hirity,  that  Pyrrhus  and  Philip  III  of  Macedon,  two  very 
able  commanders,  expressed  their  admiration  at  it,  and  confessed 
that  this  was  not  the  disposition  of  barbarians,  such  as  the  Greeks 
tailed  all  nations  besides  themselves. 

A  truly  admirable  order  reigned  in  the  camps  as  well  as  marches 
of  the  Roman  troops,  and  a  strict  discipline  guarded  them  against 
licentiousness  and  theft.  Their  fiiults  against  either  subordi- 
nation, or  truth  and  justice,  or  any  other  part  of  their  military 
duty,  were  punished,  in  proportion  to  the  degree  and  nature  of  the 
guilt,  with  the  bastinado,  with  degradation  from  a  higher  to  a 
lower  rank  in  the  army,  or  some  other  marks  of  dishonor,  and 
sometimes  even  with  death.  It  is  very  remarkable  that,  when 
the  soldiers  had  failed  in  their  obligations  and  showed  a  reluc- 
tance to  perform  them,  or  an  uncommon  effort  was  required  of 
tliem  to  repel  some  great  danger,  they  were  called  to  a  sense  of 
their  duty  by  the  revival  and  even  the  increase  of  the  former 
strictness  of  discipline.  Scipio  ^milianus,  having  accepted  the 
command  of  legionaries  that  had  often  been  defeated  by  the  Nu- 
mantines,  condemned  them  to  every  kind  of  painful  works  and 
marches,  for  the  mere  purpose  of  using  them  to  the  hardships  of 
war.  Marius,  the  better  to  prepare  his  soldiers  for  a  decisive 
action  against  the  Teutones,  began  by  causing  them  to  dig  immense 
ditches  and  turn  the  course  of  rivers;  and  Sylla,  in  his  expedi- 
tion against  Mithridates,  imposed  such  labors  on  his  troops,  that 
they  loudly  asked  for  the  combat  as  the  end  of  their  excessive  fa- 
tigues. 

Even  in  the  ordinary  times  or  intervals  of  war,  the  soldiers 
were  not  suffered  to  remain  idle.  The  new  levies  were  made  to 
practise  running  and  leaping  in  their  full  armor,  the  throwing  of 
the  spear  or  javelin,  the  shooting  of  arrows,  and  other  military 
exercises,  twice  a  day;  and  the  veterans,  once.  Everyone  was 
required  to  keep  his  arms  perfectly  clean  and  polished.  They 
engaged  in  fictitious  combats,  in  which  their  officers  and  the  gene- 
rals themselves  often  took  a  share.  Finally,  if  no  enemy  was  to 
be  fought  for  a  certain  time,  the  soldiers  were  employed  in  works 

39» 


462  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Pabt  Va 

of  great  importance,  with  the  view  both  of  keeping  them  from  idle, 
ness  and  of  promoting  the  public  welfare;  such  were  those  extensive 
and  magnificent  roads,  in  various  parts  of  the  empire,  which  re- 
ceived, from  their  origin  and  authors,  the  name  of  viae  mllifares. 

But  nothing,  perhaps,  can  give  us  as  adequate  an  idea  of  what 
Eoman  soldiers  were  able  to  do,  as  what  was  really  done  by  the 
soldiers  of  Caesar  in  Gaul.  When  he  besieged  the  city  of  the 
Attuatici,  he  surrounded  it  with  a  rampart  twelve  feet  high,  and 
well  protected  all  around  by  a  large  number  of  wooden  forts,  the 
whole  circuit  including  fifteen  miles;  and  all  this,  together  with  a 
variety  of  military  engines,  was  finished  with  so  wonderful  an 
expedition,  that  the  enemy  thought,  as  they  themselves  confessed, 
that  the  llomans  were  assisted  in  these  attempts  by  some  divine 
power.*  In  a  previous  expedition  against  the  Helvetii,  who  in- 
tended to  penetrate  into  Gaul,  the  same  general,  with  the  assist- 
ance of  only  one  legion  and  some  provincial  soldiers,  had  raised  a 
wall  nineteen  miles  long  and  sixteen  feet  high,  with  a  ditch  for 
.'ts  defence,  in  order  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  enemy. f  Yet, 
far  more  remarkable  than  either  of  these  were  his  fortifications 
before  Alesia  in  Burgundy,  described  by  himself  at  large  in  his 
se\enth  book  (ch.  72-74).  Such  was  their  strength  and  magni- 
tude, that  by  their  means  he  successfully  protected  his  army  of 
seventy  thousand  men,  against  eighty  thousand  in  the  town,  and 
two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  foot  and  eight  thousand  horse 
who  had  come  to  succor  the  besieged  (see  p.  £^90). 

After  viewing  these  facts,  to  which  many  others  of  the  same 
kmd  might  be  added,  it  will  not  appear  astonishing  that  soldiera 
who  could  achieve  such  stupendous  workS;  should  become  con- 
querors of  the  world.     . 


§  III.  BATTLES  AND  CAMPAIGNS. 

The  ablest  commanders  always  thought  it  their  duty  to  settle 
beforehand  the  plan  of  their  campaigns;  to  examine  whether 
they  ought  to  attack  or  stand  upon  the  defensive;  to  acquire  an 
exact  knowledge  of  the  country  which  was  to  be  the  theatre  of 
the  war;  also,  of  the  number  and  quality  of  the  enemy's  trooj)S, 
and  even,  if  possible,  of  their  very  designs,  for  the  purpose  of 
thwarting  and  defeating  them  by  judicious  measures;  to  foresee 
the  principal  incidents  that  might  possibly  occur,  and  to  provide 
against  them,  as  well  as  against  manifest  dangers,  by  every  re- 
source that  prudence  and  experience  could  suggest ;  in  a  word,  to 

*  Caesar,  Be  Bello  Gall.  b.  ii,  c.  30-31.  ^Ibid.  b.  i,  c.  8. 


f. 


MILITARY  ART.  408 

take  all  proper  and  practicable  mcana  to  insure  victory.  TliiH 
may  be  illustrated  by  various  examples. 

From  a  public  discourse  delivered  by  Pericles  on  the  subject 
of  the  Peloponncsian  war,  it  is  easy  to  perceive  how  much  this 
reat  man  excelled  in  foresight  and  military  science.  He  regu- 
ated  the  manner  of  carrying  on  hostilities,  not  for  one  year  only, 
but  for  the  whole  time  of  their  duration,  and  he  did  so  with  ad- 
mirable prudence  and  sagacity,  from  the  perfect  knowledge  he 
had  of  both  the  Athenian  and  Lacedaemonian  forces.  He  pre- 
vailed on  his  countrymen  not  to  hazard  a  battle  against  their  nvk- 
merous  opponents,  but  rather  to  suffer  the  transient  devastation 
of  their  lands  in  Attica,  while  their  fleet  would  amply  retaliate  by 
plundering  and  laying  waste  all  the  coasts  of  Peloponnesus.  He 
exhorted  them  above  all,  with  the  promise  of  certain  victory,  not 
to  undertake  foreign  conquests;  and  to  the  neglect  of  the  latter  ad- 
vice, and  the  atteuipt  to  subjugate  Sicil}^,  may  we  attribute  the 
entire  failure  and  downfall  of  the  Athenians. 

Never  was  there  a  bolder  and  wiser  plan  than  that  formed  by 
Annibal  to  carry  the  war  into  Italy,  and  attack  the  Romans  upon 
their  own  ground.  With  consummate  skill  he  prepared  every  thing 
for  the  execution  of  his  design ;  the  crossing  of  rivers,  of  moun- 
tains and  of  hostile  countries,  did  not  stop  him :  having  foreseen 
the  difl&culties  and  obstacles  he  was  to  encounter,  he  surmounted 
them  all ;  and  his  victories  were  so  rapid,  so  signal  and  so  multi- 
plied, that  Rome  was  for  a  time  on  the  brink  of  ruin. 

The  idea  of  Scipio  to  change  the  principal  seat  of  the  war  by 
passing  over  to  Africa,  was  not  less  ably  concerted,  and  proved 
still  more  successful.  Many  specious  reasons,  however,  opposed 
that  new  scheme,  as  it  seemed  much  more  natural  for  the  Romans 
to  defend  their  own  country,  than  to  invade  distant  territories; 
first  to  drive  Annibal  from  Italy,  and  then  to  go  forward  and 
attack  Carthage.  Yet,  the  manner  in  which  the  expedition  was 
conducted,  and  its  speedy  result,  showed  that  Scipio  had  judged 
best,  and  not  only  was  right  in  his  expectations,  but  that  his  plan 
had  been  the  effect  of  exquisite  prudence. 

As  the  prosperous  issue  of  a  war  or  campaign  is  principally 
attached  to  success  in  battles,  one  of  the  chief  cares  of  a  general 
was  to  consider  and  see  whether  it  was  proper  to  give  battle,  or  to 
decline  an  engagement;  for  either  measure,  if  not  resolved  upon 
with  judgment  and  caution,  might  prove  very  prejudicial.  Mar- 
donius,  the  Persian  commander,  fell  miserably  at  Plataea  with 
his  whole  army  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  for  not  having 
followed  the  advice  of  Artabazes,  one  of  his  best  officers,  who  ex- 
horted him  not  to  hazard  an  action  against  the  Greeks.     It  wag 


464  ANCIENT  IIIgTORY.  Part  VIL 

also  iu  opposition  to  the  prudent  counsel  of  Memnoii  the  Rhvv. 
diaii,  that  the  satraps  of  Darius  Codomanus  engaged,  near  the 
river  Granicus,  in  a  combat  the  result  of  which  was  so  fatal  to 
the  interests  of  the  Persian  empire.  In  fine,  the  blind  temerity 
of  the  consul  Terentius  Varro,  who  disregarded  his  colleague's 
remonstrances,  brought  upon  the  Komans  the  woful  defeat  of 
Cannae;  whereas  the  delay  of, a  few  days  might,  ani  probably 
would,  have  forced  Annibal  to  leave  Italy  for  want  of  provisions. 

On  the  contrary,  Perseus,  the  Macedonian  king,  lost  the  oppor- 
tunity of  defeating  the  Romans,  by  neglecting  to  attack  their 
whole  force  briskly  after  the  rout  of  their  cavalry,  which  event 
had  spread  great  confusion  and  dismay  among  them,  and  by  not 
putting  to  profit  the  warlike  ardor  of  his  own  troops,  who  were 
already  encouraged  by  this  partial  success. 

The  great  Pompey  himself  committed  a  similar  fault  at  Dyrra- 
chium,  where,  after  forcing  the  lines  of  Julius  Caesar,  he  might 
have  entirely  defeated  him,  if  he  had  known  how  to  pursue  his 
advantage.  In  all  great  enterprises,  especially  in  war,  there  are 
decisive  moments  upon  which  success  chiefly  depends;  the  para- 
mount point  is  to  seize  upon  those  favorable  opportunities,  which, 
once  lost,  will  probably  never  return. 

When  a  combat  was  resolved  upon,  or  otherwise  unavoidable,  the 
general  endeavored  to  set  his  troops  in  battle  array  as  advantage- 
ously as  possible.  There  was  and  could  be  no  uniform  way  of 
doing  this,  owing  ttrilre-difFerent  circumstances  of  place,  national 
customs,  etc.;  yet,  as  a  general  rule,  the  infantry  was  placed  in  the 
centre,  and  the  cavalry  on  the  wings;  those  who  had  elephants  or 
chariots  armed  with  scythes,  usually  placed  them  in  front  of  the 
army  to  make  the  first  attack,  or  at  the  extremity  of  the  wings,  to 
protect  their  flanks.  Among  several  nations,  the  army  was  formed 
in  one  line,  having  from  eight  to  twenty-four  or  thirty  men  in 
depth;  but  some  others  formed  it  in  three  lines,  separated  by 
proper  intervals,  the  one  behind  the  other;  and  this  latter  prac- 
tice was  long  and  much  in  use  among  the  Komans,  for  we  find 
it  employed  at  different  periods  by  their  best  generals,  for  in- 
stance, Scipio  Africanus  in  the  battle  of  Zama,  and  Julius  Ca;sar 
in  the  battle  of  Pharsalia. 

The  better  to  understand  this  disposition  of  the  Roman  troops, 
it  ought  to  be  remembered  that,  when  drawn  up  in  battle  array, 
the  hastati  were  placed  in  front  of  the  army  in  dense  an  1  firm 
bodies;  the  princij)es  behind  them,  but  not  quite  so  close;  and 
after  them  the  triaril  so  far  from  each  other,  that,  in  case  of  dan- 
ger and  distress,  they  could  receive  both  the  principes  and  the 
hastati  into  their  ranks.     The  vcUtcs  or  light  infantry  were  not 


MILITARY  ART.  4C5 

drawn  up  in  this  regular  manner,  but  scattered  up  and  down  in 
front  or  at  the  wings  of  the  army :  on  them  devolved  the  duty  of 
^o.rinning  the  combat,  which  they  did  by  throwing  arrows,  or  by 

irmishing  in  flying  parties  with  the  nearest  troops  of  the  enemy, 
I  i ,  by  a  very  rare  occurrence,  they  happened  to  prevail,  they 
jtrosecuted  the  victory;  but,  upon  a  repulse,  they  fell  back  by  the 
liaiiks  or  through  the  passages  left  open  between  the  various  corps 
<if  the  legions,  and  rallied  again  behind  the  first  line  or  in  the 
rear.  When  they  had  thus  retired,  the  Aas^a^i  advanced  against 
the  enemy,  and,  in  case  they  found  themselves  overpowered,  re- 
tiring gradually  towards  i\iepri7icipes,  they  fell  into  the  intervalsof 
their  ranks,  and,  together  with  them,  renewed  the  fight.  But,  if 
the  priiidpes  and  the  hastatl  thus  joined  were  too  weak  to  sustain 
tlic  fury  of  the  battle,  they  all  fell  back  into  the  wider  intervals 
of  the  triarif,  and  then  all  together  being  united  into  a  firm  mass, 
they  made  another  and  more  impetuous  effort;  if  this  assault 
]»roved  likewise  inefi"ectual,  which  happened  but  seldom,  the  day 
was  entirely  lost  for  the  infantry,  there  being  no  farther  reserve. 

This  manner  of  arraying  the  infantry  among  the  Romans,  was 
exactly  like  the  order  of  trees  which  gardeners  call  the  Quincunx. 
As  the  reason  of  that  position  of  the  trees  is  not  merely  for  beauty 
and  figure,  but  in  order  that  every  particular  tree  may  have  room 
to  spread  its  roots  and  branches,  without  entangling  and  hindering 
the  rest;  so  in  this  array  of  the  Roman  legions,  the  army  was 
not  only  set  out  to  the  best  advantage  for  order  and  regularity, 
but  every  particular  soldier  had  free  room  to  use  his  weapons,  and 
to  withdraw  into  the  void  spaces  behind  him,  without  occasioning 
any  disturbance  or  confusion. 

The  method  of  rallying  thus  three  times  has  been  considered 
almost  the  whole  art  and  secret  of  the  Roman  discipline  in  battles. 
It  was  next  to  impossible,  at  least  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events, 
that  victory  should  not  follow  this  practice,  if  duly  observed;  for, 
in  every  engagement,  the  legionaries  must  have  been  thrice  un- 
successful before  they  could  be  routed;  and  the  enemy  must  have 
liad  the  strength  and  resolution  to  overcome  them  in  three  suc- 
cessive encounters,  for  the  decision  of  one  battle.  Now,  it  was 
certainly  very  difficult  to  obtain  these  repeated  advantages  over 
troops  so  brave  and  undaunted  as  the  Romans  generally  were; 
whilst  most  other  nations,  and  even  the  Greeks,  drew  up  their 
whole  army  in  one  line,  trusting  themselves  and  their  fortunes  to 
the  success  of  a  single  charge,  which,  if  lost,  was  almost  neces- 
sarily followed  by  entire  defeat. 

There  existed  several  other  peculiarities  in  the  ancient  manner 
of  engaging   and  of  fighting  battles.     For   instance,  it  was  a 


r 


466  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VIl 

favorite  custom  with  the  soldiers  of  divers  nations  to  utter  loud 
Riies  or  strike  their  bucklers  with  their  swords,  whilst  advancinc 
to  attack  the  enemy;  this  they  did  probably  in  order  to  excite 
their  courage,  to  nerve  themselves  against  the  fear  of  death,  and 
to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  their  foes.  Sometimes  the 
troops  went  coolly  and  slowly  to  the  combat;  at  other  times,  when 
they  were  at  no  great  distance  from  the  enemy,  they  rushed  on 
him  with  impetuosity.  Such  was  the  conduct  of  the  Athenians 
at  Marathon,  and  of  Caesar's  veterans  at  Pharsalia. 

The  Roman  legionaries  were  used,  as  soon  as  they  came  suffi- 
ciently near  to  their  opponents,  fir£tt  to  hurl  their  javelins  against 
them,  and  immediately  after  to  come,  sword  in  hand,  to  close  con- 
flict. The  Macedonian  phalai^x,  when  brought  to  action,  attacked 
at  once,  and  in  a  compact  body,  with  their  levelled  lances ;  and 
if  they  were  favored  by  the  evenness  of  the  ground,  their  shock 
was  irresistible.  During  this  close  fighting,  the  greatest  efforts 
were  made,  the  greatest  courage  and  energy  were  displayed,  and 
the  fortune  of  the  day  was  commonly  decided. 

When  at  length  the  enemy's  ranks  were  broken  and  put  to 
flight  iu  some  part  of  the  field,  the  usual  danger  for  the  victorious 
party  was  their  too  eager  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  and  their  con 
sequent  neglect  of  the  other  portions  of  the  army.  This  impru- 
dence occasioned  the  loss  of  many  and  very  important  battles,  in 
which  victory  might  otherwise  have  been  easily  secured;  for 
instance,  the  battle  of  Cunaxa,  lost  by  Cyrus  the  Younger;  of 
Ipsus,  by  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  Poliorcetes;  of  Raphia,  by 
Antiochus  the  Great;  of  Mantinea,  by  Machanidas,  the  Spartan 
tyrant,  etc.  Skilful  leaders  acted  in  a  very  difi"erent  way,  and 
were  very  careful,  after  defeating  some  portion  of  the  enemy's 
troops,  to  turn  their  own  victorious  men  against  the  centre,  the 
flanks,  or  the  rear  of  the  hostile  force  still  engaged  in  combat; 
and  it  was  this  difference  of  conduct  that  procured  or  facilitated 
the  decisive  victories  of  Thybarra,  Marathon,  Arbela,  Cannse, 
Zama  and  Pharsalia,  gained  respectively  by  Cyrus,  Miltiades, 
Alexander,  Annibal,  Scipio  Africanus  and  Julius  Caesar. 

Generals  of  consummate  ability  and  experience,  like  those  just 
mentioned,  and  some  others  equally  renowned,  carried  still  far- 
ther their  precautions  in  battle,  to  ensure  a  happy  result.  After 
obtaining  exact  information  of  the  various  circumstances  and 
objects  which  surrounded  them,  they  endeavored  to  turn  the  wind, 
the  sun,  rivers,  woods,  mountains,  the  nature  of  the  spot,  the  very 
temper  and  views  of  their  foes,  in  a  word  every  thing,  to  their 
own  advantage.  Thus  acted,  among  several  instances,  Epami- 
nondas   at  Leuctra  and  Mantinea;  Cyrus   again  at  Thybarra; 


MILITARY  ART.  4^7 


'Scipio  in  the  attack  of  the  hostile  camps  of  both  Asdrubal  and 
Sc-yphax;  Annibal  at  Trebia,  Thrasymencs,  and  above  all  at 
Cannae;  and  Julius  Caesar  at  Pharsalia  and  Tapsus. 

There  was  a  still  greater  display  of  military  skill  made  by  the 
sune  leaders  in  the  conduct  of  their  whole  campaigns.  Hero 
thoy  evinced  an  uncommon  merit  and  talent  in  the  command  of 
armieS;  by  the  wisdom  and  maturity  of  their  designs;  the  prepara- 
Uon  and  choice  of  the  best  measures  for  their  execution;  the 
siiracity  with  which  they  foresaw  both  the  obstacles  to  be  removed, 
;ind  the  means  to  be  employed  for  their  removal;  their  attention 
(  >  watch,  and  their  care  to  improve  every  favorable  opportunity; 
viuilance  in  the  midst  of  prosperous  events;  presence  of  mind  in 
dangers;  constancy  in  disappointments  and  reverses ;  energy  after 
1 'sses  and  defeats;  in  a  word,  so  remarkable  a  degree  of  genius 
and  activity,  resolution  and  courage,  as  never  to  be  dismayed  by  un- 
f'resecn  accidents  or  difficulties,  and  never  to  yield  and  fail 
except  under  absolutely  insuperable  obstacles.  These  combined 
qualities  show  the  eminent  general,  and  entitle  some  of  the  expe- 
ditions related  in  ancient  history,  to  be  pronounced  masterpieces 
of  military  science.     (See  Appendix,  §  v.) 

The  following  may  be  justly  regarded  as  belonging  to  this 
class:  the  campaigns  of  Cyrus  against  the  Babylonians  and  Lydi- 
ans;  of  Epamincnrlas  against  the  Spartans;  of  Alexander  against 
the  Persians;  of  xinnibal  against  the  Romans;  of  Scipio  against 
tlie  Carthaginians;  of  Marius  against  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri; 
of  Sylla,  Lucullus  and  Pompey  against  Mithridates;  and  of 
Ca3sar  in  Gaul,  Spain  and  Africa. 

It  plainly  follows  from  what  has  been  hitherto  said,  that, 
whatever  share  the  soldiers,  officers  and  subordinate  generals  may 
have  in  the  success  of  a  war  or  campaign,  it  principally  depends  on 
the  commander-in-chief,  if,  all  things  and  circumstances  being 
otherwise  equal,  he  is  sufficiently  qualified  for  his  high  office. 
This,  Timothy  the  Athenian,  a  son  of  the  illustrious  Conon  and 
an  illustrious  general  himself,  expressed  by  saying,  that  he  valued 
an  army  of  stags  led  by  a  Hqu,  more  than  an  army  of  lions 
led  by  a  stag.  Numberless  facts  might  be  adduced  to  shotv  the 
correctness  of  his  assertion.  Independently  of  the  example  of 
Xanthippus  at  Carthage  and  of  Gylippus  at  Syracuse ;  what  ren- 
dered the  Thebans  for  a  long  time  victorious  over  all^  their  ene- 
mies, but  the  talents  of  their  great  leader  Epaminondas  ?  What 
raised  the  kingdom  of  Macedon  from  its  obscurity  to  a  very  high 
degree  of  prosperity  and  power,  but  the  abilities  of  only  two 
princes,  Philip  and  his  son  Alexander  ?  And,  before  that  time, 
who  changed  the  almost  unknown  tribe  of  the  Persians  into  one 


168  ANCIENT  HISTOllY.  Part  VII. 

of  the  most  celebrated  nations  of  the  world,  and  their  small  king 
dom  into  a  vast  and  powerful  empire,  but  the  incomparable  skill 
and  brilliant  exploits  of  one  hero,  the  great  Cyrus? 


§  IV.  ATTACK  AND  DEFENCE  OF  FORTIFIED  FLACES. 

The  ancients  did  not  signalize  themselves  less  in  the  art  of 
attacking  and  defending  fortified  places  than  in  the  other  parts  of 
war ;  nor  were  sieges,  especially  when  directed  against  the  capital 
cities  of  states  and  empires,  less  important  than  they  are  at  pres- 
ent, nor  are  they  consequently  less  deserving  of  the  attentive  and 
serious  consideration  of  the  student. 

The  idea  of  fortifying  cities  and  other  important  places  must 
have  naturally  presented  itself  to  the  mind  of  nations  engaged  in 
war  -against  one  another.  The  annals  of  history  testify  that 
there  existed  such  fortifications,  consisting  of  ditches,  walls,  tow- 
ers, etc.,  if  not  in  the  primitive  ages,  at  least  at  an  early  period 
among  the  Chanaanites,  the  Hebrews,  the  Assyrians,  the  Trojans, 
the  Greeks  and  the  Romans.  Hence  the  manner  of  attacking 
and  defending  places  of  this  description  became  one  of  the  chief 
objects  of  military  science. 

There  were  different  methods  of  attempting  the  capture  of  a 
fortified  city :  1.  Blockade,  to  prevent  any  person  from  leaving  the 
town;  to  hinder  at  the  same  time  the  introduction  of  convoys,  and 
thus  produce  famine  among  the  inhabitants;  2.  A  sudden  and 
brisk  attach,  to  carry  the  place  at  once  by  storm;  and  3.  TJie  use 
of  iriilltary  engines,  for  the  purpose  of  annoying  the  besieged  with 
a  shower  of  missiles,  or  breaking  open  the  gates,  if  possible,  or 
battering  the  walls  and  ramparts,  so  as  to  make  a  breach  and 
facilitate  an  assault.  These  three  methods,  or  two  of  them  at 
least,  wer€  sometimes  successively  employed  in  the  same  siege; 
when  used  separately,  the  first  of  the  three  was  the  safest,  but 
most  tedious,  and  could  proti^ct  a  siege  to  a  considerable  number 
of  years;  and  hence  the  siege  of  Tyre  hy  Nabuchodonosor  H  last- 
ed thirteen,  and  that  of  Azotum  by  Psammiticus,  king  of  Egypt, 
twenty-nine  years.  The  second  method  was  the  shortest,  but 
most  perilous ;  and  the  third,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  was  the 
most  usually  practised. 

When  the  assailants  anticipated  a  long  resistance,  they  forti- 
fied their  own  camp  with  a  double  line  of  intrenchments;  the  one, 
called  contravallation,  was  intended  to  protect  them  against  the 
sallies  of  the  garrison,  and  the  other,  circumcallation,  against  any 
attack  from  exterior  troops  coming  to  the  assistance  of  the  be- 
sieged.    This  manner  of  conducting  a  siege  was  used  particularlj 


ularijj 

A 


MILITARY  ART.  469 

by  the  Lacodacmonlans  against  PlatjiDa,  by  the  Athenians  aguiasi 
Syracuse,  by  the  Romans  against  the  city  of  the  Vcicntcs,  an  J 
by  Julius  Caesar  against  Alesia. 

The  first  difficulty  for  the  besiegers  was  to  till  up  the  ditches,  and 
to  approach  without  much  danger  the  walls  and  ramparts  of  the 
place.  The  first  object  was  accomplished  by  means  of  fascines,  that 
is,  small  branches  of  trees  bound  up  together  in  bundles  and  mixed 
\vith  earth,  which  they  threw  in  great  quantities  into  the  ditch.  In 
oilier  to  eftect  the  second,  they  employed  not  only  trenches,  oblique 
roads  and  passages  under  ground,  but  likewise  a  great  variety  of 
engines,  such  as  those  designated  by  the  Latin  authors  under  the 
names  of  vinecc,  miisculi  and  testudines.  Those  called  vinece  were 
composed  of  timber,  posts  and  wicker  hurdles,  forming  a  roof 
under  which  the  soldiers  came  safely  to  the  walls  of  a  tower,  and 
then  r^led  them.  The  muscuU  and  testudines  were  made  of 
boards,  and  covered  over  with  raw  hides,  to  protect  the  assail- 
ants agu'nst  the  darts  and  blows  of  the  besieged,  while  the  former 
approached  either  the  ditches,  to  fill  them  up,  or  the  walls  of  the 
town,  to  undermine  them  with  pick-axes  and  other  instruments. 
There  was  moreover  this  difference  between  the  testudines  and  vinece, 
that  the  testudines  were  borne  upon  wheels;  whilst  the  vinece, 
being  comparatively  light,  were  carried  by  the  very  soldiers 
whom  they  sheltered  and  protected. 

Besides  these  machines,  purely  artificial  in  their  construction 
and  frame,  the  Roman  legionaries  knew  how  to  form  a  similar  one 
and  to  the  same  effect,  simply  with  their  targets  or  shields.  They 
raised  these  targets  in  such  a  manner,  that  they  closed  together 
above  their  heads,  and  so  defended  them  from  the  missive  weap- 
ons of  the  enemy. 

The  engines  hitherto  described  were  primarily  intended  for  the 
defence  of  the  soldiers ;  the  offensive  machines  are  yet  to  be  men- 
tioned. Of  these  the  most  celebrated  was  the  Aries,  or  hanging 
and  battering  ram,  of  which  the  historian  Josephus  gives  the 
following  description :  "  The  ram,"  says  he,  *^  is  a  long  beam 
like  the  mast  of  a  large  ship,  strengthened  at  one  end  with  a 
head  of  iron  somewhat  resembling  that  of  a  ram,  whence  it  took 
its  name.  This  is  hung  by  the  midst  with  ropes  to  another  beam, 
that  lies  across  a  couple  of  strong  posts,  and  being  thus  hanging 
and  equally  balanced,  it  is  by  a  great  number  of  men  violently 
thrust  forward  and  drawn  backward,  and  so  shakes  the  wall  with 
its  iron  head ;  nor  is  there  any  tower  or  wall  so  thick  and  strong 
as  to  resist  its  force  and  repeated  assaults."* 

Plutarch  relates  that  Mark  Antony,  in  the  Parthian  war,  had 
*  De  Bello  JudaicOy  b.  iii,  c  15. 
40 


410  ANCIEr^T  HISTORY.  Pari  VII 

provided  a  battering  ram  of  eighty  feet  in  length.  Vitruvius 
mentions  others  of  still  larger  size,  and  to  this,  no  doubt,  the 
strength  of  the  engine  was  in  a  great  measure  owing.  The  laiu 
was  put  in  motion  by  a  whole  company  of  soldiers,  and  when 
these  became  wearied,  they  were  replaced  by  another  company; 
so  that  the  ram  played  continually  and  without  intermission,  h<y 
ing  usually  covered  with  a  vinea  to  protect  it  from  the  attcmptG 
of  the  enemy. 

The  most  renowned  among  the  other  offensive  engines  were  the 
Scorpio,  the  Catapulta  and  the  Balista.  The  scorpio  was  em- 
ployed in  throwing  the  smaller  darts  and  arrows;  the  catapulta  in 
throwing  javelins  and  spears;  and  the  balista  in  casting  forth 
large  stones  and  pieces  of  rock.  These  machines,  especially  the 
latter,  sent  their  missiles  with  a  violence  which  almost  exceeds 
belief;  still  it  caunot  be  reasonably  questioned,  as  it  is  expressly 
related  by  very  many  ancient  and  judicious  authors.  Vegetius 
declares  that  the  balista  discharged  its  missive  weapons  with  such 
rapidity  and  force,  that  they  broke  to  pieces  every  thing  in  their 
way.  Athenseus  mentions  an  engine  of  this  kind  no  more  than 
three  feet  long,  which  sent  darts  to  the  distance  of  five  hundred 
paces ;  and  others,  according  to  Vitruvius,  cast  forth  to  the  dis- 
tance of  a  hundred  and  twenty-five  paces,  stones  that  weighed  not, 
less  than  three  hundred  pounds.  Josephus  relates  that,  at  the 
siege  of  Jotapat,  where  he  was  the  chief  actor  on  the  side  of  the 
Jews,  a  soldier  standing  near  him  had  his  head  carried  off  by  a 
stone  that  was  thrown  by  a  Roman  engine  three  furlongs  or 
eighteen  hundred  feet  distant;  whilst  other  stones,  cast  forth* 
with  the  same  or  still  greater  violence,  killed  the  combatants  on 
the  breach  even  behind  their  companions,  broke  the  angles  of 
^owers,  and  destroyed  the  battlements.* 

From  these  facts  it  is  easy  to  conclude  that  the  military  en- 
gines used  by  the  ancients,  in  a  great  measure  answered  the  same 
purpose  as  the  musketry  and  artillery  of  modern  nations.  The 
Qumber  of  those  machines  on  particular  occasions  was  in  propor- 
tion to  the  power  and  resources  of  the  belligerent  parties,  as  also 
to  the  importance  of  the  place  to  be  conquered  or  defended.  The 
Romans  employed  upwards  of  a  hundred  and  sixty  of  them  for 
the  siege  of  Jotapat  just  mentioned;  and  they  had  a  still  greater 
number  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  which  followed  shortly  after, 
that-  is,  forty  balistce  and  three  hundred  catapultce.f  When  Scipia 
took  Carthago  Nova  in  Spain,  he  found  that  city  supplied  with 
foul  hundred  catapultw  and  eighty-five  balistce,  all  of  which  con- 
sequently fell  into  his  power.  Finally,  the  account  given  by 
*Z>e  Bell.  Jud.,  b.  iii,  c.  16  and  17.       j  Id.  c.  12 ;   and  b.  v,  c.  25. 


MILITARY  Am.  47| 

histcirians  of  the  siege  of  Rhodes  under  Demetrius,  nnd  of  Cyzi- 
Qum  under  Mithridatcs,  gives  us  fully  to  understand  that  these 
two  great  commanders  employed  an  incredible  number  of  ma- 
chines, though  without  much  success. 

Finally,  there  was  another  sort  of  military  engines  (the  move- 
able turrets),  more  formidable  than  all  the  rest,  because,  inde- 
pendently of  their  magnitude,  they  were  at  the  same  time  defensive 
and  offensive.  These  turrets  were  made  of  beams  and  thick 
boards  joined  together  like  the  frame  of  a  house,  and  running 
upon  wheels.  Their  height  was  proportioned  to  their  size  and 
bulk,  and  sometimes  surpassed  that  of  the  walls,  ramparts  and 
even  towers  of  the  city  to  be  besieged,  having  many  divisions  or 
stones,  between  which  there  was  a  communication,  and  which 
carried  soldiers  with  engines,  ladders,  bridges,  and  other  neces- 
saries for  a  vigorous  attack.  The  wheels  of  the  machine  were 
concealed  within  planks,  to  defend  them  from  the  enemy;  and  the 
r  men  who  had  charge  to  drive  them  forward,  stood  behind  in  the 
i  most  secure  places;  as  to  the  soldiers  within,  they  were  protected 
[  by  raw  hides  thrown  over  the  turret,  in  such  places  as  were  most 
'  exposed.  A  city  was  in  imminent  danger  of  being  taken,  if  such 
enormous  machines  could  once  succeed  in  approaching  the  wall 
The  besieged,  on  their  side,  were  not  idle  nor  slow  in  prevent- 
ing or  counteracting  the  effects  of  so  many  contrivances  prepared 
for  their  destruction.  They  sometimes  opposed  chains,  boards, 
hides  or  new  walls  to  the  strokes  of  the  rams  and  halistss ;  at 
other  times,  and  often  with  success,  they  endeavored  to  break  or 
dismantle  and  disable  them,  by  throwing  on  them  beams  and  large 
stones  from  the  top  of  their  ramparts;  or,  by  means  of  torches 
and  combustible  materials,  to  consume  them  by  fire;  or,  finally, 
by  digging  the  earth  beneath  through  a  passage  opened  under  the 
wall,  to  make  them  sink  by  their  own  weight,  and  thus  render 
them  perfectly  useless.  The^  were  careful,  besides,  to  provide 
themselves  with  all  sorts  of  weapons  proportionate  to  those  of 
the  enemy,  and  to  turn  against  the  assailants  the  same  instru 
raents  of  terror  and  death  to  which  they  themselves  were  exposed. 
To  the  enemy's  engines,  they  opposed  engines;  to  mines,  coun- 
termines; to  assaults,  vigorous  sallies,  and  by  these  means  often 
succeeded,  either  in  protracting  their  defence  for  months  and 
years,  or  in  forcing  the  enemy  altogether  to  abandon  the  siege. 

Sometimes  the  leader  of  the  besieging  army,  percei\nng  that 
all  his  efforts  and  the  ordinary  contrivances  of  war  proved  una- 
vailing, had  recourse  to  some  extraordinary  method  and  stratagem, 
such  as  the  turning  of  a  river,  the  opening  of  a  subterraneous 
road  under  the  walls  into  the  city,  etc.     The  first  of  those  method^ 


472  ANCIEiVT  HISTORY.  Part  VII  ; 

was  made  use  of  by    Cyrus  for  the  conquest  of  Babylon,  aDd  ' 
the  second  by  Camillus  against  the  city  of  Veii.  ' 

The  various  kinds  of  military  engines  that  have  been  men-  i 
tioned,  were  invented  at  very  different  periods  and  in  different  , 
places.  Ezechiel,  in  his  prophetic  description  of  the  siege  and 
ruin  of  Jersualem,*  makes  mention,  not  only  of  engines  in  gene 
ral,  but  of  battering  rams  in  particular.  The  invention  or  firs! 
use  of  testudines  and  balistae  among  the  Greeks  was  ascribed  to 
Artemon  of  Clazomena,  who  followed  Pericles  to  the  siege  of 
Samos  in  the  year  B.  c.  441;  but  the  most  famous  of  this  kind 
were  contrived  by  Demetrius  Poliorcetes  for  the  attack  of  Rhodes, 
and  by  Archimedes  for  the  defence  of  Syracuse  against  the  Ro- 
mans (see  pp.  245  and  295). 

Most  of  these  inventions  and  machines  are  no  longer  of  any 
use,  having  been  totally  superseded  by  the  use  of  gunpowder  an4 
artillery.  ■ 

^  V.  CLOSE  AND  ORDINARY  RESULTS  OF  WARS  AMONG  THF 
ANCIENTS. 

It  only  remains,  for  the  completion  of  this  subject,  to  ray  a^ 
few  words  of  the  manner  in  which  the  ancients  concluded  their 
wars  and  treated  their  vanquished  enemies. 

The  treaties  of  peace  that  put  an  end  to  their  contests,  \^ere 
couched  in  few  but  very  comprehensive  words.  What  greater 
interests  were  ever  to  be  settled  between  two  nations  than  those 
of  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians  at  the  close  of  the  first  Punic 
war,  which  had  lasted  nearly  twenty-four  years  without  intermia^ 
sion,  and  inflicted  immense  losses  on  the  two  parties?  Yet  all 
their  differences  were  adjusted  in  the  few  following  lines,  drawn 
up  by  the  victorious  consul  Lutatius :  "  There  will  be,  if  the  Roman 
people  approve  of  it,  peace  between  Rome  and  Carthage  under  these 
conditions.  The  Carthaginians  shall  evacuate  Sicily.  They  shall 
not  wage  war  against  Hiero  and  the  Syracusans,  nor  against  their 
allies.  They  shall  restore,  without  ransom,  all  the  prisoners  they 
have  taken  during  the  war.  They  shall  pay  to  the  Romans  two 
thousand  two  hundred  silver  talents  in  the  space  of  twenty 
years."  Some  of  these  conditions  were  modified  by  the  Roman 
government,  and  maie  more  severe;  yet  the  terms  remained  sub- 
stantially the  same.  A  similar  conciseness  may  be  perceived  iu 
the  treaty  which  closed  the  long  struggle  between  the  Greeks  and 
Persians;  in  that  which  followed  the  Peloponnesian  war  between 
the  Greeks  themselves;  etc. 

■'^Ezecli.  iv,  2;   and  xxi,  22. 


II 


MILITARY  ART.  473 


As  to  the  manner  in  which  the  vanquished  nations  were  treated 
by  their  conquerors;  by  none,  generally  speaking,  were  they  bet- 
ter used  than  by  the  Persians.  This  is  proved,  not  only  from  the 
example  of  the  Jews,  who  constantly  found  in  the  Persian  mon- 
flrchs  protectors  and  friends  rather  than  masters,  but  also  by  that 
of  the  lonians,  who,  even  after  their  revolt  and  complete  overthrow 
under  Darius  Hystaspes,  received  from  that  prince  a  code  of 
regulations  the  most  equitable  and  the  best  calculated  to  revive 
their  former  prosperity.  The  same  mildness  was  commonly  dis- 
played towards  private  individuals:  governors  and  generals  who 
had  revolted,  were  easily  pardoned,  provided  they  made  their 
submission ;  and  even  Greeks,  notwithstanding  the  injuries 
which  they  or  their  people  had  inflicted  on  Persia,  were  sure, 
when  banished  from  their  own  country,  to  find  an  honorable  asy- 
lum at  the  Persian  court.  Thus  Demarates,  one  of  the  kings  of 
Sparta,  being  driven  from  the  throne  by  an  intrigue,  was  in  his 
misfortune  kindly  received  by  Darius;  and  so  was,  likewise,  the 
illustrious  Athenian  Themistocles  by  Artaxerxes  Longimanus. 
Hence  the  Persians,  whom  the  Greeks  called  barbarians,  were 
very  often  less  barbarous  and  more  generous  than  the  Greeks 
themselves. 

The  Athenians,  however,  as  also  the  Romans,  frequently  de- 
served the  praise  of  moderation  and  mildness  towards  their  van- 
quished enemies ;  but  frequently  too,  they  treated  them  harshly,  e.  g. 
the  Athenians  on  several  occasions  relative  to  their  prisoners  of 
war,  and  the  Romans  in  their  conduct  towards  the  Carthaginians 
and  the  Numantines.  This  harshness  and  severity  were  carried 
t(3  still  greater  lengths  by  the  generality  of  other  nations.  No- 
thing indeed  can  be  more  painful,  in  the  reading  of  ancient  his- 
tory, than  to  behold  the  dreadful  effects  of  the  fury  commonly 
exercised  by  the  conquerors  against  the  conquered,  the  destruction 
and  desolation  of  the  invaded  countries,  the  plundering  of  cities, 
and  the  slaughter  or  captivity  of  their  inhabitants;  for  such  is 
the  sad  spectacle  presented  to  our  view  almost  every  where  in  the 
history  of  the  Assyrians,  Babylonians,  Lacediemonians,  Cartha- 
ginians and  others.  Whence  we  cannot  too  highly  value  the 
benefit  conferred  by  Christianity  upon  mankind  in  the  introduc- 
tion of  a  much  milder  spirit  among  nations,  even  for  the  time 
during  which  they  are  engaged  in  war  against  one  another;*  an 

*  This  is  vrhat  a  famous  French  publicist,  by  no  means  suspected  of 
too  much  partiality  in  behalf  of  Religion,  has  expressly  acknowledged 
in  these  words :  "  Si  Ton  vculait  se  mettre  devant  les  yeux  les  massacrca 
des  rois  et  des  chefs  Grecs  et  Romaius,  la  destruction  des  peuples  ri 
dea  villea  par  ces  memes  chefs,  les  ravages  de  Timur  et  de  Gengiskan  qr4 

40* 


4Y4  ANCIENT  HISrORY.  Part  Vll 

observation,  t-liis,  perfectly  applicable  to  the  other  occurrencos  of 
human  life,  and  which,  in  fact,  we  will  have  more  than  once  oc- 
casion to  repeat  in  the  following  chapter. 

GENERAL  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF  ANCIENT 
NATIONS. 

The  manners  and  customs  of  the  different  nations  form,  with- 
out doubt,  one  of  the  most  interesting,  but  at  the  same  time,  one 
of  the  most  difficult  parts  of  their  history.  In  order  to  become  sufii- 
ciently  acquainted  with  them,  it  is  necessary  to  observe  the  peculiar 
characteristics  of  the  different  ages,  climes,  countries  and  people; 
the  spirit  and  genius  of  the  latter,  and  the  ideas  which  they 
entertain  on  the  general  principles  of  morality,  on  religion,  oq 
the  particular  virtues  and  vices,  and  the  various  duties  of  society 
It  even  requires,  in  some  degree,  to  penetrate  into  the  interior  of 
families,  and  see  the  usages  of  private  and  domestic  life,  as  well 
as  of  civil  and  social  intercourse.  Finally,  there  should  be  a 
sufficient  knowledge  of  the  influence  which  the  arts  have,  in  all 
ages,  exercised  over  the  conduct  of  men  with  regard  to  both  the 
necessities  and  conveniences  of  life.  Now,  who  does  not  perceive 
that  it  must  be  a  very  difficult  task  to  become  well  informed  on 
so  many  and  so  different  objects,  especially  when  they  refer  to 
remote  antiquity?  For  this  reason,  we  shall  content  ourselves 
with  mentioning  only  the  chief  points  that  have  been  transmitted 
to  us  on  the  subject  of  ancient  manners  and  customs. 

The  manners  and  customs  of  a  nation  owe  their  origin  to  a 
multitude  of  causes,  prevailing  opinions,  education,  the  degree  of 
civilization,  deficiency  or  improvement  in  the  arts,  political  tran- 
quillity or  disturbances,  climate,  the  manner  of  providing  food^ 
etc.  A  scries  of  unforeseen  events  and  circumstances  may  also 
greatly  influence  the  formation  of  a  national  spirit;  and  as  there 
is  an  incredible  variety  of  all  such  objects,  causes  and  incidents,  it 
is  not  at  all  surprising  that  there  should  be,  or  should  have  been, 
so  great  a  diversity  of  customs  and  manners  in  different  countries. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  certain  that  nations  have,  at  all 
times,  generally  agreed  on  certain  objects;  for,  besides  the  great 
principles  of  morality  which  Almighty  God  has  imprinted  in  the 
hearts  of  all  men,  and  without  which  no  society  could  subsist, 
many  usages  regarding  merely  the  ordinary  course  of  life,  were 
common  to  all  ages  and  countries,  such  as  certain  insignia  or  ex- 
terior marks  of  distinction  for  persons  invested  with  authority, 

out  d^vaste  I'Asle,  on  trouverait  que  Ton  doit  au  christianisme,  et  dans  ■ 
le  gouvernement  un  certain  droit  politique,  et  dans  la  guerre  un  certaia 
droit  des  gens,  que  la  nature  Immaine  ne  saurait  ai-sez  reconnaitre  " 
Montesquieu,  Esprit  des  lots,  liv.  xxiv.  c.  iii. 


II  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS.  473 

tlie  piucticc  of  solemn  feasts  and  repasts  on  groat  occasions,  and 
the  custom  of  celebrating  momentous  events,  or  the  deeds  of  con- 
spicuous men,  by  songs  and  canticles. 

The  earliest  societies  have  been  always  celebrated  in  history  for 
tlieir  simplicity  of  life  and  manners.  In  a  certain  sense,  this 
])l;iinness  and  simplicity  cannot  be  denied,  since  we  find  it  almost 
v\cry  where  alluded  to  in  the  writings  of  Homer,  Hesiod,  and 
(specially  those  of  Moses,  which  are  by  far,  even  in  a  natural 
point  of  view,  the  most  respectable  and  authentic  record  of  early 
history.  Still,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  personages  sincerely 
:i<l(licted  to  the  practice  of  virtue,  it  would  be  an  incorrect  idea  to 
imagine  that  the  plain  manners  of  the  ancients  supposes  in  them 
an  exemption  from  vices,  and  an  innocence  in  their  morals  propor- 
tionate to  their  apparent  candor.  Such  an  opinion  would  be  en- 
tiiely  at  variance  with  the  numberless  deeds  of  cruelty,  revenge, 
pride,  ambition  and  licentiousness,  ascribed  to  remote  antiquity 
by  both  sacred  and  profane  historians.  It  is  easy  to  perceive 
that  ignorance  of  almost  all  our  discoveries,  arts  and  means  of 
industry,  was  the  principal  cause  of  that  primitive  state  of  things  j 
there  certainly  was  no  great  merit  in  the  men  and  nations  of  those 
times,  in  abstaining  from  conveniences  of  which  they  had  not  the 
least  idea. 

Thus,  to  speak  of  the  most  usual  objects,  it  does  not  appear 
that,  in  the  beginning  of  most  societies  formed  immediately  after 
the  dispersion,  there  was  any  thing  like  our  spoons,  forks,  plates, 
knives,  glasses,  tumblers,  bottles,  napkins,  etc.  The  deficiency 
was  probably  supplied  by  earthen  or  wooden  cups  and  vessels,  for 
I  glasses  and  tumblers;  by  large  leaves  and  bark  of  trees,  for  plates; 
i  by  a  sort  of  dagger  or  any  sharp  instrument,  for  knives;  by  little 
I  sticks,  for  spoons  and  forks;  etc.  The  same  deficiency  must  have 
prevailed  in  the  garments,  houses  and  furniture.  It  is  true  that 
things  did  not  long  remain  in  this  destitute  condition :  better 
customs  were  gradually  introduced;  improvements  took  place  in 
food,  dress  and  lodgings;  several  useful  instruments  were  inven- 
ted; yet,  many  other  conveniences  still  remained  unknown,  with- 
out which,  life  would  seem  to  us  very  unpleasant.  For  instance, 
the  Greeks  themselves,  however  proficient  they  became  in  the  fine 
arts,  were  strangers  to  the  use  of  stockings,  linen,  candles,  sad- 
dles and  stirrups,  glass  for  windows,  etc.  Spectacles,  watches  and 
clocks,  wind  and  water-mills,  the  mariner's  compass,  printing,  etc., 
a  fortiori  were  completely  unknown  to  them.  Most  of  these 
valuable  discoveries  have  had  a  much  later  origin,  as  they  only 
occurred  in  the  medieval  times  of  modern  history,  and  in  those 
very  ages  which  afterwards  have  been  so  unjustly  accused  of 
complete  ignorance  and  darkness.     What  should  appear  most  re- 


476  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII 

markable,  with  regard,  not  only  to  the  Greeks,  but  to  the  ancient* 
at  large,  is  that,  being  well  acquainted  with  the  manner  of  em- 
ploying cotton  and  flax,  as  well  as  wool,  for  the  fabrication  of 
their  stuflfb  and  tissues,  they  hardly  knew  the  use  of  linen  •  and 
this  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons  which  obliged  them  to  have  sc 
frequent  recourse  to  baths,  for  the  sake  of  cleanliness. 

These  remarks  should  not,  however,  prevent  us  from  admiring 
and  praising  what  is  truly  deserving  of  praise  in  the  simplicity 
of  the  ancients.  Thus,  notwithstanding  the  contrariety  of  mod- 
ern usages,  it  is  peculiarly  pleasing  to  behold,  throughout  the 
history  of  remote  ages,  princes,  lords,  and  other  conspicuous  oi 
wealthy  persons,  as  also  their  sons  and  daughters,  employing 
themselves  in  ordinary  domestic  occupations,  fetching  water, 
feeding  their  flocks,  waiting  on  their  guests,  taking  a  personal 
share  in  the  culinary  department,  etc.  Examples  of  this  plain 
way  of  acting  are  frequently  found  in  the  lives  of  the  ancient 
patriarchs,  as  related  by  Moses  (Gen.  ch.  18,  24,  27,  etc."),  and 
of  the  chief  personages  described  by  Homer  (in  the  Ilias  and 
Odyss.,  passiTii). 

It  is  equally  interesting  to  see  how  hospitality  was  practised 
in  remote  ages,  first  as  far  as  regards  the  table  and  what  consti- 
tuted a  solemn  repast.  The  holy  patriarch  Abraham,  who  was 
very  rich  and  still  more  hospitable,  certainly  treated  his  guests  in 
the  best  manner  he  could;  yet,  when  he  received  three  heavenly 
messengers  in  human  shape,  he  ofi'ered  them  neither  a  great  va- 
^riety  of  meats,  nor  food  delicately  dressed :  but  a  calf,  very  tender 
and  good,  chosen  by  himself  and  boiled  without  any  other  prepa- 
ration, together  with  cakes,  butter  and  milk,  composed  the  whole 
repast.*  The  entertainments  given  and  received  by  the  heroes 
of  Homer,  were  very  similar  ;•("  and  this  plainly  shows  that  the 
splendor  of  repasts  at  this  early  period  consisted  more  in  the 
abundance  of  solid  and  substantial  food  than  in  dainties  and  va- 
riety, though,  nevertheless,  game  and  venison,  as  well  as  fruits 
and  vegetables,  were  not  absolutely  unknown. 

We  learn  from  the  same  sources,  that  it  was  customary  to  show 
one's  regard  for  a  person,  by  helping  him  to  a  larger  portion  than 
the  other  guests.  In  this  manner  the  patriarch  Joseph  treated 
his  youngest  brother  Benjamin,  in  the  repast  which  he  gave  to 
all  his  brothers  in  Egypt; J  in  the  same  manner  Agamemnon 
acted  towards  Ajax,  and  Eumaeus  towards  Ulysses. §  This  cus- 
tom may  have  arisen  from  their  preconceived  idea  of  the  honor 
attached  to  great  abundance  of  meat,  or,  as  some  believe,  from  the 
fact  that  the  men  of  those  times,  being  stouter  in  body  and  con- 
*  Gen.  xviii,  6-8.  f  Ilias,  b.  ix,  and  Odyss.  b.  xx. 

X  Gon.  ch.  xliii.  ^  Ilias,  b.  vii,  and  Odr/ss.  b.  xiv. 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS.  477 

stitution,  were   in  the  same  proportion   greater  eaf.crs  than  we 
generally  are. 

Yet  it  was  the  common  practice  in  Palestine  about  the  opoch 
of  the  patriarchs,  in  Egypt  and  among  the  Greeks  at  the  time  of 
the  Trojan  war,  to  take  no  more  than  two  meals  a  day,  one  at 
noon  or  about  noon,  and  another,  more  abundant  and  substantial, 
in  the  evening.  The  meats  were  served  up  already  carved,  and 
leach  guest  received  his  separate  portion.  They  ate  sitting,  and 
not  lying  on  beds,  as  was  subsequently  the  custom  among  the 
Persians  and  other  oriental  nations,  and  among  the  latter  Greeks 
and  Romans.  In  wine  countries,  at  least  in  Greece,  wine  mixed 
with  water  was  the  usual  beverage;  other  nations  contented 
themselves  with  pure  water,  milk,  beer,  or  hydromel,  a  decoction 
of  water  and  honey. 

Poetry  and  music  were  much  relished  by  the  ancients,  espe- 
cially by  the  Israelites  and  the  Greeks,  above  all  by  the  Athenians. 
From  different  facts  of  their  history  and  legislation,  it  may  also  be 
concluded  that,  if  not  most,  at  least  many  persons  both  at  Athens 
and  in  Judea  knew  how  to  read,  though  probably  a  much  smaller 
number  knew  how  to  write.  There  were  schools,  both  public 
and  private,  to  train  children  in  mental  and  bodily  exercises,  and 
higher  schools  for  those  who  intended  to  become  more  proficient 
in  the  science  of  religion,  or  in  the  other  sciences  and  arts.  Such 
were,  the  schools  of  the  prophets  among  the  Jews;  the  philoso- 
phical schools  of  Greece ;  and,  under  the  Ptolemies,  the  astrono- 
mical school  of  Alexandria,  which  produced  so  many  illustrious 
men,  Hipparcus,  Erastothenes,  Sosigenes,  etc. 

To  resume  the  description  of  more  common  and  more  ancient 
practices :  the  custom  of  testifying  internal  grief  for  the  death  of 
parents  and  relatives,  not  only  by  tears  and  other  natural  signs, 
but  also  by  exterior  marks  of  merely  human  institution,  existed 
from  time  immemorial.  The  book  of  Genesis  speaks  of  Abraham 
and  others  as  having  performed  the  duties  of  mourning  for  their 
deceased  wives,  and  relates  at  great  length  the  solemn  mourning 
that  took  place  for  Jacob  among  his  sons  and  their  Egyptian 
friends.  The  particular  manner,  length  of  time  and  other  circum- 
stances which  accompanied  mourning,  are  lil^tle  known,  except 
the  fact  that  there  was  some  change  in  the  dress,  and  that  peculiar 
garments  were  appointed  for  widows.  In  the  usual  occurrences  of 
life,  the  Hebrew  women  were  extremely  reserved,  and  willingly 
made  use  of  veils  to  appear  in  public. 

Besides  these  rules  of  propriety,  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine 
and  of  the  neighboring  regions  had  many  correct  ideas  on  the  po- 
liteness which  men  owe  to  each  other,  and  the  observance  of 
which  strengthens  the  bonds  and  constitutes  the  charm  of  society. 


478  ANCIENT  HISTORr.  Part  VII. 

Their  manner  of  salutation  was  quite  respectful,  since  they  bowed  : 
profoundly  to  those  whom  they  wished  to  honor.  A  special  '■ 
courtesy  was  shown  to  foreigners  and  travellers.  They  were 
loaded  with  kindnesses,  and  not  only  received  what  they  needed, 
but  had  the  use  of  every  thing  that  might  contribute  to  their 
comfort.  As  they  wore  only  sandals,  which  left  the  foot  perfectly 
exposed  to  dust  and  mud,  the  first  thing  provided  for  them  when 
they  came  to  a  house,  was  clear  water  to  wash  their  feet.  "VVe 
read  in  the  Scripture  that  the  patriarchs  never  failed  to  comply 
with  this  duty  towards  their  guests;  and  another  act  of  politeness 
practised  in  their  regard,  was  to  accompany  them  a  certain  dis- 
tance when  they  resumed  their  journey. 

The  urbanity  of  the  Greeks  during  their  heroic  times  was  mucli 
of  the  same  description ;  it  consisted  in  saluting  each  other  by 
name,  with  a  gesticulation  of  the  right  hand  accompanied  by  some 
obliging  words.  One  of  their  chief  rules  of  civility,  when  they 
extended  hospitality  to  strangers,  was  to  wait  for  some  days  before 
asking  them  the  object  and  motives  of  their  visit. 

The  custom  of  making  presents,  as  a  token  of  gratitude,  or 
through  pure  liberality,  was  already  very  much  in  use;  these 
presents  were  sometimes  quite  valuable  both  as  to  matter  and 
form,  .such  as  rich  and  splendid  robes  and  garments,  golden 
bracelets  or  chains  and  ear-rings,  basins  and  other  vessels,  likewise 
of  gold  or  silver.  The  fabrication  and  use  of  these  objects  prove 
moreover  that,  notwithstanding  the  general  simplicity  of  early 
ages,  some  arts  tending  to  mere  decoration  and  ornament  had 
already  much  advanced,  and  there  began  to  reign  a  certain  pomp 
and  luxury  among  the  Asiatic  nations. 

The  propensity  of  these  nations  to  splendor  and  show  seemed 
continually  to  increase,  and  after  having  made  a  considerable 
display  among  the  Egyptians,  the  Phenicians  and  the  other  in- 
habitants of  Palestine,  reached  its  highest  degree  in  the  Assyrian, 
Babylonian  and  Persian  empires.  It  is  truly  astonishing  how 
tar  the  sovereigns  of  these  vast  monarchies  carried  magnificence 
and  pomp  in  their  palaces,  furniture,  dress  and  retinue,  and  to 
what  degree  they  amassed  gold  and  silver.  Unfortunately,  those 
very  kingdoms  were  at  the  same  time  a  prey  to  frightful  vices,  such 
as  dissoluteness  and  eifeminacy,  the  chief  causes  of  their  decline 
and  the  forerunners  of  their  impending  ruin,  to  be,  as  it  were, 
a  terrible  warning  to  all  future  generations,  that  not  in  wealth 
and  luxury  do  the  real  greatness  and  happiness  of  nations 
consist,  but  in  the  practice  of  public  and  private  virtues. 

The  same  remarks  are  applicable,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the 
Greeks  and  Romans  for  the  time  when  they  themselves,  by  their  vie 
tories  and  conquests,  had  attained  the  summit  of  worldly  prosperity* 


MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS.  479 

There  must  be  admitted,  it  is  true,  some  honorable  exceptions: 
I.  In  favor  of  the  Athenians,  who,  notwithstanding  the  disorders  and 
vices  of  many  among  them,  yet,  as  a  nation,  always  respected  the 
laws  of  decency  and  evinced  a  special  horror  for  the  vice  of  intem- 
perance ;  and,  2.  Of  several  great  personages  of  Rome,  e.  g.  Scipio 
iEmilianus,  Metellus  Nuraidicus  and  Cato  Uticensis,  all  of  whom, 
not  to  mention  others  less  celebrated,  evinced  in  their  general  con- 
duct a  morality  worthy  of  the  former  and  flourishing  times  of  the 
republic.  But  how  few,  comparatively  speaking,  there  were  of  this 
Ascription,  and  how  easily  they  disappear  from  the  sight  of  the 
observer  in  the  universal  confusion  and  depravity  of  their  age  ! 

What,  for  instance,  do  the  records  of  those  later  ages  tell 
as  about  the  very  nations  previously  the  most  renowned  for 
their  moral  qualities  and  habits?  The  austere  life  of  the 
Spartans  had  yielded  to  avarice  and  sensuality^  the  indus- 
trious activity  of  the  Athenians  was  changed  into  luxury,  curi- 
osity and  indolence ;  the  masculine  virtues  of  sobriety,  frugality, 
honorable  poverty  and  laborious  life,  practised  for  a  long  timo  by 
the  Romans,  were  now  superseded  by  the  contrary  vices.  Si- 
multaneously with  this  decay  of  morals  among  the  latter,  the  fer- 
tile fields  of  Italy  were  converted  into  flower-gardens,  groves,  places 
for  sumptuous  baths  or  parks  for  hunting,  to  gratify  the  fanciful 
taste  of  wealthy  individuals;  and  the  number  and  duration  of 
their  repasts,  the  abundance,  variety,  delicacy  and  seasoning  of 
their  meats,  were  carried  to  an  incouceix  able  degree  of  refinement. 

To  this  luxury  of  the  table,  the  Romans,  in  the  latter  days  of 
their  commonwealth,  joined  an  inordinate  relish  for  shows,  games 
and  theatrical  representations.  To  satisfy  their  inclination  ia 
this  respect,  they  did  not  confine  themselves  to  dramatical  exhi- 
bitions, but  required  the  costly  sports  of  the  amphitheatre  or 
circus,  in  which,  at  first,  animals  of  a  chosen  kind,  especially 
lions  and  elephants,  were  made  to  fight  against  one  anothel^,  after- 
wards men  against  beasts,  and  finally  men  against  other  men 
under  the  name  of  gladiators.  These  last,  in  their  inhuman 
combats,  became  the  favorite  spectacle  of  the  Romans,  and, 
sometimes  to  the  number  of  more  than  a  hundred  or  a  thousandj 
shed  the  blood  of  one  another  for  the  purpose  of  solemnizing  the 
funerals  of  some  famoiis  personage,  or  for  the  mere  diversion  of 
barbarous  spectators. 

Add  to  this  the  common  practice  of  bribery,  venality  of  offices, 
extortion,  oppression  of  subjects,  allies  and  conquered  provinces; 
the  cruel  treatment  inflicted  on  children,  slaves  and  insolvent 
debtors;  the  frequency  and  facility  of  divorce;  the  frightful  licen- 
tiousness that  pervaded  not  only  the  Roman  people,  but  tlio 
generality  of  heathen  nations;  the  adulteries  and  incests,  plot% 


iSO      -^  ANCIENT  HISTORY.  Part  VII 

treasons,  murders,  parricides  or  fratricides,  which  so  often  oc- 
curred during  those  perverse  ages,  especially  in  great  cities  and 
in  the  courts  of  sovereigns;  the  obscene  or  inhuman  rites  by 
which  the  people  worshipped  their  false  deities;  in  a  word,  a  de- 
luge of  vices  and  crimes  that  covered,  together  with  idolatry, 
nearly  the  whole  face  of  the  world :  such  was  the  abyss  of  evils 
in  which  mankind  was  then  plunged,  and  from  which  there 
was  no  hope  of  recovery  by  human  means. 

It  required  indeed  the  special  interference  of  God  to  check  so 
dismal,  so  extensive  and  so  deeply  rooted  an  evil.  Jt  required  a 
divine  light  and  doctrine  to  dispel  the  darkness  and  errors  of 
idolatry;  and  divine  precepts,  heavenly  examples  and  supernatu- 
ral assistance,  to  purge  the  world  from  the  crimes  that  every 
where  prevailed :  and  this  was  effected  by  Christ,  the  Incarnate 
Son  of  God;  by  his  life,  death  and  resurrection,  and  by  the 
preaching  of  his  Gospel.  Not  that  all  disorders  have  really  dis- 
appeared; because,  unfortunately,  there  always  have  been  and 
always  will  be  men  disposed  to  shut  their  eyes  against  the 
light,  and  to  reject  the  divine  ordinances  in  all  or  in  part, 
in  theory  or  in  practice.  Yet,  how  great,  how  striking  for  an 
attentive  observer,  is  the  difference  between  the  times  of  heathen- 
ism and  those  of  Christianity.  How  many  unjust  and  inhuman 
laws  discarded !  How  much  ignorance  about  moral  and  religious 
principles,  dispelled !  How  many  crimes,  very  common  before, 
no  longer  or  scarcely  heard  of!  How  many  barbarous  and  in- 
famous rites  destroyed  !  How  many  cruel  and  atrocious  cus- 
toms abolished !  In  fine,  how  many  pure  and  sublime,  virtues 
every  where  substituted  in  the  place  of  disorder  and  vice,  or 
deeds  of  heroic  and  heavenly  perfection,  in  the  place  of  merely 
human  and  moral  decorum  ! 

Here  above  all  must  appear  the  complete  dissimilarity  of  the 
two  grand  epochs  of  mankind.  Whilst  ancient  history  shows 
only  here  and  there  a  few  individuals  practicing  moderation, 
clemency,  liberality,  disinterestedness,  fortitude  and  the  like, 
and  that,  often,  from  very  imperfect  motives:  modern  history 
lihows  the  religion  of  Christ,  not  only  establishing  pure  and  genu- 
me  virtue  wherever  it  found  men  disposed  to  receive  it,  not  only 
causing  innumerable*  persons  to  lead  a  life  entirely  and  constantly 
virtuous;  but  producing  models  of  perfection  and  sanctity,  of 
voluntary  poverty,  continency,  and  self-denial  for  God  and  the 
neighbor's  sake,  in  all  ranks  and  employments,  in  all  periods  and 
circumstances  of  life,  finally  in  all  countries  and  all  ages,  as  well 
those  of  comparative  ignorance,  as  those  of  knowledge  and  eru- 
aition.  This  was  a  spectacle  totally  unknown  to  the  pagan  world, 
AQ'J  reserved  exclusively  to  the  times  of  the  Christian  era. 


APPENDIX 


This  Appendix  will  contain  six  Illustrations,  or  confirmatory  proofe 
of  the  views  taken  by  the  author  of  this  History  concemmg  some 

iniportant  pomts. 

The  first  of  these  illusti-ations,  mostly  taken  from  Bossuei^s  Discoime 
on  Universal  History,  has  reference  to  the  succession  of  ancient  em- 
pires, and  is  intended  to  vindicate  the  order  and  manner  in  which  it 
has  been  set  forth  (pp.  89-100),  contrary  indeed  to  the  opinion  of 
Justin  and  Diodorus  Siculus,  but  quite  in  accordance  both  with  Holy 
Writ  and  with  the  most  jutUcious  authors  of  antiquity.  This  passage 
of  Bossuet  is  well  deserving  an  attentive  perusal,  and  will  be  found 
replete  with  sound  information  and  criticism. 

2.  Anotlier,  though  much  shorter,  extract  from  the  same  eminent 
writer,  will  throw  much  hght  on  the  opinion  expressed  in  page  143 
of  this  volume  (text  and  note),  concerning  the  precise  time  in  which 
King  Xerxes  ceased,  and  Artaxerxes  Longimanus  began,  to  reign  in 
Persia.  This  is  a  momentous  and  liighly  useful  question  towards 
ascertaining  the  commencement  of  the  70  weeks  spoken  of  by  the 
Prophet  Daniel,  that  were  to  elapse  until  the  coming  of  the  Messiah. 

3.  The  third  addition  is  intended  to  explain  the  reasons  why  Anni- 
bal,  whose  plan  of  attack  had  been  so  successful  at  Cannse,  did  not 
adopt  and  follow  the  same  in  the  battle  of  Zama,  and  to  vindicate  this 
great  general's  conduct  on  the  latter  occasion. 

4.  The  victory  of  Marius  over  the  Teutones  near  Aquae  Sextiae  (p. 
345),  is  justly  considered  one  o'f  the  most  signal  events  of  ancient 
Rome.  It  could  have  been  related  at  much  greater  length  and  with 
many  important  details;  but,  as  it  Avas  neither  proper,  nor  consistent 
with  our  general  plan,  to  introduce  so  many  particulars  about  one 
special  fact,  a  fourth  illustration,  entirely  taken  from  the  interesting 
narrative  of  Plutarch,  wUl  now  make  up  for  this  apparent  deficiency. 

5.  Lest  the  judgment  we  have  passed  in  different  places  (e.  g.  pp. 
212,  301,  382,  467,  etc.,)  on  the  greatest  among  ancient  conquerors 
should  to  any  one  appear  ill-founded,  we  will  here  adduce,  as  an  excel- 
lent proof  of  its  accuracy,  what  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  in  one  of  his  con- 
versations at  St.  Helena,  said  of  Alexander,  Julius  Csesar  and  Annibal, 
and  of  the  respective  claims  of  those  famous  men  to  the  adiuiratiou 
of  posterity. ' 

6.  The  concluding  part  of  this  Appendix  will  be  a  summary  view 
of  the  state  of  literature  among  the  ancients,  especially  the  Greeks 
and  Romans.  481 

41 


482  APPENDIX. 


§1.  SUCCESSION  OF  ANCIENT  EMPIRES. 

The  reader  may  have  noticed,  tliat  our  narrative  of  Cyrus'  life  and 
actions  is  very  different  from  what  Justin  the  historian  says  of  thai 
prince ;  that  this  author  does  not  mention  the  second  Assyrian  empire, 
nor  those  famous  kings  of  Assyria  and  Babylon  so  much  spoken  of  in 
Bible  history;  and,  in  fine,  that  our  statement  throughout  does  not 
well  agree  with  what  the  came  author  relates  of  the  three  first  empires, 
that  is  the  empire  of  the  Assyrians,  which  became  extinct  in  the  per- 
son and  by  the  death  of  Sardanapalus ;  the  monarchy  of  the  Medes, 
whose  last  sovereign  was  Cyaxares  II,  the  uncle  of  Cyrus ;  and  the 
Persian  empire,  founded  by  the  same  Cyrus  and  destroyed  by  Alexan- 
der the  Great.** 

To  Justin  may  be  added  Diodorus  Siculus,  and  several  other  Grecian 
and  Latin  authors  whose  writings  are  still  extant,  who  differ  in  their 
narrative  from  what  has  been  stated  and  related  in  this  work,  as  being 
more  consonant  to  Sacred  History. 

Should  any  one  be  surprised  of  this  difference,  he  ought  to  take  notice 
that  profane  historians  seldom  agree  perfectly  among  themselves.  Tlie 
Greeks,  for  instance,  have  left  us  several  contradictory  accounts  of  the 
actions  of  Cyrus.  Herodotus  mentions  three  of  them,  besides  the  one 
which  he  himself  has  chosen  to  follow  ;t  nor  does  he  say  that  this  one 
was  founded  on  the  testimony  of  more  ancient  or  more  respectable 
authors,  tlian  the  others  which  he  rejects.  He  also  remarks  that  the 
death  of  Cyrus  was  variously  related,t  and  that  he  has  embraced  on  this 
point  the  opinion  which  to  him  seemed  the  more  likely,  without  sup- 
porting it  by  any  further  proof.  Xenophon,  who  served  in  the  Persian 
army  of  Cyrus  the  younger,  the  brother  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  had 
far  better  means  of  investigating  the  life  and  death  of  the  former 
Cyrus  in  the  annals  and  tradition  of  the  Persians ;  and  no  one,  ever  so 
Uttle  versed  in  the  knowledge  of  antiquity,  will  hesitate  to  prefer,  after 
the  examjjle  of  St.  Jerom,§  Xenophon,  so  wise  a  philosopher  and  so 
skilful  a  general,  to  Ctesias^  a  fabulous  author  whom  most  of  the 
Grecian  writers  have  copied,  as  Justin  and  the  Latins  have  copied 
the  Greeks ;  and  even  to  Herodotus  himself,  however  judicious  other- 
wise the  latter  may  be.  The  reason  of  this  preference  is  because  the 
history  of  Xenophon,  not  only  is  better  connected  and  more  rational 
in  itself,  but  it  enjoys,  besides,  the  advantage  of  being  more  consonant 
to  Holy  Scripture,  which,  independently  of  its  divine  inspiration,  de- 
Bcrves  to  be  preferred  to  all  Grecian  histories,  from  the  mere  fact  of  its 
antiquity  and  the  intimate  connexion  of  the  affairs  of  the  Jewish 
people  with  those  of  the  other  Oriental  nations. 

As  to  the  first  three  monarchies,  what  most  of  the  Grecian  authors 
have  written  of  them,  was  looked  upon  as  suspicious  by  the  wisest 
men  of  Greece  themselves.  Plato  shows  in  general  terms,  and  under 
Uie  name  of  Egyptian  priests,  that  the  Greeks  were  deeply  ignorant  of 

•♦Justin,  Hist.  b.  i,  c.  3-6.  ^ Herod,  b.  i,  ch.  95. 

tibid.  ch.  214.  §St.  Hicrou   in  Daniel 


APPENDIX  4M 

historical  antiquities  ;^  and  Aristotle  reckons  among  story-tellers  siicb 
OS  had  written  on  Assyrian  history .f 

The  reason  of  their  mistakes  is,  because  Grecian  historians  were 
comparatively  recent,  and  being  desirous  to  please  their  countrymen, 
always  so  fond  of  curious  things,  by  the  recital  of  the  events  and  revo- 
lutions of  old,  they  made  up  their  narrative  of  confused  materials, 
which  they  were  satisfied  to  set  in  a  pleasing  order,  without  much 
minding  their  accuracy  and  truth. 

And,  indeed,  the  order  of  succession  which  they  ascribe  to  the  first 
empires,  is  manifestly  incorrect.  For,  after  relating  the  fall  of  the 
Assyrians  under  Sardanapalus,  they  represent  the  Medes,  and  then 
the  Persians,  successively  and  separately  possessmg  the  empire  of 
Asia;  as  if  the  Medes  had  inherited  the  whole  power  of  the  As- 
syrians, and  the  Persians  had  established  themselves  by  expelling  the 
Medes. 

But  it  appears  certain,  on  the  contrary,  that  when  Arbaces  roused 
the  Medes  against  Sardanapalus,  he  did  nothing  but  procure  their  free- 
dom, v/ithout  at  all  subjecting  the  empire  of  the  Assyrians  to  their 
power.  Herodotus  distinguishes  the  time  when  they  became  free,  from 
that  ppoch  when  King  Dejoces  began  to  reign  over  them ;  J  and  the 
biter\al  between  these  two  epochs,  according  to  the  ablest  chronolo- 
gists,  must  have  been  of  nearly  forty  years.  It  is  moreover  certain, 
from  tlie  concurring  testimony  of  tliis  great  historian  and  of  Xeno- 
plion,  §  not  to  mention  here  severs,!  others,  that  at  the  very  time  during 
which,  we  are  told,  the  Medes  possessed  the  empire  of  Asia,  there 
were  in  Assyria  very  powerful  kings,  Avhose  monarchy  Cyrus  over- 
threw by  the  conquest  of  Babylon. 

If  then  most  Grecian  historians,  as  well  as  the  Latins  who  have  fol- 
lowed them,  do  not  mention  those  Babylonian  kings ;  if  they  give  no 
place  to  that  mighty  kingdom  among  the  empires  whose  succession 
they  pretend  to  relate ;  finally,  if  we  find  hardly  any  thing  in  their 
narrative  concerning  those  famous  monarchs,  Theglathphalasar,  Salma- 
nasar,  Sennacherib,  Nabuchodonosor,  so  mucb  renowned  in  the  Bible 
and  in  Oriental  histories:  this  omission  ought  to  be  attributed  to 
nothing  else  than  either  the  ignorance  of  the  Greeks,  more  eloquent  in 
Iheir  descriptions  than  exact  in  their  researches,  or  to  the  loss  we  must 
nave  suffered  of  their  best  historical  writings. 

Indeed,  Herodotus  had  promised  to  write  a  separate  history  of  the 
Assyrians ;  ||  a  history,  however,  which  is  not  extant,  whether  it  was 
lost,  or  whether  he  had  no  time  to  compose  it.  At  all  events,  we  may 
rest  assured  that  wo  would  have  found  in  it  the  sovereigns  of  the 
second  Assyrian  empire,  since  Sennacherib,  who  was  one  of  them, 
is  mentioned  in  another  book  of  that  great  historian,  as  king  of  ttie 
Assyrians  and  Arabs. ^ 

Strabo,  who  lived  about  the  time  of  Augustus, relates  in  substance** 
what  Megasthenes,  an  author  much  more  ancient  and  nearly  contem- 

*  Pljto  in  Titi..  f  Aristot.   Polit.  ±  ETerod.  b.  i,  ch.  96. 

§  Herod,  ib    Xenoph.  Cyrop.  b.  5,6,  etc.  1|  Ilerod.  b.  i,  ch.  106  and  184. 

1  Herod,  iib.,  ch.  141.  **  Strab.  b.  xv,  circa  iniL 


481  APPENDIX. 

porary  with  Alexander  the  Great,  had  written  of  the  great  conquests 
achieved  by  Nabuchodonosor,  king  of  the  Chaldeans,  namely:  that 
this  prince  went  through  Europe  as  far  as  into  Spain,  and  carried  hia 
victorious  arms  even  to  the  pillars  of  Hercules.  .Mian  speaks  '^  of  Til- 
gamus  as  king  of  Assyria,  that  is  to  say,  beyond  any  doubt,  the  same 
who  is  called  Theglath  in  Scripture ;  and  we  have  in  Ptolemy  an  enu- 
meration of  the  sovereigns  that  ruled  over  the  ancient  empires,  among 
whom  is  found  a  long  series  of  Assyrian  monarchs  unknown  to  the 
Greeks,  and  which  it  is  easy  to  reconcile  with  Sacred  History. 

It  would  take  too  long  to  relate  what  we  find  written  on  the  same 
subject  in  the  Syrian  annals,  in  Berosus,  in  Abydenus  and  in  Nicholas 
Damascenus.  Eusebius  of  Csesareaf  and  JosephusJ  have  preserved 
for  us  valuable  fragments  of  all  these  authors,  and  of  a  great  many 
others  Desides,  whose  writings  were  then  entire,  and  whose  testimony 
confirms  what  the  Holy  Scripture  relates  both  of  the  antiquities  of 
Oriental  nations  at  large,  and  of  Assyrian  history  in  particular. 

As  to  the  rp.onarchy  of  the  Medes,  which  most  profane  historians 
now  extant  reckon  as  the  second  in  the  series  of  great  empires  and 
apart  from  that  of  the  Persians,  it  is  certain  that  Sacred  History  always 
joins  them  together,  and,  besides  the  authority  of  Holy  Writ,  the  very 
order  of  facts  plainly  shows  that  the  latter  is  the  only  true  statement. 

Before  Cyrus,  the  Medes,  although  conspicuous  and  powerful,  were 
ecUpsed  by  the  superior  gi-eatness  of  the  Babylonian  kings.  But  Cyrus 
having,  through  the  combined  forces  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  sub- 
dued the  kingdom  of  Babylon,  it  was  but  natural  that  the  vast  empire 
of  which  he  was  the  founder  and  second  sovereign,  should  take  its 
name  from  that  of  the  two  allied  nations.  So  it  really  happened ;  and 
hence  the  monarchy  of  the  Medes  and  the  monarchy  of  the  Persians 
were  one  and  the  same  empire,  although  the  glory  of  Cyrus  caused 
the  name  of  the  Persians  to  prevail  in  history. 

It  may,  moreover,  be  said,  that  before  the  Babylonian  war,  the 
Medes  having  extended  their  conquests  towards  the  West  in  the  direc-- 
tion  of  the  Grecian  colonies  of  Asia  Minor,  became  for  that  reason 
celebrated  among  the  Greeks,  who  therefore  ascribed  to  them  the  em- 
pire of  Upper  Asia,  because  they  were  unacquainted  with  the  other 
monarchs  of  the  East.  It  thus  happened  that  the  kings  of  Ninive  and 
Babylon,  much  more  powerful  than  those  of  Media,  yet  much  less 
known  to  Greece,  have  been  almost  entirely  forgotten  in  those  liistories 
written  by  Grecian  authors  which  are  still  extant,  and  the  possession 
of  superior  power  during  all  the  time  that  elapsed  between  Sardanapa- 
lus  and  Cyrus,  lias  been,  through  mistake,  attributed  to  the  Medes  alono 

There  is  no  need,  therefore,  to  take  much  trouble  in  endeavoring  to 
reconcile  on  this  poial  profane  with  Sacred  History.  For,  as  to  what 
regards  the  first  empire  of  Assyria,  the  Scripture  speaks  very  little  of 
ft,  and  mentions  neither  Ninus,  its  founder,  nor  any  of  his  successors, 
except  Phul,  because  their  history  had  nothing  common  with  the  his- 


*^Han,  Hist.  atwn.  b.  xii,  ch.  21.         t  Euseb.  Prop.  Evang.  b.  ix. 
X  .losepb   Antiq.  b.  ix,  last  cb  — x,  cb.  11;  and  Contr.  App.  b    i. 


APPENDIX.  48} 

lory  of  the  chosen  people  of  God.  As  to  the  second  Assyrian  empire, 
most  Greeks  were  either  entirely  ignorant  of  it,  or  having  known  it  but 
imperfectly,  confounded  it  with  the  first. 

Whenever,  then,  any  one  will  oppose  to  our  statement  the  testimony 
of  those  Grecian  authors  who  relate  in  a  different  manner  the  succes 
gion  of  the  three  first  monarchies,  and  suppose  that  the  first  empire  of 
the  Assyrians  was  succeeded  by  that  of  the  Modes,  and  not  by  the 
second  Assyi'ian  empire,  which  the  Scripture  shows  to  have  been  so 
powerful ;  we  have  simply  to  answer  that  those  writers  did  not  know 
this  part  of  history,  and  that  they  are  at  variance,  not  only  with  Holy 
Scripture,  but  also  with  the  most  judicious  and  best  informed  authors 
of  their  nation,  such  as  Xenophon,  Herodotus,  Ptolemy,  and  others. 

Finally,  the  difficulty  must  be  forever  removed  by  tins  one  plain 
consideration,  that  the  Sacred  Writers,  having  been  nearer  both  in  time 
and  place  to  the  great  Eastern  kingdoms,  and  moreover  describing  the 
history  of  a  nation  (the  Jewish  people)  whose  affairs  were  so  closely 
interwoven  with  the  transactions  of  these  mighty  empires,  are  of  suf- 
ficient weight,  even  independently  of  divine  inspiration,  to  silence  those 
Greelv  and  Latin  authors  who  have  given  a  different  narrative.^ 

This  conclusion  is  the  more  exact,  as  the  testimony  of  the  latter,  by 
not  mentioning  the  second  Assyrian  empire,  hardly  amounts  to  any 
thing  more  than  a  mere  omission  or  negative  proof.  Now,  it  is  univer- 
sally as  well  as  justly  agreed,  that  negative  proofs  are  of  no  weight 
and  no  avail  whatsoever,  when  they  clash,  concerning  the  same  facts, 
with  explicit  evidences  to  the  contrary. 

§11.  CLOSE  OF  XEEXES'  AND   BEGINNING  OF  ARTA- 
XERXES  LONGIMANUS'  EEIGN.—Pp.  143-144. 

Xerxes  was  killed  by  Artabanus,  the  commander  of  his  guards 
whether  this  traitor  intended  to  occupy  his  master's  throne,  or  whethei  ^ 
he  feared  for  himself  the  severity  of  a  prince  whose  cruel  orders  he  had 
not  executed.f  The  son  of  Xerxes,  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  com- 
menced his  reign,  and  shortly  after,  received  a  letter  from  Themistocles, 
who,  being  outlawed  by  his  fellow-citizens,  offered  him  his  services 
against  the  Greeks  (B.  C.,  473.)  He  knew  how  to  set  a  proper  value 
on  the  merits  of  so  conspicuous  a  man,  and,  notwithstanding  the  jeal- 
ousy of  the  Persian  satraps,  raised  him  to  a  high  rank  and  fortune 
Tlie  same  magnanimous  king  protected  the  Jewish  people,  and  in  the 
20th  5'ear  of  his  reign,  a  year  rendered  most  remarkable  from  the  se- 
quel, he  authorized  Nehemias  to  build  up  Jerusalem  again  with  its 
Walls-t  This  edict  of  Artaxei-xes  differed  from  another  edict  issued  by 
Cyrus  in  behalf  of  the  same  Jews,  §  in  as  much  as  the  latter  related  to 
the  tempb,  and  the  former  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem.  "What  is  most 
deserving  of  notice,  is  that  the  commission  w^hich  was  given  by  Arta* 

♦Bossuet,  Discours  sur  VJiistoire  tiniv  ,  Part  i,  epoch  7. 
1  Arist    Polit.  V,  10.  t  II  Esdr.  ch.  2.  §1  Esdr.  i,l-3 

41' 


486  APPENDIX. 

xerxes,  and  had  beeir-foretold  by  the  prophet  Daniel,  gives  us  the  pre* 
else  beginning  of  the  seventy  weeks,  or  four  hundred  and  ninety  years 
mentioned  by  the  same  prophet  as  being  to  elapse  until  the  death  of 
Christ  for  the  redemption  of  mankind."^ 

This  important  date  rests  upon  a  solid  foundation.  Tlie  banish- 
ment of  Themistocles  is  stated  by  the  chronicle  of  Eusebius  to  have 
taken  place  in  the  4th  year  of  the  76th  Olympiad,  which  is  the  same 
as  the  year  of  Rome  280  (B.  C.  473.)  Other  chronologists  believe  it 
to  have  happened  a  little  later ;  but  the  difference  is  small,  and  various 
reasons  show  the  accuracy  of  the  date  set  forth  by  Eusebius.  In  effect, 
Thucydides,  a  grave  and  very  exact  historian,  who  was  a  fellow-citizen 
and  nearly  coeval  to  Themistocles,  asserts  that  the  latter  wrote  his  let- 
ter in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes.  f  Cornelius  Nepos,  an 
ancient  and  a  judicious  as  well  as  elegant  writer,  looks  upon  this  date 
as  certain,  on  account  of  the  authority  of  Thucydides :  J  an  inference 
this,  the  more  sound  and  reasonable,  as  another  author,  still  more 
ancient  than  Thucydides  himself,  agrees  with  him  on  the  subject.  That 
author  is  Cliaro  of  Lampsacus,  cited  by  Plutarch ;  §  and  Plutarch  adds, 
moreover,  that  the  annals,  namely,  the  Persian  annals,  agree  with 
these  two  writers.  He,  it  is  true,  entertains  some  doubt  about  their 
perfect  accuracy ;  yet,  he  assigns  no  particular  reasons  for  it,  and  the 
historians  who  think  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  to  have  begim  nine  or 
eight  years  later,  are  neither  so  ancient  nor  so  weighty  as  those  just 
mentioned.  It  seems  therefore  indubitable  that  its  beginning  must 
be  referred  to  the  end  of  the  76th  Olympiad,  or  nearly  the  year  280th 
of  Rome:  whence  the  20th  year  of  that  prince  must  have  occurred 
about  the  end  of  the  281st  Olympiad,  or  the  year  300th  of  Rome  (B. 
C.  453;)  the  more  so,  as  the  others  who  postpone  the  beginning  of 
Artaxerxes'  reign,  are  obhged,  in  order  to  reconcile  ancient  authors,  to 
admit  that  his  father  had  at  least  associated  him  with  himself  in  the 
government,  at  the  time  when  Themistocles  wrote  his  letter.  So  that, 
whatever  view  may  be  taken  of  the  matter,  the  date  we  have  assigned 
appears  indubitable.  || 

This  being  settled,  nothing  is  easier  than  to  complete  the  calcula- 
tion^ From  the  20th  of  Artaxerxes,  or  the  year  B.  C.  453,  there  were 
just  69  weeks  of  years,  that  is  483  years,  to  the  baptism  of  our  Lord, 
when  he  first  began  to  preach,  and  to  execute  the  office  of  the  Messiah. 
Then  he  preached  for  3  years  and  a  half,  or  half  a  week,  and  died 
apon  a  cross  in  the  middle  of  the  70th  week  j  which  was  exactly  the 
time  foretold  by  the  Prophet  Daniel. 

♦Dan.  i>r,  25.  fThucyd.  b.  i. 

4:Coru.  Nep.  in  Them.  ch.  ix.  §  PJut.  in  7%<rm.. 

U  Bossuet,  Op.  at.,  P.  i,  epoch  viii 


APPENDIX.  487 


!!  §111.  CONDUCT  OF  ANNIBAL  IN  THE  BATTLE  OF  21AMA 
Pp.  299-300. 

:      When  the  momentous  conflict  which  was  to  decide  the  fate  of  Rome 
!  and  Carthage,  could  be  no  longer  postponed,  Annibal  prepared  himself 
'  for  it  in  the  following  manner.    He  formed  his  army  in  three  lines,  with 
eighty  elephants  in  front,  with  which  he  proposed  to  begin  the  action. 
His  lirst  line  consisted  of  mercenary  troops,  Gauls,  Ligurians  and 
Spaniards;  the  second  was  composed  of  Africans  and  natives. of  Car- 
thage, and  in  a  third  line  he  placed  the  veterans  who  had  shared  with 
.  himself  all  the  dangers  and  honors  of  the  Italian  war.     The  lioman 
jegionaries  were  drawn  forth  according  to  their  usual  divisions  of  Has- 
tali,  Pnncipcs  and  Tnarii  (see  p.  464;)  and  finally,  in  both  armies, 
the  cavalry  was  placed  at  the  two  wings,  the  hostile  squadrons  exactly 
I  facing  each  other. 

Here  it  may  have  easily  occurred  to  the  mind  of  the  attentive  reader, 
to  ask  wh)''  Annibal  did  not  make  the  same  array  of  his  forces  and 
adopt  the  same  plan  of  attack  at  Zama,  which  he  had  so  successfully 
employed  at  CamiEe  (see  p.  290.)  Before  giving  a  direct  answer  to 
this  question,  every  one  should  certainly  be  inclined  to  pause,  and  con- 
jecture within  himself  that  so  able  and  experienced  a  general  as  Anni- 
bal was,  must  have  had  excellent  reasons  for  tliis  difference  of  conduct ; 
and,  indeed,  that  such  really  was  the  case,  not  the  least  doubt  can  be 
entertained.  The  truth  is,  that  the  circumstances  wliich  attended  these 
two  great  battles,  were  entirely  different  in  almost  every  respect. 

AVhen  Annibal  prepared  to  fight  against  Scipio,  he  was  not  to  cope, 
as  before,  with  a  presumptuous  consul  hurried  on  by  the  impetuosity  of 
liis  courage  into  any  danger  and  any  snare  that  might  be  laid  for  him  ; 
but  with  a  commander  equally  brave  and  prudent,  perfectly  acquainted 
with  every  part  of  his  duty,  and  his  equal  or  nearly  his  equal  in  mili- 
tary science.  The  field  of  battle  was  not  left  to  the  option  of  the  Car- 
thaginian leader ;  he  had  to  abide  by  the  choice,  which  it  was  not  in 
his  power  to  reverse,  already  made  by  his  opponent.  Above  all, 
though  he  was  yet  at  the  head  of  a  respectable  army  in  point  of  num- 
ber, (about  fifty  thousand  men,)  he  could  hardly  place  any  reliance  on 
the  exertions  of  a  great  portion  of  his  troops :  he  had  no  longer  those 
numerous  and  indefatigable  squadrons  of  Numidian  cavalry,  to  which 
he  owed  so  much  of  liis  former  success,  and  was  now  in  this  respect 
inferior  to  the  Romans,  who  had  secured  so  great  an  advantage  for 
themselves,  by  winning  over  King  Massinissa  to  their  side ;  nor  had  he 
many  of  those  intrepid  warriors  that  had  accompanied  liim  in  his  first 
campaigns,  their  nimiber  having  been  considerably  reduced  by  previous 
battles :  so  that  the  greater  part  of  his  army  consisted  either  of  new 
levies  or  foreign  auxiharies,  and  soldiers  who  had  reluctantly  followed 
him  from  Italy. 

Under  these  unfavorablie  circumstances,  what  could  Annibal  do  bet- 
ter towards  insuring  success,  than  1.  to  endeavor,  by  making  his 
numerous  elephants  advance  at  oncG,  to  produce  confusion  and  disorder 


488  APPENDIX. 

among  the  Roman  infantry ;  2.  by  directing  successive  charges  to  be 
made  by  his  first  and  second  line,  to  stop  and  weary  the  Roman  sol- 
'dier ;  and  at  last,  when  things  would  be  in  this  condition,  to  make 
with  the  choicest  men  of  his  army  a  vigorous,  and  likely  to  prove,  a 
decisive  and  successful  effort?  Now,  tliis  was  exactly  the  admirable 
scheme  contrived  by  Annibal,  as  plainly  appears,  not  only  from  the 
order  and  formation  of  his  troops  as  related  above,  but  also  from  the 
concurrent  testimony  of  the  best  historians  in  their  description  of  this 
famous  battle.  What  happy  result  could  he  not  then  have  justly  ex- 
pected from  this  masterly  dispostion,  had  not  a  multitude  of  accidents 
which  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  control,  combined,  as  it  were,  to 
thwart  and  defeat  his  very  best  measures  ? 

In  the  first  place,  his  elephants  failed  to  produce  much  effect,  and, 
owing  to  the  prudent  orders  of  Scipio  and  to  the  intervals  left  pur- 
posely between  the  divisions  of  the  Roman  troops,  were  in  a  short  time 
driven  out  of  the  field  of  action.  Next  to  this,  and  when  the  battle 
began  to  rage  between  the  first  lines  of  the  two  armies,  the  Carthaginian 
auxiliaries,  not  seeing  themselves  actually  sustained  by  the  rest  of  their 
army,  imagined  that  they  were  altogether  forsaken,  and  giving  way  to 
despondency,  retraced  their  steps  with  much  confusion,  and  a  dreadful 
havoc  which  they  suffered  both  from  the  Romans  in  front  and  their 
own  troops  behind.  This  unfortunate  circumstance  also  contributed  to 
the  defeat  of  their  second  line ;  not,  however,  till  after  a  very  sharp 
conflict,  and  prodigies  of  valor  performed  on  each  side.  In  the  in- 
terim, Scipio's  cavalry,  headed  by  Massinissa  and  La3lius,  had  suf- 
ficient time,  not  only  to  rout  and  drive  far  from  the  field  the  Cartha 
ginian  cavalry,  but  also  to  hasten  back  to  the  assistance  of  the 
legionaries. 

Notwithstanding  so  many  distressing  accidents,  so  formidable  still 
was  tlie  attitude  of  Annibal  and  his  veterans,  and  so  gallant  their  be- 
havior in  the  conflict,  that  the  charges  of  the  Roman  infantry  were 
repeatedly  repulsed,  and  Scipio  entertained  for  a  time  serious  appre- 
hensions as  to  the  final  result  of  the  battle.  Indeed,  his  triumph  was 
aot  achieved,  till  his  victorious  cavalry,  being  now  returned  from  the 
pursuit  of  their  opponents,  attacked  the  enemy  in  rear  and  flank,  and 
either  cut  them  in  pieces  on  the  spot  or  scattered  them  in  every  direc- 
tion. Annibal  had  resisted  up  to  the  last  moment :  he  had  truly  done, 
whether  before  or  after  the  action,  whatever  could  be  expected  from  a 
consummate  general,  and  such  was  his  conduct  as  justly  to  elicit  the 
admiration  and  praise  of  Scipio  himself;  ''Omnia,"  says  Livy,  *'et  in 
prselio  et  ante  aciem,  priusquam  excederet  pugna,  expertus,  et  confcs- 
siono  etiam  Scipionis  omniimique  peritorum  militiaj  illam  laudem  adep- 
tus,  singulari  arte  aciem  eo  die  instruxisse."  (Hist.  b.  xxx,  c.  36\— 
S«e  also  Polybius,  b.  xv,  (!xt.  9-16. 


APPENDIX.  489 


irV    VICTORY   OF   MAEIUS   OVER  THE  TEUTONES,   AC 
CORDING  TO  PLUTARCH.— Pp.  344-345. 

The  two  armies  had  readied  the  neighborhood  of  Aqiise  Sextia?, 
^now  Aix  in  Provence),  not  far  from  the  Alps,  when  the  Ambrones^ 
.  who  were  reputed  the  bravest  among  the  invaders,  encountered  a  per' 
lion  of  the  Roman  army  on  the  banks  of  a  small  river.  The  legion- 
aries ran  to  the  assistance  of  their  companions,  and  hence  followed  an 
engagement  for  which  Marius,  although  the  present  occasion  had  been 
unforeseen,  was  well  prepared ;  in  efl'ect,  being  now  perfectly  assured 
of  the  docility  as  well  as  the  bravery  of  liis  troops,  he  was  but  waiting 
for  a  favorable  opportunity  to  come  up  with  the  enemy  and  give  them 
battle.  The  Ambrones,  who  had  fearlessly  crossed  the  stream  to  en- 
counter the  Romans,  were  repulsed  with  terrible  slaughter,  and  the 
river  was  filled  with  dead  bodies;  nay,  such  as  succeeded  in  reaching 
again  the  opposite  bank,  were  cut  off  by  the  pursuers,  while  they 
fled  to  theur  camp  and  wagons,  so  that  most  of  them  perished  on  that 
day. 

The  Romans,  after  having  destroyed  so  many  of  the  Ambrones,  re- 
tired as  it  grew  dark ;  but  they  did  not  give  way  to  joy  and  mirth,  aa 
might  have  been  expected  after  so  great  a  success :  there  were  no  songs 
of  victory,  no  entertainments,  nor,  what  is  the  most  agreeable  circum 
stance  to  the  victorious  and  wearied  soldier,  any  sound  and  refreshing 
sleep.  On  the  contrary,  the  night  was  passed  in  the  greatest  per- 
plexity and  dread,  because  the  Roman  camp,  as  yet,  had  neither  trench 
nor  rampart^  and  there  remained  still  many  myriads  of  the  barbarians 
unconquered.  Besides  these  causes  of  alarm,  the  innumerable  host  of 
the  Teutones,  with  whom  the  few  surviving  Ambrones  had  mixed, 
made  the  surrounding  mountains,  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  the  whole 
plain,  resound  with  their  cries,  which  were  not  like  the  sighs  and 
groans  of  men,  but  like  the  howling  and  bellowing  of  wild  beasts. 
The  Romans  felt  the  impressions  of  terror,  and  Marius  himself  enter 
ta^ined  apprehensions  of  a  tumultuous  night  engagement.  However, 
the  barbarians  did  not  attack  them  either  that  night  or  next  day,  but 
sj>ent  the  time  in  consulting  how  to  dispose  and  draw  themselves  up 
in  battle  array  to  the  best  advantage. 

In  the  meantime,  Marius  observing  the  sloping  hills  and  woody 
hollows  that  hang  over  the  enemy's  camp,  despatched  Claudius  Mar 
cellus  with  three  thousand  men,  to  lie  in  ambush  there  till  the  fight 
was  begun,  and  then  to  fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  barbarians.  The  rest 
of  his  troops  he  ordered  to  take  the  necessary  food  and  rest  in  good 
time.  The  next  morning,  at  the  dawn  of  day,  he  drew  up  his  forces 
before  the  camp,  and  commanded  the  cavalry  to  march  into  the  plain. 
The  Teutones,  seeing  this,  could  not  contain  themselves,  nor  stay  until 
all  the  Romans  were  come  into  the  plain  below,  where  they  might  fight 
them  upon  equal  terms ;  but  armmg  themselves  hastily,  advanced  up 
to  the  hill.  Marius  despatched  his  ofiicers  through  the  various  bodies 
of  the  army,  with  orders  that  they  should  stand  still,  and  wait  for  (ho 


490  APPENDIX. 

enemy ;  but  when  tlie  barbarians  would  be  within  reach,  the  Romans 
were  to  throw  their  javeUns,  then  take  sword  in  hand,  and  pressing 
upon  the  foes  with  their  shields,  push  them  with  all  their  might;  for 
he  knew  the  place  to  be  so  slippery,  that  the  enemy's  blows  could  have 
no  great  force,  nor  could  they  preserve  any  close  order,  where  the  de- 
clivity of  the  ground  rendered  their  steps  unsteady  and  continually 
staggering.  At  the  same  time  that  he  gave  these  directions,  he  was 
the  first  who  set  the  example ;  for  he  was  inferior  to  none  in  personal 
agility,  and  in  resolution  he  far  exceeded  them  all. 

The  llomans  by  their  firmness  and  united  charge,  not  only  prevented 
the  barbarians  from  ascending  the  hill,  but  also  gradually  forced  them 
down  into  the  plain.  There  the  foremost  battalions  were  beginning  to 
form  again,  when  the  utmost  confusion  manifested  itself  in  another 
part  of  the  field ;  for  Marcellus,  who  had  watched  this  opportunity, 
as  soon  as  he  found,  by  the  noise  wliich  reached  the  liills  where  he  lay, 
that  the  battle  was  begun,  with  great  impetuosity  and  loud  shouts  fell 
upon  the  enemy's  rear,  and  destroyed  a  considerable  number  of  them. 
Such  as  escaped  death,  being  pushed  upon  those  before,  the  whole 
army  was  soon  put  in  disorder,  and  the  Teutones  thus  attacked  both 
in  front  and  rear,  could  not  stand  the  double  shock,  but  forsook  their 
rai&s  and  fled.  The  Romans,  pursuing  them,  either  killed  or  took 
prisoners  above  a  hundred  thousand,  and  having  made  themselves 
m.'isters  of  their  tents,  carriages  and  baggage,  voted  as  many  of  them 
us  were  not  plundered,  a  present  to  Marius.  This  indeed  was  a  noble 
recompense ;  yet  it  was  thought  very  inadequate  to  the  service  he  had 
rendered  in  that  great  and  imminent  danger. 

After  the  battle,  Marius  selected  from  among  the  arms  and  other 
spoils,  such  as  were  elegant  and  Ukely  to  make  the  gi-eatest  show  in 
his  triumph,  and  set  them  apart.  The  rest  he  piled  together,  for  the 
purpose  of  offering  them  up  as  a  religious  sacrifice.  The  army, 
crowned  with  laurels,  stood  round  the  pile ;  and  himself,  arrayed  in 
his  purple  robe  and  girt  after  the  manner  of  the  Romans,  took  a  lighted 
torch.  He  had  just  lifted  it  up  with  both  hands  towards  heaven,  and 
was  going  to  set  the  pile  on  fire,  when  some  friends  were  seen  gallop- 
ing towards  him.  Great  silence  and  expectation  ensued.  When  these 
men  were  come  near,  they  leaped  from  their  horses,  and  saluted  Marius 
consul  the  fifth  time,  delivering  him  letters  to  the  same  purpose.  This 
crowned  the  solemnity  of  the  occasion  with  an  increase  of  joy,  which 
tiie  soldiers  expressed  by  acclamations,  and  by  claijking  their  aiTns ; 
and  while  the  officers  were  presenting  Marius  with  new  crowns  of 
lauri3l,  he  set  fire  to  the  pile,  and  completed  the  sacrifice. — Plutarch  in 
C.  Marium. 


APIENDIX.  49] 


gV.  OPINION  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE  ON  HIE  GliEAl 
GENERALS  OF  ANTIQUITY. 

In  one  of  his  familiar  conversations  at  St.  Helena,  Napoleon  Bona 
parte  thus  expressed  his  opinion  on  the  merit  of  gi-eat  generals  and 
conquerors,  especially  those  of  ancient  times : 

"  A  succession  of  great  exploits  cannot  be  the  efifect  of  mere  chance 
and  fortune ;  it  always  proceeds  from  the  combined  efforts  of  science 
ind  genius.  Great  men  seldom  fail,  even  in  their  most  perilous  under 
taldngs.  Call  to  mind  Alexander,  Cajsar,  Annibal,  and  others  of  tho 
same  stamp  :  they  were  almost  always  successful.  They  did  not  be- 
come great  men,  because  they  had  success ;  but,  because  they  were 
great  men,  they  compelled  success,  as  it  were,  to  side  with  them.  If 
we  thoroughly  examine  the  cause  of  their  victories,  we  shall  see  with 
admiration  that  they  were  all  owing  to  the  efforts  of  their  genius. 

"Alexander,  who  was  scarcely  more  than  a  youth,  conquered  with 
a  handful  of  men  a  considerable  portion  of  the  globe.  Was  his  expe- 
dition a  mere  inroad,  a  transient  torrent  ?  No,  indeed ;  every  thing 
in  it  was  prepared  with  maturity,,  conducted  with  wisdom,  and  exe- 
cuted with  boldness.  Alexander  showed  himself  at  the  same  time  a 
great  warrior,  a  great  politician,  and  a  great  law-giver ;  unfortunately, 
when  he  reached  the  height  of  glory  and  success,  his  head  became  dizzy 
or  his  heart  perverted.  He  had  commenced  his  career  in  a  manner 
worthy  of  Trajan ;  he  closed  it  in  a  manner  worthy  of  Heliogabalus. 

"  Julius  Ca3sar,  on  the  contrary,  entered  late  upon  the  course  of  his 
public  life,  and  after  having  been  an  idle  and  vicious  youth,  displayed 
in  the  end  the  qualities  of  a  most  active,  generous  and  elevated  soul. 
He  stands  indeed,  as  one  of  the  most  interesting  and  attractive  figures 
among  the  public  characters  known  in  history.  He  conquered  Gaul ; 
he  obtained  the  upper  hand  at  Rome.  Could  these  have  been  achieved 
by  mere  chance  and  fortune  ? 

"  But  what  shall  I  say  of  Annibal,  the  most  daring,  and  perhaps 
the  most  astonishing  of  all ;  so  bold,  so  sagacious,  so  magnanimous  in 
every  part  of  his  undertaking ;  who,  at  the  age  of  twenty-six  years, 
nontrived  a  scheme  hardly  conceivable,  and  executed  what  must  have 
seemed  impossible ;  who,  cutting  off  from  himself  every  facility  of 
communication  with  his  own  country,  went  forward  across  unknown 
and  hostile  tribes,  whom  he  must  attack  and  conquer;  who  scaled 
those  summits  of  the  Pyrenees  and  Alps  that  were  deemed  impassable, 
and  purchased  the  privilege  of  selecting  his  field  of  battle  a.'.d  fighting 
\\\  ItAl}'-,  at  the  cost  of  more  than  one-half  of  his  troops ;  ^vho  occu- 
pied that  same  Italy,  crossed  It  in  every  direction,  and  ruled  over  it 
during  the  space  of  sixteen  years ;  who-  twice  placed  the  formidable 
power  of  Rome  on  the  brink  of  its  ruin,  and  did  not  let  go  his  prey, 
till  the  grand  lesson  he  had  taught  of  fighting  an  enemy  in  the 
pnemy^s  country,  was  turned  against  himself?  Will  any  one  beheve 
that  Annibal  owed  so  many  splendid  feats  and  so  much  illustration  to 
tlie  mere  caprices  of  blind  chance  and  fortune  1    Must  not  he  have 


492  APPENDIX. 

been  endowed  with  an  uncommon  mind,  and  fully  conscious  of  the 
eininent  degree  of  military  science  which  he  possessed,  who  being  do- 
Bired  by  his  conqueror  (Scipio  Africanus)  to  manifest  his  opinion,  did 
oot  hesitate  to  pl*cc  Imnself,  though  vanquished,  next  to  Alexander 
and  Pyrrhus,  to  whom  he  gave  the  first  rank  among  great  generals  ?"** 
As  an  illustration  of  the  latter  fact  just  mentioned  by  Napoleon,  we 
shall  observe  that  it  is  thought  to  have  taken  place  at  an  interview 
between  Annibal  and  Scipio,  while  the  former  resided  at  the  court  of 
Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria,  and  shortly  before  the  tinte  when 
this  prince  declared  war  against  the  llomans. 


§VL  STATE   OF    LITERATURE   AMONG    THE   ANCIENTS, 
ESPECIALLY  THE  GREEKS  AND  ROMANS. 

OtJR  remarks  on  this  subject  will  comprise  History,  Poetry  and 
Oratory  or  Eloquence,  as  being  the  leading  branches  of  polite  litera- 
ture, and  will  refer  almost  entirely  to  Greece  and  Rome,  the  two 
countries  wliich  produced  the  greatest  number  of  conspicuous  orators, 
poets  and  historians. 

Poetry. — Of  all  the  Greek  poets  who  acquired  a  name  for  their 
poetical  genius.  Homer  is  unquestionably  the  first,  not  merely  on  ac- 
count of  the  remote  antiquity  in  which  he  lived,  but  chiefly  for  the 
intrinsic  merit  and  value  of  his  writings.  Born  in  one  of  the  Grecian 
colonies  of  Asia  Minor,  probably  at  Smyrna,  he  flourished  towards  the 
year  B.  C.  900,  nearly  six  hundred  yeafs  after  Moses,  the  leader  of  the 
people  of  God,  and  upwards  of  a  hundred  j^ears  after  King  David, 
both  of  them  the  most  sublime  of  poets  in  their  sacred  Canticles  and 
Psalms.  Homer  wrote,  on  the  subject  of  the  Trojan  war  and  its  chief 
actors,  two  epic  poems,  the  Iliad  and  the  Odyssey,  which  are  consid- 
ered masterly  productions,  and  have,  from  the  beginning,  ehcitod  the 
admiration  of  all  succeeding  ages. 

Not  long  after  Homer,  appeared  Hesiod,  who  wrote  a  poem  on 
Mythology,  and  another  on  agriculture,  much  praised  by  both  ancient 
and  modern  scholars.  A  few  centuries  later,  Simonides  and  Pindarus 
signalized  themselves,  the  former  by  his  elegiac  songs,  and  the  latter 
by  his  beautiful  and  sublime  odes,  composed  in  honor  of  the  conquerors 
at  the  Olympic  games ;  whilst,  about  the  same  time,  Anacreon  wrote 
elegant,  though  unfortunately  too  free,  pieces  of  light  poetry. 

The  age  of  Pericles  was  the  most  fruitful  in  great  poets,  as  it  was 
likewise  in  other  great  men  of  every  description:  during  that  period, 
the  dramatical  art,  especially  with  regard  to  tragedies,  attained  among 
the  ancients  its  highest  degree  of  perfection.  The  celebrated  Athenian 
poet,  iEschylus,  one  of  the  heroes  who  so  gloriously  fought  at  Mara- 
thon, Piata3a  and  Salamis,  had  already  much  improved  this  art  by  a 
better  selection  of  his  subjects,  a  more  appropriate  and  lofty  style,  and 
a  more  dignified  appearance  and  deportment  of  the  actors ;  when,  in 

*  Memorial  de  Ste  ILdenp,  par  le  Comte  de  Las  Cases,  vol.  vii,  pp.  335-3S9 


APPENDIX.  498 

his  advanced  age,  lie  saw  liimself  not  onlj  equalled,  but  even  sur- 
passed, by  a  much  younger  poet,  called  Sophocles.  The  latter  com- 
posed, it  is  sivid,  upwards  of  a  hundred  tragedies,  of  which  seven 
only  are  extant  j  all  of  them,  indeed,  master-pieces,  that  have 
iiurited  for  their  author  the  first  rank  among  the  dramatical  poets 
t)f  antiquity.  Yet,  Sophocles  liimself  met  a  worthy  competitor  in 
tlic  person  of  his  cotemporary  and  friend  Euripides,  a  native  of  Sala- 
mi s,  and  the  author  of  seventy-five  tragedies,  eighteen  of  which  are 
I'xtant.  These  two  great  poets  excel  each  other  in  different  points 
of  view,  and  by  a  peculiar  merit  of  their  own ;  Sophocles  being  ied- 
dedly  more  tragical,  lofty  and  sublime,  and  Euripides  being  more 
pathetic  imd  moving :  the  preference,  however,  all  things  duly  consid- 
ered, is  generally  given  to  Sophocles.  Another  just  praise  due  to  them 
both,  is  th>5 :  that  their  writings  contain  a  large  number  of  useful 
maxims  and  instructions  for  the  improvement  of  morals  and  the  regu- 
lation of  life.  They  ched  about  the  same  time  (B.  C.  405  or  406),  and 
after  them  the  merit  of  dramatical  compositions  among  the  Greeks  de- 
clined as  rapidly  as  it  had  risen  before :  for,  not  only  Aristophanes 
and  Menander,  although  greatly  spoken  of  as  comic  poets,  contented 
themselves  with  this  less  dignified  kind  of  writing :  the  former,  besides, 
disgraced  his  talents  by  his  obscenities,  bufFoneries  and  sarcastic  style  j 
tiiid  hardly  any  tiling  remains  of  the  productions  of  the  latter. 

Whilst  such  was  the  state  of  literature  among  the  Greeks,  Rome, 
being  far  less  advanced  in  this  respect,  hardly  knew  any  tiling  else 
than  to  wield  the  sword  and  subdue  her  enemies.  At  length,  the  con- 
quest of  Greece  and  other  enlightened  countries  inspired  the  Romans 
with  a  relish  for  the  sciences,  fine  arts  and  literary  productions ;  and 
that  relish  soon  began  to  show  itself  by  its  effects.  Towards  the 
close  of  the  Punic  wars,  Plautus  and  Terence  distinguished  them- 
selves as  dramatical  poets,  and  acquired  a  great  renown,  the  one  for 
his  wild  energy  of  action  and  style,  and  the  other  for  liis  elegance 
and  refined  taste.  Shortly  after,  Lucilius  rendered  himself  celebrated 
for  liis  satires,  a  sort  of  composition  which  he  either  invented  or  at 
least  considerably  improved.  These  poets,  and  some  others  of  the 
Fame  period,  made  a  great  advance  towards  the  perfection  of  Latin 
poetry,  and  had  the  merit  to  be  the  forerunners  of  those  great  poets  of 
the  Augustan  age,  Horace,  Virgil,  Ovid,  etc.,  whose  names  ai"e  men 
tioned  in  the  beginning  of  Modern  History,  (p.  15). 

History. — If  we  except  the  Hebrews,  whose  sacred  annals  reach 
from  the  beginning  of  the  world  almost  without  interruption  to  the 
Christian  era,  history,  among  other  nations,  rose  to  a  high  position  in 
literature  much  later  than  poetry.  There  lived,  indeed,  about  the  sixth 
century  before  the  coming  of  Christ,  men  of  great  research  and  learn- 
ing, who  undertook  to  preserve  and  transmit  to  posterity  the  know- 
ledge of  those  events  which  they  could  ascertain,  such  as  Hecatasus  of 
Miletus,  Charon  of  Lampsacus,  and  Xanthus  of  Sardis ;  but  the  real 
founder  and  father,  as  he  is  called,  of  profane  history,  was  Herodotus, 
born  at  Halicamassus,  an  Ionian  city,  about  the  year  B.  C.  485,  five 
years  after  tlie  tjelebrated  battle  of  Marathon. 
42 


494  APPENDIX. 

Tliis  groat  liistorian  commenced  his  labors  by  travelluig,  for  the  sake 
of  information,  through  Greece,  Macedon,  and  several  othei"  countries 
of  Europe,  as  well  as  of  Asia  and  Africa.  He,  in  fact,  acquired  by 
these  travels,  a  very  extensive  knowledge,  and  was  thus  enabled  to 
compose  his  history,  which  he  divided  into  nine  books,  and  the  various 
parts  of  which  he  so  well  arranged  and  so  skilfully  connected  together, 
as  to  make  a  work  equally  grand  and  interesting.  If  the  author  oo- 
casionallj  appears  too  credulous  and  superstitious,  tliis  should  be 
viewed  as  the  failing  of  his  age  rather  than  that  of  his  mind,  and  be 
ascribed  to  the  want  of  proper  documents  more  than  to  any  thing  elae  • 
in  the  main,  Herodotus  is  confessedly  a  grave  and  learned  as  well  as 
most  pleasing  narrator.  The  chief  object  he  had  m  view  was  to  relate 
the  great  national  struggle  between  the  Persians  and  Greeks,  the  result 
of  which  was  so  glorious  and  favorable  to  the  latter;  particularly  to 
the  Athenians :  hence,  when  he  publicly  read  his  work,  both  at  the 
Olympic  games,  and^  as  is  commonly  thought,  in  Athens  also,  he  was 
heard  with  extraordinary  joy  and  applause,  nay  with  a  sort  of  enthua- 
asm  which,  among  other  manifestations,  ehcited  the  tears  and  roused 
the  genius  of  an  Athenian  youth,  himself  destined  to  become  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  writers  in  history. 

This  young  man  was  Thucydides,  afterwards  one  of  the  chief  actors 
in  the  beginning  of  the  Peloponnesian  war.  In  the  history  which  he 
soon  undertook  to  write  of  tliis  famous  war,  he  did  not  pretend  to 
imitate  Herodotus,  how  much  soever  he  had  admired  him,  either  as  to 
the  plan  or  manner  of  his  narrative :  he,  on  the  contrary,  resolved  to 
relate  the  facts  ajipertaining  to  his  subject  with  the  gi-eatest  possible 
precision  and  accuracy,  and  according  to  the  strict  order  of  time ;  so 
much  so  that,  rather  than  deviate  in  the  least  from  this  order,  he  does 
not  pursue  the  recital  of  any  event  beyond  the  space  of  six  months, 
and  hesitates  not  to  interrupt  it,  for  the  sake  of  placing  before  his 
reader  other  events  of  exactly  the  same  period.  What  renders  this 
production  immortal,  is  the  depth  and  exactness  of  research,  impar- 
tiality of  views,  energy  of  style,  liveliness  of  description,  and  manly 
eloquence  in  the,  speeches  of  the  leading  personages. 

Thucydides  not  having  brought  his  history  to  the  close  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesian war,  Xenophon,  likewise  an  Athenian,  carried  on  the  narra- 
tive of  the  same  and  other  Grecian  affairs,  as  far  inclusively  as  the 
battle  of  Mantinea  and  the  death  of  Epaminondas.  Tliis  is  also  a 
truly  valuable  and  important  historical  book,  although  it  has  ncitliei 
the  poetical  arrangement  and  interest  found  in  Herodotus,  nor  the 
admirable  conciseness  and  impartiality  of  Thucydides;  but  a  more 
celebrated  work  of  Xenophon  is  the  Anabasis,  or  Retreat  of  the  Ten 
Tliousand,  in  which  he  himself  as  a  leader  had  the  principal  share. 
Finally,  his  chief  and  best  production,  according  to  general  consent,  is 
tlie  Cyroptdia,  or  history  of  the  great  Cyrus,  a  rich  mine  and  most 
fruitful  source  of  information  equally  for  the  general,  the  statsshian, 
the  moral  philosopher,  and  the  scholar. 

Besides  Herodotus,  Xenophon  and  Thucydide«».  Greece  and  her 
wlonies  produced  many  other  historians  of  great  merit.     Not  to  men- 


APPENDIX.  496 

tion  riutarch,  so  well  known  for  his  lives  of  remarkable  men,  and 
Arrianus,  the  best  historian  of  Alexander  the  Great,  both  of  whom 
flomished  in  the  second  century  of  the  Cliristian  era ;  the  following 
writers  are  peculiarly  worthy  of  notice  :  Polybius  of  McgalopoUs,  one 
of  the  most  jufUcious  authors  of  antiquity,  who  wrote  a  Universal  Hit- 
tory  of  his  time,  or  nearly  his  own  time,  in  forty  books,  most  of  whicli 
are  mifortunatcly  lost ; — ^Diodorus  Siculus,  the  author  of  a  justly  called 
Historical  Library  (the  title  of  his  work),  or  history  of  all  the  ancient 
nations,  also  in  forty  books,  of  which  fifteen  only  are  extant ; — and 
Dionysius  Halicarnassus,  the  compiler  of  a  considerable  and  learned 
work  on  Roman  Antiquities.  Of  these  three  writers,  the  first  lived 
during  the  second  century  before  the  coming  of  Christ ;  the  other  two 
lived  under  Julius  Ccesar  and  C^sar  Augustus. 

About  this  time,  also,  Rome  and  the  Latin  language  could  boast  of 
a  large  number  of  excellent  historians.  Most  of  them,  it  is  true,  such 
as  Livy,  Paterculus,  Trogus  Pompeius  with  his  abbreviator  Justin, 
Quintus  Curtius,  Tacitus,  etc.,  flourished  only  after  the  epoch  by  which 
we  have  closed  Ancient  History ;  yet,  they  may  in  some  measure  be 
referred  to  that  epoch,  since  they  closely  followed  it  and  are  generally 
considered  as  belonging  to  the  Augustan  age;  and  besides,  ancient 
Rome  had  already  produced  JuUus  Csesar,  Sallust  and  Cornelius 
Nepos.  The  fii'st  of  these  placed  himself  in  the  first  rank  of  historians 
by  his  Commentarii  de  belle  Gallico  et  belle  Civili ;  the  second  dis- 
played his  eminent  talent  in  the  same  kind  of  writing  by  his  two 
books  on  the  war  of  Jugurtha  and  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline ;  and  the 
third,  Cornelius  Nepos,  published  his  classical  Uves  of  illustrious  gen- 
erals, which,  although  they  do  not  raise  their  author  to  a  footing  of 
equality  with  J,  Csesar  and  Sallust,  yet  possess  a  real  and  great 
Uterary  merit. 

Oratory, — The  Greeks  and  Romans  were  not  less  conspicuous  for 
their  proficiency  in  the  art  of  oratory  or  eloquence,  than  for  their 
poetical  and  liistorical  productions.  Indeed,  from  the  nature  of  so  de- 
cidedly democratical  a  form  of  government  as  was  that  of  Athens, 
where  all  miportant  questions  were  discussed  and  settled  in  the  assem- 
blies of  the  people,  it  may  easily  be  conjectured  that  oratory  must  have 
exercised  the  greatest  influence  among  them.  Such  really  was  the 
case :  Solon,  Themistocles,  Aristides,  and  others  who  were  successively 
placed  at  the  head  of  the  public  administration,  proved  themselves  to 
be  truly  able  speakers;  Pericles,  in  particular,  Avas  so  excellent  an 
orator,  that  the  reign  of  eloquence  is  generally  supposed  to  have  com- 
menced with  him,  and  Ms  friend  Alcibiades  showed  likewise  gi-eat 
talent  in  this  respect. 

Next  to  these  famous  men,  appeared  Lysias,  Isocrates  and  Isaeus 
all  of  them  greatly  and  justly  renowned  orators,  either  for  gracefulness 
and  purity  of  style  (the  peculiar  quality  of  Lysias),  or  for  elegance 
and  harmony  (Isocrates,)  or  for  energy  and  strength  (Isajus).  In  fine, 
came  together  these  great  rivals  in  oratory  as  well  as  politics,  Demos- 
thenes and  iEschines,  of  whom  we  have  spoken  at  some  length  in  a  . 
separate  chapter  (pp.  221-224).     The  power  and  brilUancy  of  human 


496  APPENDIX. 

eloquence  seemed  to  have  been  exhausted  in  them  both  ;  nor  could 
the  splendid  course  of  this  art  among  the  ancient  Greeks  have  been 
better  and  more  triumphantly  closed  than  by  these  two  powerful 
orators,  especially  by  Demosthenes. 

Oratory  did  not  possess  less  importance,  nor  exercise  less  influ- 
ence, in  Rome  than  in  Athens  ;  nay,  it  may  justly  be  said  to  have, 
from  the  establishment  of  the  Roman  commonwealth,  become  one 
of  the  essential  requisites  of  successful  government,  especially  in 
reference  to  political  discussions.  Doubtless,  in  the  frequent  dis- 
putes which  arose  between  the  senate  and  the  people,  many  elo- 
quent harangues  must  have  been  delivered  by  the  consuls  or  sena- 
tors on  the  one  hand,  and  by  the  plebian  tribunes  or  their  abettors 
on  the  other,  for  the  support  of  their  respective  claims ;  but  no- 
body thought  of  making  a  collection  of  them,  and  although  vari- 
ous speeches  are  ascribed  by  the  Latin  historians  to  the  leading 
men  of  those  times,  yet  it  is  hardly  possible  to  judge  from  thence 
of  the  merit  and  talent  of  the  supposed  orators.  For  want,  there- 
fore, of  safe  documents,  we  will  content  ourselves  with  mentioning 
the  names  of  those  Romans  of  the  latter  times  of  the  republic,  who 
left  behind  them  a  great  reputation  for  eloquence  :  they  were 
Galba,  Crassus  and  Mark  Anthony  (the  triumvir's  grand- father), 
at  the  bar  ;  and  the  two  Gracchi,  with  Cato  and  Sylla,  in  the  gene- 
ral assemblies  of  the  senate  or  the  people. 

Under  the  following  period,  and  just  before  the  reign  of  Caesar 
Augustus,  the  art  of  oratory  shone  forth  in  all  its  lustre,  and  was 
carried  to  its  perfection  by  Cicero,  besides  J.  Csesar  and  Horten- 
sius,  his  cotemporaries,  and  nearly  his  equals.  Quintilian  finds 
in  Csesar  a  great  precision  and  strength,  and  so  much  natural  talent 
as  to  remove  even  the  smallest  signs  of  labor  in  the  composition  of 
his  harangues.  Nothing  remains  from  Hortensius  ;  but  it  is  well 
known  that,  in  point  of  eloquence,  he  was  with  regard  to  Cicero 
what  ^schines  had  been  with  regard  to  Demosthenes.  As  for 
Cicero  himself,  unquestionably  the  first  of  Latin  orators,  since 
much  has  been  said  of  him  in  this  history  (pp.  370-373,  and  409- 
410),  it  is  unnecessary  to  speak  any  further  here  of  his  transcend- 
ent merit ;  there  are  certain  names  to  which  genius  and  talent  of 
the  highest  order  have  attached  so  much  renown,  that  the  mere 
mention  of  them  is  enough  to  excite  or  revive  universal  admira- 
tion ;  and  such,  in  particular,  is  the  case  with  Cicero. 


CHllONOLOGICAL  TABLE 

OF 

MEMORABLE   EVENTS 
REMARKABLE    PERSONAGES. 


N.  B.  The  dates  in  the  first  column,  denote  the  years  in  which  the  eventa 
happened ; — those  placed  in  the  second  column,  generally  mark  the  year  of  the 
death  of  the  persons  therein  mentioned. 


INTRODUCTION  AND   PART  I. 


b.  c.  hemorabue  e7ents. 

4004  The  Creatioit. 

3876  The  first  death,  or  the  murder  of 

Abel. 
2348  The  Deluge. 

2247  Dispersion  of  the  sons  of  Noe. 
2233  Beginning  of  astronomical  obser- 
vations at  Babylon. 
From  r  About  this  time  arose  the  mo- 
2245  j      narchies  of  Babylon,  Ninive, 
to     1      China  .and  Egypt,  likewise  of 
2188    [      Sidon  and  the  Phenicians. 
2089  The  kingdom  of  Sicyon,  the  ear- 
liest in  Greece,  established. 
2000  Elamites  or  Persians. 
1921  Vocation  of  Abraham. 
1912  Ills  victory  over  four  kings. 
1856  Rise  of  the  kingdom  of  Argos. 

1582 Athens. 

1519 Thebes. 

1516 Lacedaemon  or  Sparta. 

1506 Troy. 

A  little  before  or  after  the  year 

Alphabet  brought  into  Greece 

by  Cadmus. 
Deluge  of  Deucalion  in  Thes- 

saly. 
Amphictyonic  council. 
1491  Departure  of  the  Israelites  from 
Egypt — Passage   of  tie   Red 
Sea — Promulgation  of  the  An- 
cient Law  upon  Mt.  Sina. 
1151  Israelites  cross  the  Jordan  and 

enter  the  land  of  promise. 
1376  Kingdom  of  Corinth. 


1500 


REMAREABU:    PEKSONAGES.   ' 

Adam,  the  first  man  and  father  of  all 
men,  having  lived  930  years,  died 
in  the  year  b.  c.  3074 — Mathusala, 
who  lived  969  years,  the  longest  life 
known,  2348. 


Nemrod,   first    conqueror — Menes    or 

Mesraim,  first  king  of  Egypt. 
Noe^  aged  950  years,  died  b.  c.  1998. 


Sem,  Cham  and  Japheth,  the  sons  of 

Noe.— Sem  died  at  the  age  of  600 

years,  b.  c.  1846. 
Abraham,  patriarch,  1821,  aged   175 

years.     Isaac,  patriarch,  1716,  aged 

ISO  years. 

Jacob  or  Israel,  father  of  the  twelve 
tribes,  died  B.  c.  1689. 

Joseph,  patriarch,  and  governor  of 
Egypt,  1635. 

Towards  the  same  time,  Job,  pa- 
triarch. 

Sesostris,the  Egyptian  conqueror,1457. 

Aaron,  first  high  priest  of  the  Mosaic 
law,  1452 — Moses,  the  inspired  le- 
gislator of  the  Hebrews,  1451. 

Minos,  legislator  of  the  Cretans,  140tf 


42* 


497 


498 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 


B.  0.  MEMORABLE     EVENTS. 

1348  Kingdom  of  Mycena. 

Pelops   the    Phrygian   reigns  in 

Southern  Greece,  and  gives  it  the 

name  of  Peloponnesus. 
1^53  Argonautic  expedition. 

Heroic  times  of  Greece. 
1232  Building  of  the  celebrated  city  of 

Tyre. 
1267   f  Formation   of   the   great  and 
1200  I      first  Assyrian  empire. 
1194  Beginning  of  the  Trojan  war. 
1184  Taking  and  destruction  of  Troy. 


RKMAKEABLK    PERSONAGM. 

Perseus. 

Jason. 

Theseus,  Hercules. 

Orpheus,  musician,  1250. 

Gedeon,  judge  of  Israel,  died  B.  c. 
1236. 

Ninus  and  Semiramis. 

Menelaus,  Agamemnon,  Achilles,  Nea. 
tor,  Diomedes,  Ulysses,  Ajax — Gre- 
cian chieftains. 

Hector,  Sarpedon,  ^neas — Trojaa 
warriors. 


PART  II. 


1182  iEneas  in  Italy. 

1152  Alba-longa    built  by   Ascanius, 

the  son  of  J^neas. 
1104  The  Dorians  and  Heraclidse  in- 
vade and  occupy  Peloponnesus. 
About  this  time,  Grecian  colonies 
in  Asia  Minor;  Smyrna,  Ephe- 
sus,    Miletus,    Halicarnassus, 
etc. 
1095  Israelites  wish  to  have  a  king. 
0?i  the  contrary,  Athens  and 
Thebes  become  republics. 
1095  Victories  of  Saul  over  the  Am- 
monites. 

1093  the  Philistines. 

1074  the  Amalecites. 

His    repeated    disobedience    to 
God's  orders. 
1055  His  defeat  and  death. 

Signal  success  of  David  against 
all  his  enemies,  especially 
1037  Against  the  Syrians. 
1004  Dedication  of  Solomon's  temple. 
975  Schism  of  the  ten  tribes — King- 
doms of  Israel  and  Juda. 
971  Jerusalem  taken  and  plundered 

by  Sesac,  king  of  Egypt. 
957  Bloody  battle  between  the  Israel- 
ites and  the  Jews,  in    which 
the   former  lost  five   hundred 
thousand  men. 
911  Signal  victory  of  Asa,  king  of 
Juda,  over  Zara,  king  of  Ethi- 
opia, and  his  million  of  soldiers. 
914  (  Prosperity  of  the  Jews  under  the 
889  (     the  reign  of  Josaphat. 
About  880  Foundation  of  Carthage. 
About  800  Rise   of    the    Macedonian 
kingdom. 
776  Beginning  of  the  Olyncpiads. 


Jephte,  judge    of    Israel,  died  b.  c. 
1181. 


Samson,  judge  of  Israel,  1117. 


I 


Samuel,  last  judge  of  Israel,  resigned 
B.  c.  1095. 


Died  B.  c.  1057. 


David,  king,  died  b.  c.  1014 — Joas,  hif. 
general,  died  the  same  year. 


Solomon,  king,  975. 


Asa,  king  of  Juda,  914. 

Homer  and  Hesiod,  poets,  flourished 

about  this  time,  that  is,  between  the 

years  b.  c.  944  and  844. 
Josaphat,  king  of  Juda,  889. 
Lycurgus,  legislator  of  Sparta,  884. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


499 


PART  III. 


»    0. 

763 
M7 


m 

721 

713 

From 
758 
to 
707 

70S 

885 
681 

677 


684 
670 
669 

667 
633 
626 


610 

606 
672 


661 

662 
548 
556 

648 


MtMORABt.E     EVENTS. 

Building  of  Home. 

Ovci'throw  of  the  first,  and  rise  of 
the  second  Assyrian  empire. — 
Era  of  Nabonassar. 

First  Messenian  war  against  the 
Lacedaemonians. 

Samaria  taken,  and  kingdom  of 
Israel  destroyed  by  the  Assy- 
rians. 

Miraculous  defeat  of  the  Assy- 
rians under  Sennacherib. 

{Grecian  colonies  in  Sicily  and 
•Raly;  Syracuse,  Crotona,  Sy- 
baris,  Tarentum. 

Foundation  of  the  kingdom  of 
Media. 

Twelve  kings  in  Egypt. 

Asarhaddon,  king  of  Assyria, 
takes  possession  of  Babylon. 

Manasses,  king  of  Juda,  is  taken 
prisoner  and  carried  in  chains 
to  Babylon. 

Towards  the  same  time  or  shortly 
after,  siege  of  Bethulia,  death 
of  Holofernes  and  rout  of  the 
Assyrian  army. 

Second  Messenian  war;  total 
overthrow  of  the  Messenians. 

Combat  of  the  Horatii  and  Curi- 
acii. 

The  city  of  Alba  destroyed. 

Scythian  invasion  in  Upper  Asia. 

Ninive  destroyed,  and  the  Assy- 
rian empire  transferred  to  Ba- 
bylon. 

Battle  of  Mageddo,  in  which 
King  Josias  was  mortally 
wounded. 

Beginning  of  the  Babylonian 
captivity. 

The  ancient  city  of  Tyre  taken 
by  Nabuchodonosor  II,  after  a 
siege  of  thirteen  years.  Egypt 
also,  laid  waste  and  subdued 
by  the  Babylonians. 

Pisistratfus  usurps  the  sovereign 
power  in  Athens. 

Prosperity  of  the  kingdom  of 
Lydia  under  Croesus. 

Successful  campaign  of  Cyrus 
against  the  Assyrians. 

Decisive  battle  of  Thybarra  be- 
tween Cyrus  and  Croesus. 


KEMARKABLE    PERS0XA0E8. 

Kings  of  Rome.  Kinija  of  Niniv^m 

N.  B.  The  years  mark  the  beginning  of 
each  reign. 
B.    C. 

752  Romulus. 

747  Theglathphalasar. 

728  Salmanasar. 

714  Numa  Pompilius  ..Sennacherilb 

710     Asarhaddon. 

671     TuUus  Ilostilius. 

668     Saosduchinus  or 

Nabuchodonosor  L 

648     Saracus. 

638     Ancus  Martius. 

Ninive  destroyed. 

Kings  of  Babylon, 

626     Nabopolassar. 

614     Tarquinius  Priscus. 

605     Nabuchodonosor  IL 

578     Servius  Tullius. 

562     Evilmerodach. 

560     Neriglissor. 

556 Laborosochord. 

555     Labynit  or  Baltassar 


Other  remarkable  men  during  this  pe- 
riod. 

The  pious  kings  of  Juda,  Ezechias, 
who  died  b.  c.  698,  and  Josias,  610. 

The  holy  prophets  Isaias,  698,  and  Je- 
remias,  about  586. 

Archilocus,  the  poet,  flourished  to- 
wards the  year  b.  c.  664.  Alcasus 
and  Sapho,  poets,  a  little  before  the 
year  600.  Nechao,  king  of  Egypt, 
616-600.  Solon,  the  celebrated  le- 
gislator of  the  Athenians,  in  594. 

The  same  epoch  produced  the  six  other 
Sages  of  Greece,  viz :  Thales,  Cle- 
obulus,  Chilo,  Pittacus,  Bias  and 
Periander  (see  p.  88,  note);  likewise 
^sop  the  fabulist,  Anacharsis  the 
Scythian  philosopher,  and  Epimeui< 
des,  a  Cretan  poet 


500 


CHrwONOLOGlCAL  TABLE. 


B.  0. 

638 


536 

536 

534 
629 
525 

522 
521 
516 

513 

509 

506 

501 
496 


493 
490 


480 


479 

470 
and 
450 
449 

451 
449 

449 
431 


MEMORABLE   EVENTS. 


Babylon  taken  by  Cyrus.  Fall 
of  the  Babylonian  empire ;  and, 
by  the  accession  of  this  prince 
to  the  throne  in  the  year, 

Rise  of  the  Persian  monarchy. 


REMARKABLE   PERSONAGES. 

About  457,  lived  Anaximander,  a  disci. 
pie  of  Thales,  and  one  of  the  greatest 
astronomers  of  antiquity. 


PART  IV. 


Edict  of  Cyrus  in  favor  of  the 
Jews — return  from  the  Babylo- 
nian captivity. 

Murder  of  Servius  Tullius,  the 
sixth  king  of  Rome. 

Death  of  Cyrus — Cambyscs  suc- 
ceeds him  on  the  throne. 

Cambyses  conquers  Egypt,  but 
fails  in  his  expedition  against 
Ethiopia. 

Usurpation  of  Smerdis. 

Accession  of  Darius  Hystaspes. 

Revolt  of  the  Babylonians  sup- 
pressed. 

Unsuccessful  campaign  of  Darius 
against  the  Scythians. 

The  Tarquins  expelled  from 
Borne,  and  the  Pisistratae  from 
Athens — Rome  and  Athens 
republics. 

Darius  invades  and  conquers 
India. 

Burning  of  Sardis. 

Battle  of  Lake  Regillus,  which 
crushed  for  ever  the  hopes  of 
the  Tarquins. 

Rise  of  the  Plebeian  tribunes. 

Persians  invade  Greece — are  en- 
tirely defeated  by  the  Atheni- 
ans in  the  battle  of  Marathon. 

Invasion  of  Greece  under  Xerxes, 

Battles  at  the  Thermopylae  and 
Artemisium. 

Signal  defeat  of  the  Persians  at 
Salamis,  and  of  the  Carthagi- 
nians in  Sicily. 

Persians  defeated  again  at  Pla- 
taea  and  Mycale. 
(  Decisive  victories  of  Cimon  over 
]  the  same  enemy  both  by  land 
I  and  by  sea,  near  theriver  Eury- 
[     medonand  the  island  of  Cyprus. 

Peace  between  the  Greeks  and 
the  Persians. 

{Laws  of  the  XII  tables. 
Tyranny  and  expulsion   of    the 
Decemviri. 
{Splendor  and  prosperity  of  Athens 
under  the    administratiou   oi 
Pericles. 


The  celebrated  legislators,  Pythagoras, 
Zoroaster  and  Confucius  flourished 
towards  the  end  of  the  preceding 
and  the  beginning  of  this  period. 

Ezechiel,  prophet;  died  B.  c.  towards 
574. 

Daniel,  about  530. 

Pisistrates,  the  Athenian  ruler,  in  528. 

Anaximenes  of  Miletus,  philosopher, 
towards  the  same  time. 


Brutus,  the  first  consul  of  Rome,  in  509. 

Valerius  Publicola,  Roman  consul  and 
general,  503. 

Titus  Lartius,  first  dictator,  in  498. 

Aulus  Posthumius,  2d  dictator,  and  con- 
queror in  the  battle  of  Regillus,  496. 

Miltiades,  general,  the  conqueror  at 
Marathon,  died  b.  c.  489. — Marciuj 
Coriolanus  banished  the  same  year 
from  Rome. 

Darius,  king  of  Persia,  died  B.  c.  485. 

Leoriidas,  king  of  Sparta,  480. 

Gelon,  king  of  Syracuse,  473. — Xerxes, 
king  of  Persia,  473. — Aristides,  gen- 
eral and  statesman,  about  472. — Si- 
monides,  poet,  about  468. — Themisto- 
cles,  general,  466. 

^schylus,  poet,  456 — Cimon,  general, 
449. 

About  this  time  there  flourished  in  Ju- 
dea,  Esdras  andNehemias;  in  Rome, 
Q.  Cincinnatus ;  in  Southern  Italy, 
Zaleucus  and  Charondas,  lawgivers  ; 
in  Persia,  King  Artaxerxes-Longi- 
manus;  and  in  Greece,  a  multitude 
of  distinguished  artists  and  scholars, 
such  as  Phidias,  Scopas,  Callicrates 
Metagenes,  architects;  the  same 
Phidias,  Polycletes,  Myron,  sculp- 
tors ;  Polj'gnotus,  Apollodorus,  Zeu- 
xis,  Parrhasius,  Timanthes,  painters; 
Phrynis,  Timothy,  musicians;  Ari- 
stophanes, poet;  Lj'sIas,  orator;  and 
Hippocrates,  the  ablest  physician  of 
antiquity. 


CnilONOLOGICAL  TABLR 


501 


40 
403 

!401 


'{ 


U  a  IfEMORVULE  EVEXT8. 

LSI    Beginning  of  the  Peloponnosian 

war. 

♦30     Pestilence  at  Athens. 
<2y  5  Siege  and  destruction  of  the  city 
126  \     of  Plattea. 
121     Peace  of  Nicias. 

The  hostilities  soon  recommence. 
413     Entire   defeat  of  the  Athenian 

forces  in  Sicily. 
40G     Battle  of  the  Arginusae  islands. 
Manifest  injustice  of  the  Athe- 
nian people  towards  their  vic- 
torious generals. 
40j     Battle   of  ^gos-Potaraos,  which 
put  an  end  to  the  Peloponnesian 
war. 
40  4     Surrender  of  Athens  to  the  Spar- 
tans. 
Athens  under  the    Thirty    Ty- 
rants— rescued  from   their  ty- 
ranny by  Thrasybulus. 
Expedition  of  Cyrus  the  Younger 
against  his  brother  Artaxerxes 
Mnemon — Battle  of    Cunaxa. 
Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand- 
Trial  of  Socrates. 
Conquests  of  the  Carthaginians 

in  Sicily. 
They  are  defeated  by  the  Syra- 

cusans. 
Defeat  the  Syracusans  in  their 
turn,  and  preserve  their  con- 
quests. 
The  cities   of  Veil  and  Falerii 

taken  by  the  Romans. 
League  against  Sparta. 
Spartans  victorious  at  Coronea, 

are  vanquished  at  Cnidos. 
Rome  taken  by  the  Gauls. 
Peace  of  Antalcidas. 
Lacedaemonians     driven     from 
Thebes. 

defeated  at  Leuctra, 

and  stripped  of  their  prepon- 
derance in  Greece. 
Prosperity    of     Thebes    under 
Epaminondas  and  Pelopidas. 
366     Consular  dignity  at  Rome  ren- 
dered common  to  the  plebeians 
and  patricians. 
363    Battle  of  Mantinea;  new  defeat 

of  the  LacediEmonians. 
360    Accession  of  Philip  to  the  Mace- 
donian throne. 
351     Ochus,  king  of  Persia,  subdues 

his  revolted  provinces. 
343    First   victories  of  the   Roi 
over  the  Samuites. 


1400 
I  410 
396 
383 


396 

384 
395 


387 
378 


171 


REMARKMiLE   PERSOXAOES. 

We  may  mention  with  still  greater  pre- 
cision as  to  the  time,  the  following 
illustrious  names  :  Herodotus,  histo- 
rian, who  died  about  the  year  B.  c. 
440 ;  Pindarus,  436  j  Pericles,  gene- 
ral, orator  and  statesman,  429  ;  Ana- 
xagoraA,  philosopher,  428  ;  Braa. 
idas,  general,  422 ;  Nicias,  gen- 
eral,  413:  Sophocles,  poet,  408; 
Callicratidas,  general,  406  ;  Euri* 
pides,  poet,  405. 


Alcibiades,  general,  died  404. 


Socrates,  moral    philosophet   400 


Lysander,  general,  395. 
Thucydides,  historian,  392, 

Conon,  general,  about  390. 
Cleombrotus,  king  of  Fparla,  3TI. 


Dionysius,  tyrant  of  Syracuse,  3f* 

In  365,  died  the  great  Cumillus,  mV 
had  been  five  times  appointed  dic- 
tator, and  was  considered  the  Bet- 
ond  founder  of  Rome,  for  having 
rescued  that  city  from  the  Gaula. 

Pelopidas,  general,  364— Epaminon- 
das, general,  363. 

Xenophen,  philosopher,  general  and 
historian,  360. 

Agesilans,  king  of  Sparta,  356. 

Towards  this  time,  Praxiteles,  sculp- 
tor;— also   three    great  Atheniao 


502 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


B.  0.  MEMORABLE  EVENTS. 

(Wild  heroism  of  M.  Torquatus 
and  D.  Mus,  consuls.     Final 
subjection  of  the  Latins  to 
the  Roman  power. 
ZiO     Seventy  thousand  Carthaginians 
defeated  by  six  thousand  men 
under  Timoleon. 
338     Athenians  and  Thebans  defeated 

by  Philip  at  Chaeronea. 
336     Alexander  succeeds  his  father  on 

the  throne. 
335     Conquers  the  Thebans,  and  ruins 

their  city. 
334    Defeats  the  Persians  at  the  Gra- 
nicns. 

333     at  Issus. 

332    Visits  Jerusalem — Subdues  Tyre, 
Gaza  and  Egypt — Founds  the 
city  of  Alexandria. 
331     Decisive  battle  of  Arbellse. 
330     Fall  of  the  Persian  empire. 

Further  conquests  of  Alexander. 
Battle  against  Porus. 
S24    Keturn   to  Babylon,  and  death 
of  Alexander. 


REMARKABLE   PERS0XAGE8. 

generals,  Chabrias,   Iphicrates  and 

Timothy. 
Plato,  philosopher,  348. 
Isaeus  and  Isoerates,  orators. 
Timoieon,  general,  337. 
Philip,  king  of  Macedon,  336. 

Memnon  of  Rhodes,  general,  333. 


Darius  Codomanus,  last  king  of  Per- 
sia, 330 — Philotas  and  Parmenio, 
generals,  330. 

Callisthenes,  philosopher,  32V. 

About  the  same  time,  Lysippus,  sculp 
tor. 

Alexander  the  Great,  324. 


PAET  V. 


323     First    partition    of  Alexander's 

empire. 
321     The  Romans  pass  under  the  yoke 

at  Caudium. 

{Repeated  victories  of  the  Ro- 
mans over  the  Samnites,  the 
Umbrians,  the  Etrurians  and 
.  the  Gauls. 

312     Era  of  the  Seleucidae. 

310  Daring  expedition  of  Agathocles 
in  Africa. 

306  Great  victory  at  sea  of  Demetrius 
Poliorcetes  over  the  Egyptians. 

304     Siege  of  Rhodes. 

301  Decisive  battle  of  Ipsus — Final 
partition  of  Alexander's  em- 
pire. 

300     Foundation  of  Antioch. 

290  f  Final  subjugation  of  the   Sam- 

284  I      nites  to  the  Roman  power. 

280     Romans  defeated  by  Pyrrhus. 

275     Pyrrhus  defeated  by  the  Romans. 

264    Beginning  of  the  first  Punic  war. 

260     Naval  battle  of  Mylis. 

256     ofEcnomus. 

255  Victories  and  subsequent  defeat 
of  Regulus. 

251     Achajan  league  under  Aratus. 

250     Rise  of  the  Parthian  empire. 


Kings  of  Egypt.  Kings  of  Syria, 

N.  B.    The  years  mark  the  beginning  oi 
each  reign. 

323     Ptolemy  Lagus. 

312     Seleucus  Xicanoi 

285     Ptolemy  Philadelphus. 

280     Antioehus  Sotei 

261     Antioehus  Theut 

247     Ptolemy  Evergetes. 

246     Seleucus  Callinicus. 

226     Seleucus  Ceraunus 

223     Antioehus  the  Great 

221     Ptolemy  Philopator. 

204    Ptolemy  Epiphanes. 

187     Seleucus  Philopator 

180     Ptolemy  Philometor. 

175     Antioehus  Epiphanes. 

164 Antioehus  Eupator. 

162     .*.. Demetrius  Soter. 

150     AlexanderBalas- 

Most  of  the  other  sovereigns  of  these 
kingdoms  are  umvorthy  of  notice. 

In  other  countries  :  Demosthenes,  ora- 
tor, and  Aristotle,  philosopher,  died 
B.  c.  322— Antipater,  general,  321— 
Phocion,  general,  318 — Eumeues, 
general,  315 — Papirius  Cursor,  Ro- 
man dictator — Fabius  Maximus  Rul- 
lianus,  consul—Antigonus,  king  of 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


503 


'200  r 

241 1 


».  0.  MEMORABLE   ETENT8. 

LrA  (  Sicgo  of  Lilybaeura— Close  of  the 
first  Punic  war — Sicily,  a  Ro- 
man province. 
225     Battle  of  Telaiaon  between  the 
Komans  and  the  Gauls. 

222     of    Sollasia   between  the 

Macedonians  and  Spartans. 

217     of    Kaphia  between  the 

Syrians  and  Egyptians. 
213     Dcginning  of  the  second  Punic 
war;  and  victories  of  Annibal 
atthe  riversTicinusandTrebia. 

217     at  Thrasymcnes. 

216     at  Cannoe. 

212-11  The  Romans  take  Syracuse  and 

Capua. 
2^0-9  Success  of  P.  Scipio  in  Spain. 
207  Signal  defeat  of  Asdrubal  in  Italy. 
2Gt>  Spartans  defeated  at  Mantinea 
by  Philopoemen. 
("Annibal  recalled  from  Italy, 
20?  )  and  vanquished  at  Zama  by 
201  1      Scipio — End    of    the    second 

[      Punic  war. 
197     Victory   of    the    Romans    over 
King  Philip  at  Cynoscephalaj. 

190 over  Antiochus  the  Great  at 

Magnesia. 

168     over   Perseus   at   Pydna. 

Epirus  and  Illyria  subdued  by 
the  Romans — Antiochus    Epi- 
phanes  persecutes  the  Jews. 
167  f  Glorious  achievements  of  Judas 
158  I      Machabeus  and  his  brothers. 

148  Macedon,  a  Roman  province. 

149  (Third  Punic  war,  and  desti'uction 
146  I     of  Carthage. 

146     End   of  Grecian   independence, 
and  destruction  of  Corinth. 


REMARKABLE   PERSONAOr^. 

"NVcstcrn  Asia,  301 — Apelles,  painter, 
about  300 — Protogenes,  painter— 
^schines,orator — Theophrastes, phi- 
losopher— Euclidcs,  mathematician 
— Demetrius  Poliorcetcs,  general,28l 
— Herosus,  historian. 

Demetrius  Phalereus,  orator  and  states- 
man, about  283 — Manius  Curius  and 
Fabricius  Luscinus,Roraan  consuls — 
Lysimachus,  king  of  Thrace,  281 — 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  272 — Zeno, 
philosopher,  264 — Epicurus,  philoso- 
pher, 261 — Regulus,  general,  about 
250-^— Arsaces,  founder  of  the  Par- 
thian monarchy. 

Agis,  king  of  Sparta,  244 — Antigonus 
Gonatas,  king  of  Macedon,  243 — 
Amilcar,  general,  228 — Antigonus 
Doto,  king  of  Macedon,  220— Cleo- 
menes,  king  of  Sparta,  219 — Hiero 
II,  king  of  Syracuse,  215 — Aratus, 
general,  214 — Archimedes,  geome- 
trician, 212 — Marcellus,  Roman 
consul,  208 — Asdrubal,  general,  207. 


Plautus,  poet,  184 — P.  Scipio  ACrica- 
nus,  Annibal  and  Philopoemen,  gen- 
erals, 183 — Philip,  king  of  Mace- 
don, 178 — Perseus,  king  of  Macedon, 
168 — Judas  Machabeus,  161 — Pau- 
lus  ^milius,  Roman  consul,  160 — 
Terence,  poet,  159 — Cato  the  Censor 
and  Masinissa,  king  of  Numidia. 
148. 


PART  VI. 


133     Destruction  of  Numantia. 

112  (War against  Jugurtha — Exploits 

106  (      of  Metellus  and  Marius. 

[The  Romans  signally  defeated 
105  I  by  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri. 
102,  TheTeutones  and  Cimbri  utter- 
101  I      ly  destroyed  by  the  Romans 

(     under  Marius. 
90     The  Confederate  War. 
38     Flight  and  adventures  of  Marius. 
87     Re  urn  and  cruelties  of  Alarius 
in  Rome — First  war  against 
Mithridates. 
85     Eattle3  of   Chseronca  and  Or- 
chcmenus-Victories  of  Syl'a 
84     Peace  with  Mitbrida'CJ. 


.Jonathan,  prince  of  the  Jews,  dwd 
B.  c.  143 — Viriathus,  the  brave  Lu- 
sitanian  chieftain,  140 — Simon, 
prince  of. the  Jews,  135 — Tiberius 
Gracchus,  133 — Scipio  the  Younger 
or  ^milianus,  129 — Caius  Gracchus, 
121 — Hyrcan  I,  prince  of  the  Jews, 
114 — Jugurtha,  king  of  Xumidia, 
105. 


Marius,  general  and  seven  times 
£ul^  86. 


504 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


B.  C.  MEMORABLE  EVENTS. 

^,  r  Return   of    Sylla   to   Italy — his 

g2  <      success  and  terrible  retaliation 
(     upon  the  Marian  party. 

81-79  Dictatorship  and  resignation  of 
Sylla. 

80-73  War  against  Sertorius. 

73-71  Spartacus. 

66  the  pirates. 

74-64  Second  and  third  wars  against 
Mithridatcs — Splendid  victo- 
ries of  Lucullus  and  Pompey. 

65     Syria,  a  Roman  province. 

64  Disturbances  in  Judea — Decline 
of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  be- 
ginning of  ils  subjection  to  the 
Romans. 

63  Catiline's  conspiracy  detected 
and  suppressed. 

60     First  Triumvirate. 

68  Beginning  of  the  conquest  of 
Gaul. 

53  Disastrous  expedition  of  Crassus 
against  the  Parthians. 

62  The  whole  strength  of  Gaul  van- 
quished by  J.  Caesar  atAlesia. 

49     Civil  war  between  J.  Caesar  and 
Pompey. 
Victories  of  Caesar 

48     at  Pharsalia. 

47     in  Egyptand  Pontus. 

46     at  Thapsus  in  Africa. 

45     at  Munda  in  Spain. 

Caesar  declared  perpetual  dictator. 

44     He  is  assassinated  in  the  senate. 

43     Second  Triumvirate. 

42  Battle  of  Philippi,  and  ruin  of  the 
republican  party. 

40  Herod,  an  Idumean,  made  king 
of  Judea,  by  the  Romans. 

39     Power  of  Sextus  Pompey. 

38  Victories  of  Ventidius  over  the 
Parthians. 

36  Success  of  Octavius  against  Sex- 
tus Pompey  and  Lepidus. 

35    Antony  fails   in  his   expedition 
against  the  Parthians. 
Wisdom   of    Octavius — extrava- 
gant conduct  of  Antony. 

32     New  civil  war. 

31     Battle  of  Actium. 

Egypt,  a  Roman  province. 
Change  of  the  Roman  republic 
into  an  empire 


REMARKABLE   PERSONA^CS. 


Sylla,  dictator,    78 — Sertorius,   gone<| 
ral,  73 — Spartacus,  general,  71. 


Mithridatcs,  king  of  Pontus,  64. 

Catiline,  conspirator,  62. 

Lucullus,  general,  67. 
Crassus,  general,  53. 


I 


Vercingetorix,     the      brave    Qaulish 
leader. 


Pompey  the  great,  48. 

Cato  the  Younger,  or  Uticcnsis,  46 — 
Cneius  Pompey,  general,  45. 

Julius  Cajsar,  the  most  famous  and 
talented  man  of  ancient  Rome,  44  — 
Tullius  Cicero,  philosopher,  states 
man  and  the  prince  of  Latin  orators, 
43 — Brutus  and  Cassius,  generals, 
42. 


Sextus  Pompey,  admiral,  35. 


Mark  Antony,  the  famous  triumvir,  30 
— Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  30 — 
Sallust  and  Cornelius  Nepos,  histo- 
rians— Varro,  the  most  learned  of 
tlie  Romans. 


QUESTIONS 


TO 


FREDET'S  ANCIENT  HISTORY. 


fc  B.— The  order  of  the  Questions  is  made  to  correspond  with  order  of  the  paragraphs  on 
page,  and  the  Questions  on  each  paragraph  themselves  form  a  separate  paragraph. 


Past  I. — From  the  Dispersion  of  the  Sons  of  Noe  to  close  of  the  Trojan  war 

THE  CREATION  AND  THE  DELUGE. 
TAGE 

13  What  do  we  learn  from  the  sacred  pages  ?  From  what  did  God  create 

the  body  of  Adam?    From  what  was  Eve  formed? 
In  what  state  were  thev  created?    What  injunction  was  placed  upon 

them? 
What  did  the  devil  resolve  ?     What  did  he  suggest  to  Eve,  and  what 

followed  ? 

14  What  did  the  Lord  do  ? 
What  did  God  promise? 

What  is  said  of  the  children  of  Adam  and  Eve?    W^hat  i3  said  of 

Cain  ?     What  was  his  punishment  ? 
Among  whom  was  piety  preserved  ?    What  is  said  of  Enos  ?    Of  the 

posterity  of  Seth. 
1^  How  did  the  corruption  infect  mankind  ?    What  did  God  resolve  and 

command  ? 
How  long  was  Noe  in  building  the  ark.  and  when  it  was  done  what 

did  he  do  ? 
Then  what  followed  ? 
What  was  his  first  care  ?    What  is  said  of  the  duration  of  man's  life 

after  the  deluge? 
Give  the  Eubstance  of  the  concluding  paragraph? 

DISPERSION   OP  MEN? 

16  What  had  commenced  ?    What  did  they  begin  to  do  ? 

When  their  numbers  became  great,  what  did  they  resolve?     What  lit 
said  of  the  project?     What  did  he  do?     What  did  this  cause  thw 

place  to  be  called  ? 
What  did  the  various  branches  of  Noe's  family  do  ?     After  the  dis- 
persion what  do  we  begin  to  see  ? 

17  What  is  said  of  the  Egyptians,  &c.?     What  is  said  of  these  absurd 
pretensions  ?    Of  the  Egyptian  Zodiacs  ?    Of  the  Chinese  calculations  ? 

18  What  other  circumstance  connected  with  the  dispersion  of  man  must 

not  be  omitted  ? 

What  is  said  of  the  languages? 

Hence  also,  what  happened  ?    What  is  remarked  of  events  which  hap- 
pened after  this  period  ? 

RISE    OP  THE  EARLlBaX  STATES. 

10  How  was  the  ancient  world  divided  ? 
What  were  the  most  remarkable  cities? 

43  .  I 


2  QUESTIONS 

FACE 

What  is  said  of  Babylon?     Of  Ninive? 

What  of  Sidon  ?     Of  Tyre  and  its  inhabitants  ? 

20  For  what  is  mankind  indebted  to  them  ? 
What  does  the  book  of  Genesis  mention  ? 
Until  men  greatly  multiplied  how  did  tbey  live? 
To  what  did  the  remembrance  of  the  palriarchal  power  lead  them^ 

21  What  is  very  probabla?     What  is  said  of  disputes  and  quarrels?    At 

length  what  did  the  Assyrian  raonarchs  do?  From  that  period 
what  happened  ?  How  do  historians  and  critics  place  its  origin] 
What  is  said  of  the  two  opinions? 


I 


THE   EGYPTIANS. 


i 


22  What  is  said  of  Egypt  and  the  Egyptians? 
For  what  is  Egypt  without  a  rival? 
What  is  said  of  inundations  of  the  rivers  ?    What  is  said  of  the  ov«y 

flow  of  the  Nile?    What  is  done  in  order  to  counteract  tbeMi 
irregularities  ?  }'' 

23  With  what  was  Egypt  intersected  ?     Even  at  the  present  day  what  !• 

said  ?     In  July  or  August  what  does  the  spectator  behold? 
What  were  the  principal  monuments  ? 

24  What  is  said  of  the  pyramids?    Describe  the  largest?     What  wr»s  tbo 

labyrinth?    Describe    it?     Among    the  splendid    monuments  o( 
ancient  Egypt  what  may  be  reckoned  ? 

25  Describe  it?     What  is  said  of   Thebes?    What  may  we  suspect? 

What  will  no  one  question?     What  do  the  ruins  exhibit? 
What  is  observed  of  Cham  ?    What  did  Mesraim  or  Menes  do  ? 

26  By  whom  was  Mesraim  succeeded?    What  did  Moeris  do  ?     What  is 

related  of  Osymandias?     What  did  Uchoris  do?     What  is  said  of 
the  Shepherd-kings?    Where  will  we  find  a  more  authentic  accouni 
of  the  history  of  Egypt  ? 
2Y  When  did  Sesostris  reign,  and  what  is  said  of  him  ? 

What  did  he  order?     What  is  related  concerning  these  children  ? 

Wha^t  did  Sesostris  think  of,  and  what  did  he  endeavor  to  do? 

Whom  did  he  appoint  officers,  and  what  Avas  the  number  of  his  armj? 

28  How  did  he  begin  his  conquests? 

What  did  he  accomplish  with  his  fleet?  What  conquests  did  he  make 
on  land?     What  inscription  has  been  found  on  columns? 

With  what  did  he  seem  satisfied? 

How  did  he  return  to  his  kingdom?  How  did  he  spend  the  remainder 
of  his  reign?    How  did  he  die?     What  is  said  of  his  successors? 

29  How  was  Egypt  governed?     What  is  said  of  the  sovereign? 
In  what  was  he  put  in  mind  every  day  ? 

What  was  the  chief  function  of  the  sovereign?    Who  were  selected 

to  discharge  this  office? 
What  is  said  of  their  mode  of  administering  justice? 
AVhat  did  the  president  wear? 
What  is  said  of  their  civil  laws?     How  was  the  population-  divided? 

30  What  is  said  of  their  criminal  code? 

What  was  the  punishment  of  those  who  made  false  coins,  &c.?  Of  sol- 
diers who  deserted,  and  of  those  who  did  not  return  borrowed 
money  ? 

Wh j.t  did  every  Egyptian  undergo  after  death  ? 

What  did  they  manifest?     What  was  their  chief  trait? 

31  What  is  said  of  their  proficiency  in  arts  and  science  ? 
What  was  Egypt  considered? 

What  is  said  of  their  religion,  and  what  objects  did  they  worship  T 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY  8 

VAQX 

What  was  Iheir  most  renowned  object  of  wc'sbip? 

What  took  place  at  his  death,  and  how  was  a  successor  discovered? 

32  What  is  said  of  their  disagreement  as  to  their  objects  of  worship  . 
What  does  Diodorus  relate? 

What  had  the  ditferent  nations  as  objects  of  worship? 

33  What  were  men  not  satisfied  with?    What  did  they  think  they  could 

make? 
What  did  the  Almighty  determine  ? 

HEBREWS  OR  ISRAELITES. 

Who  was  the  father  of  the  chosen  people  ?    What  did  he  always  pre- 
serve?    What  honor  had  he  ? 

34  By  whom  was  Abraham  succeeded  ?    How  many  sons  had  he,  and 

what  did  they  become  ? 
What  is  said  of  the  Israelites  after  the  death  of  Joseph?    What  ia 

related  of  Moses  ? 
Fifty  days  after  their  departure  what  did  God  give  them?    How  long 

did  they  wander  in  the  desert? 

35  For  three  hundred   years  by  whom  were  the  Israelites  governed? 

Who  were  the  most  illustrious  judges? 

GRECIAN  STATES. 

"Who  is  to  be  considered  the  father  of  all  the  Grecian  tribes  ? 
How  many  sons  had  Javan,  and  what  is  said  of  their  names  ? 

36  What  do  we  know,  with  great  certainty,  concerning  the  inhabitants 

of  Greece? 
W^hat  is  probable?     What  did  both  Phenicea  and  Egypt  do ? 
What  were  the  most  conspicuous  of  the  ancient  nations,  and  whec 

did  they  flourish  ? 

37  What  wei'e  the  first  Grecian  states  ?    Who  was  Amphictyon  ?    What 

was  the  Amphictyonic  council  ? 
What  is  said  of  the  sessions  of  this  council  ? 
What  was  the  eflFect  of  this  display  of  patriotism? 

38  AVhere  was  Troy  situated  ?   "VV^hat  happened  under  the  reign  of  Priam  ? 

What  i?  related  of  this  young  prince?  What  was  the  consequence 
of  this  /efusal  to  do  justice?  Who  were  the  most  conspicuous 
among  ^ihe  leaders  ? 

39  W' horn  did  the  Trrjans  call  to  their  assistance,  and  who  were  their 

chief  commanders? 
What  prevented  the  Greeks  from  obtaining  any  decisive  advantage? 
What  is  said  of  their  manner  of  attack?    How  long  did  the  war 
last,  and  what  was  the  result? 

40  What  did  the  victorious  Greeks,  do?     What  was  the  fate  of  Priam? 

Of  the  other  inhabitants?     When  did  it  take  place? 


Part  JI. — Front  the  close  of  the  Trojan  War  to  the  Building  of  Rome, 

GREt:iAN  COLONIVS  AND  DIALECTS. 

41  Whr.t  is  related  of  the  Grecian  leaders?    What  spirit  seemed  to 

animate  the  Grecian  tribes  ? 
What  did  the  HeraclidiB  do  ? 

What  prompted  a  large  number  of  families  to  leave  the  country? 
Where  did  they  go,  and  what  was  their  subsequent  history? 

42  \Yhat  may  ih^  preceding  sketch  enable  the  reader  to  do  ? 


&  QI3ESTION8 

PAGE 

What  IS  said  of  the  Greek  language? 

Of  the  Attic  dialect? 

Of  the  Ionic? 

Of  the  Doric?  . 

43  What  did  the  Doric  and  ^olic  form?  f 

ASSYRIAN   EMPIRE. 

What  took  place  shortly  before  the  Trojan  -war?  , 

What  did  Ninus  do?     What  does  '« Holy  Writ"  say  of  .Vinive? 
What  was  the  extent  of  its  walls,  &c.? 

44  What  did  Ninus  undertake  ?    How  was  he  successful?    Whom  did  ha 

marry  ? 

DESCRIPTION   OP   BABYLON. 

What  were  the  principal  monuments  of  Babylon? 
What  was  the  extent  of  the  city  ?     What  is  said  of  its  walls  ?    Hour 
many  gates  had  it  ? 

45  What  should  be  remarked  ? 

What  is  said  of  quays  and  bridges? 

What  was  the  great  utility  of  the  ditches  and  canals? 

To  facilitate  the  construction  of  the  preceding  work,  what  was  done? 

46  What  remarkable  structures  were  within  the  enclosure  of  the  palace 

grounds? 
Describe  these  gardens  ? 

What  was  the  most  wonderful  structure?    Describe  the  tower? 
What  was  on  the  top  of  the  tower?     What  is  related  of  Alexander 
What  were  the  other  wonders  of  the  temple  of  Belus  ? 
By  whom  was  it  destroyed  ? 
4*7  What  did  Semiramis  do? 

What  was  her  last  and  greatest  expedition? 
Encouraged  by  this  attempt,  what  did  Semiramis  do? 
What  was  the  result  of  the  expedition  ? 

48  What  did  this  defeat  oblige  her  to  do? 
To  whom  did  she  resign  the  crown  ? 
What  was  the  character  of  Ninyas,  and  bow  did  he  maintain  his 

authority  ? 
Who  was  the  last  of  these  monarchs,  and  what  was  entered  into 
against  him? 

49  At  this  time,  what  happened  ?     What  was  the  fate  of  Sardanapalus  7 
What  is  observed  of  the  architecture  of  the  Assyrians? 

What  were  the  objects  in  which  their  industry  appeared  ? 
What  is  said  of  their  music?     Of  their  medical  science? 

50  In  what  science  did  they  probably  advance  further  than  any  other? 

What  invention  is  ascribed  to  them  ?  Into  what  did  their  astrono- 
mical science  degenerate?  What  is  said  of  the  religion  of  the 
Assyrians,  &c.?  To  what  had  they  a  vast  number  of  temple 
dedicated? 

THE  ISRAELITES  UNDER  THEIR  KINGS. 

61  After  the  administration  of  Samuel,  what  did  they  ask?    Who  was 
anointed  their  sovereign?     What  victory  did  Saul   obtain,  and 
what  was  the  consequences? 
In  what  important  war  was  he  next  engaged? 

What  tribes  did  he  conquer?   On  one  occasion  what  did  he  presume? 
What  was  the  consequence  of  this  fault  ? 
v*2  What  other  victory  did  Saul  obtain,  and  to  whom  was  he  indebted 
principally  for  it? 


I 


1 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY.  6 

tAUK 

\V\u\i  w  s  the  last  part  of  his  reign? 
What  was  the  fate  of  Saul? 

Who  succeeded  Saul?     What  occasioned  a  long  war,  &c.7 
AVhat  was  his  first  care?     What  wasthe  result? 
65  What  did  the  Philistines  experience?     AVhat  did  the  next  campaigm 
witness  ? 
What  is  now  said  of  David?    What  did  he  forget?    What  was,  thf 
consequence? 
5'i  What  misfortunes  and  afflictions  assailed  David? 
How  were  these  trials  terminated  ?     When  did  he  die? 
Who  succeeded  David?     What  had  he  under  him?     What  did  ho 

establish  in  concert  with  the  Tyrians? 
Of  what  did  Solomon  avail  himself?    When  was  it  dedicated? 

65  What  else  did  the  king  build  ? 

To  these  great  achievements  what  did  he  add  ? 
Still,  to  what  was  he  seduced?     V/hen  did  he  die? 

KINGS  OP  JUDA,  &0. 

What  followed  the  death  of  Solomon?  Why  did  ten  tribes  witbdraff 
from  Roboam  ? 

66  Were  the  impious  orders  of  Jeroboam  obeyed  ? 
What  happened  in  punishment  of  his  infidelities,  &;c.? 

AVhat  is  said  of  hostilities  between  the  kingdoms  of  Juda  and  Israel? 
What  was  the  number  of  the  forces,  and  of  the  slain  in  the  battle^ 
between  Abias  and  Jeroboam  ? 

What  was  the  effect  of  this  engagement  ? 
5t  What  is  said  of  Asa?     By  whom  was  he  attacked? 

What  was  the  result  of  the  battle? 

When  did  this  prince  die  ? 

What  was  the  reign  of  Josaphat?    Under  him,  what  is  said  of  the 
kingdom? 
f8  What  does  he  deserve? 

Towards  the  end  of  his  reign,  by  whom  was  he  attacked  ?  When  ho 
approached  the  enemy's  camp,  what  did  he  find? 

What  did  he  enjoy  ?     When  did  he  die  ? 

How  did  he  impair  the  splendor  of  his  reign  ? 

For  three  or  four  successive  reigns,  what  is  said  of  the  history  of  the 
Jewish  monarchs  ? 
89  What  did  the  reign  of  Ozias  behold?    During  the  space  of  three  hun- 
dred years,  what  did  these  holy  men  foretell  ? 

What  did  the  kingdom  of  Israel  enjoy  ?  Who  were  among  the  number  ? 

EGYPT,    &c . 

60  What  is  said  of  Egypt  ?     Of  the  Egyptian  kings  ? 
Of  what  did  his  army  consist? 
Under  the  reign  of  Anysis  what  happened  to  the  country  ?    How  did 

he  reign  ? 
What  new  state  arose,  and  when  and  by  whom  was  it  founded  ? 
What  were  its  inhabitants  obliged  to  do?     When  their  strength 
incr«iised,  what  followed? 

43* 


QUESTIONS 


(i(Si 


Part  Ul.—From  ihe  Bicilding  of  Rome  to  the  Destruction  of  the  hahyiOnU 
and  Rise  of  ihe  Persian  Empire. 

BUILDING  OF  ROME. 
rACE 

62  By  whom  was  the  peninsula  of  Italy  peopled?     What  is  related  of 

Procas  ? 
What  were  all  these  precautions?     What  did  Amulius  do? 
How  were  the  infants  saved  ?     W^hat  did  they  do  when  grown  up  ? 
After  this,  what  did  the  two  brothers  do?   What  arose  between  them, 

and  what  was  the  result? 

63  To  supply  it  with  inhabitants,  what  did  Romulus  do  ? 

What  is  said  of  all  the  circumstances  related?     When  was  Rome 
built? 

64  In  what  did  Romulus  succeed  ?     When  he  appeared  in  public,  what 

was  done? 
What  did  he  afterwards  establish?     What  is  said  of  this  body? 
Besides  the  senate,  what  did  Romulus  found  ? 
How  many  classes  of  the  people  were  there? 

65  What  is  said  of  the  Patricians?     Of  the  Plebians? 
From  all  this  what  appears  ? 

What  did  Romulus  undertake?    What  was  every  Plebian  allowed? 
When  the  empire  became  extensive,  what  had  the  Patricians  ? 

66  What  is  said  of  the  regulation  made  by  Romulus?     What   did  he 

encourage? 
What  rule  did  he  make,  and  why  ?    What  was  the  effect  of  this  wise 

regulation  ?     Of  what  did  the  army  consist? 
"What  difficulty  was  in  the  way  of  progress  ?    How  did  Romulus 

overcome  this  difficulty? 

67  In  the  meantime  what  followed  ?     What  did  Romulus  do  ? 

AVhat  other  tribes  did  Romulus  defeat?     What  did  the  Sabines  dot 

What  is  related  of  the  Sabine  women  ? 

What  followed  this  appeal?     What  treaty  was  concluded? 

68  Six  years  after,  what  happened  ?     What  followed  his  death? 

W^hat  is  said  of  Romulus?     Where  was  he  killed?     What  rumor 
was  circulated  among  the  people ?    How  long  did  he  reign? 

69  Who  succeeded  Romulus?     What  did  he  endeavor  to  inspire? 
What  was  one  of  his  chief  cares,  and  what  did  he  do  ?     To  what  did 

his  zeal  prompt  him  ? 
What  was  the  reign  of  Numa  ?    What  is  said  of  the  temple  of  Janus  ? 

How  long  did  he  reign? 
TO  Who  succeeded  Numa?   What  took  place?    To  avoid  an  unnecessary 

effusion  of  blood,  what  was  agreed  to? 
Who  were  the  champions  on  each  side  ? 

How  did  they  advance,  and  what  was  the  feeling  of  the  two  armies  ? 
Describe  the  battle  that  followed  ? 
How  did  the  victorious  youth  sully  his  glory  ? 

71  What  did  the  Albans  do?     What  war  ensued?     How  did  Tull us  gain 

the  victory  ? 
What  did  Mettius  do  ?     What  was  his  fate  ? 
What  did  Tullus  undertake  ?     How  long  did  he  reign  ? 

72  Who  was  the  next  king?    What  is  said  of  him?    What  did  he  build? 
What  other  enterprise  is  honorable  to  his  wisdom? 

What  did  he  evince?     What  was  his  practice? 

Who  succeeded  Ancus  Martins?     When  did  he  come  to  Rome ? 

What  did  Tarquin  do  ? 


I 


ON   ANCIENT   IIISTOIIY.  % 

rir.R 

I  73  What  public  works  of  utility  did  he  construct? 

What  three  nations  were  conquered  by  the  Romans  ? 

How  long  did  Tarquin  reign,  and  what  was  his  fat«? 

What  was  done  by  Tanaquil,  the  widow  of  Tarquin? 

Who  was  finally  proclaimed  king? 
74  What  was  the  qualities  of  Servius  Tullius  ? 

What  did  he  institute?    How  was  the  city  enlarged? 

What  did  he  resolve?    Wliat  was  his  end?    How  long  did  he  reign? 

What  is  remarkable  of  all  the  kings? 
15  What  is  said  of  Romulus?    Of  Numa  7    Of  Tullius,  Ancus,  Ac? 

GRECIAN  COLONIES. 

What  did  the  same  epoch  witness?    By  whom  was  Syharis  founded 
and  what  is  related  of  it  ? 
t6  By  whom  was  Crotona  founded  ? 

By  whom  was  Tarentum?    What  did  it  become? 

What  is  said  of  Locrium  and  Rhegium? 
*11  By  what  were  several  of  the  states  benefitted  ? 

What  did  these  colonies  occupy? 

What  is  said  of  Syracuse  ?    By  whom,  and  when  was  it  built? 

What  is  observed  of  Marseilles  ? 

What  was  it  considered  ?    By  whom  was  it  founded  ? 

SPARTA 

78  By  whom  was  the  throne  of  Sparta  occupied  ?    Of  what  was  the 

nation  composed  ?   What  were  the  Spartans  ?   The  Lacedaemonians  ? 
The  Helotes  ?    How  did  the  latter  acquire  that  name  ? 
To  qualify  himself,  what  did  Lycurgus  do  ? 

79  What  did  Lycurgus  institute,  and  why? 

What  did  he  next  undertake  ?    For  this  purpose,  what  did  he  do  ? 

What  is  said  of  this  scheme?    What  expression  did  Lycurgus  make 
while  passing  through  the  country  ? 

To  sap  the  foundation  of  avarice,  what  did  he  prohibit? 
'0  How  did  he  give  the  blow  to  intemperance? 

What  conversation  took  place  between  Dionysius  and  the  cook  ? 

What  did  all  persons  present  do  ?    What  is  related  of  king  Agis  ? 

Who  were  allowed  to  be  present?    Here,  what  did  they  hear? 

What  was  the  chief  objects  of  Lycurgus  ?    By  what  was  this  accom- 
panied ?    As  soon  as  a  child  was  born,  what  was  done  ? 
81  To  what  were  the  boys  subject?    What  was  their  education?    At 
table,  what  were  they  asked  ? 

From  their  early  youth,  to  what  were  they  obliged  ? 

How  were  their  patience  and  fortitude  tested  ?   Of  what  does  Plutarch 
inform  us  ? 

What  did  Lycurgus  tend  to  make  the  Spartans  ?    Hence,  what  hap- 
pened ? 

What  was  their  first  maxim  in  regard  to  warfare  ? 
92  Of  what  did  the  women  partake  ?    What  is  related  of  one  of  them  ? 

What  took  place  after  the  battle  of  Leuctra  ? 

What  other  singular  rule  >vas  followed  by  the  Lacedaemonians? 

When  Lycurgus  had  completed  his  work,  what  did  he  do?    What  ia 
said  of  these  changes  ? 
83  In  a  war  between  the  Argives  and  Spartans,  what  proposal  was  made? 
How  was  the  battle  conducted  ?    Ou  what  account  did  each  claim 
the  victory  ? 

How  was  the  matter  decided? 


8  QUESTIONS 

P.g« 

How  long  did  the  war  between  the  Spartans  and  Messenians  last' 

84  Goaded  by  oppression,  what  did  these  unhappy  people  do  ? 
By  whom  were  the  Messenians  joined  ?      By  whom  were  the  La( 

monians  animated  "^     What  was  their  success? 
What  became  of  the  Messenians  ? 
How  long  did  the  second  Messenian  war  last? 

ATHENS,     &C. 

85  What  is  said  of  Athens?    After  the  reign  of  Codrus,  what  did  th( 

Athenians  do? 
To  whom  was  committed  the  task  of  framing  a  new  code? 
What  is  said  of  his  laws  ? 
To  remedy  this,  what  did  the  Athenians  do? 
Invested  with  authority,  what  did  Solon  annul? 
What  crime  was  punished  with  death?     On  one  occasion  what  sen 

tence  did  the  Areopagus  pronounce? 
5G  What  did  he  do  in  favor  ot  the  poorer  classes?    What  was  the  efifect 

of  his  exertions  ? 
How  did  he  divide  the  citizens?    How  did  he  leave  the  rich?    Ta 

preserve  equilibrium,  what  did  he  do  ? 
SI  What  did  he  make  the  Areopagus?     What  is  said  of  its  justice  and 

sagacity?     When  did  it  hold  its  sessions? 
What  is  said  of  his  code  on  the  duties  of  social  life?    Having  com- 
pleted his  laws,  what  did  he  do? 
On  his  return  what  did  he  find  ?     What  is  said  of  Pisistratus  ?    To 

obtain  his  desire,   what  did  he  do?    How  did  he  make  himself 

master  of  Athens? 

88  How  long  did  Solon  survive  the  usurpation'?    How  did  Pisistratug 

exercise  the  sovereign  power  ? 

89  To  what  did  the  dismemberment  of  the  first  Assyrian  empire  give  rise? 

KINGS  OF  NINIVE. 

What  is  said  of  Theglathphalasar  ?    Having  subdued  the  Israelites, 

what  did  he  demand  ? 
What  is  said  of  this  profane  alliance  ? 

90  For  what  was  Salmanasar  destined  ?    What  did  he  do  with  Osee  and 

his  subjects  ? 
What  is  said  of  Ezechias  ?     What  did  Senacherit  declare  ? 
What  did  he  threaten  ? 
Having  defeated  the  Ethiopians  and  Egyptians,  what  did  he  do  ?    But 

here,  what  awaited  him  ? 
&1  At  the  sight  of  this  dreadful  havoc,  what  did  he  do?     What  was  his 

fate? 
Of  what  did  Asarhaddon  avail  himself?   W^hat  did  he  likewise  obtain  ? 

How  long  did  he  reign? 
During  this  period,  what  is  said  of  Egj-pt? 

92  How  long  did  this  form  of  government  last? 

What  did  eleven  of  these  kings  do  ?     What  course  did  Psammiticus 

pursue  ? 
What  new  war  did  he  undertake? 
By  whom  was  Asarhaddon  succeeded  ?     What  was  the  nature  of  the 

attack  made  on  him  by  the  king  of  the  Medes? 

93  How  did  this  great  success  raise  his  hopes?     What  nations  yielded  to 

his  arms?     What  nation  did  not? 
How  and  by  whom  was  Bcthulia  saved? 
What  did  Cyaxares  do  ? 


ON   ANCIENT  HISTORY.  ? 

What  Is  related  of  the  army  of  Schythians?  Where  did  they  advance  tol 

94  What  did  the  Median  prince  think  of  pursuing? 
Wliat  is  said  of  the  reigning  king  ? 

liy  whom  was  Ninive  again  attacked?    WHiat  was  the  fate  of  tlie 
city?     What  other  places  did  Cyaxares  subdue? 

KINGS  OP  BABYLON. 

95  What  excited  the  alarm  of  the  neighboring  nations  ? 

What  did  the  king  of  Egypt  attempt?     What  is  related  of  king 

Josias?     Of  his  three  sons? 
What  did  Nechao  do  after  conquering  the  Babylonians,  &c.? 
W'hom  did  the  king  of  Babylon  associate  with  himself?     What  Is 

said  of  the  young  prince  ?    What  did  he  do  with  the  Jews  ? 

96  Where  did  Nabuchodonosor  go  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  his  father? 
What  is  said  of  the  Jews?     How  did  they  continue ? 

W' hat  befell  the  Jewish  capital  ?     What  became  of  the  king  ? 

On  his  return  what  did  Nabuchodonosor  do?    What  three  noble 

young  men  refused  to  adore  it  ?    What  punishment  was  inflicted  on 

them,  and  what  was  the  result? 

97  Vrhat  city  did  Nabuchodonosor  take  and  destroy,  and  what  did  the 

Tyrians  do  ? 
Having  returned  to  his  capital,  to  what  did  Nabuchodonosor  turn  his 
attention  ?     What  punishment  did  God  inflict  upon  him  ? 

98  Being  restored  to  his  senses,  what  did  he  publish  ? 
When  did  he  die,  and  how  long  did  he  reign? 

What  followed  after  the  death  of  Nebuchodonosor?    What    do  we 
learn  from  the  prophets  ?    What  did  they  endeavor  to  do  ? 

THE  LYDIANS. 

99  WHio  was  Croesus  ?    W^hat  is  said  of  the  kingdom  ?    Of  his  riches  ? 

Of  his  life? 

W^hat  is  still  more  surprising  ?    What  is  said  of  his  court  ? 

How  was  he  roused  from  his  lethargy  ?    Why  did  he  send  ambassa- 
dors to  the  Oracle  Apollo  ? 

W^hat  was  the  answer,  and  what  did  he  determine? 

W^hat  language  was  addressed  to  him  by  a  certain  Lydian  ? 

.     THE  PERSIANS. 

100  W^hat  is  said  of  the  Persians?    Who  were  the  parents  of  Cyrus 7 
When  was  this  prince  born?     How  was  he  educated  ? 

101  How  did  he  surpass  his  companions?     How  was  he  distinguished  at 

the  court  of  his  grandfather  ?     On  his  return,  what  did  he  do  ? 
At  this  juncture,   who   formed  a  confederacy  against  the  Medes? 

What  was  Cyaxares'  first  care  ? 
On  his  arrival,  what  was  found?    What  did  the  genius  of  Cyrus 

accomplish  ? 

102  W^here  did  the  armies  meet,  and  what  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ? 
What  was  the  most  important  result  of  this  victory  ? 

W^hat  did  the  advantage  enable  him  to  do  ?   To  provide  for  his  security 
&c.,  what  did  he  conclude? 

103  How  was  he  received  by  Cyaxares?    How  did  Cyrus  act? 

What    did   Cyaxares  ofier  him  ?     Was    the  proposal    immediately 

accepted  by  Cyrus  ? 
In  the  meantime,  what  was  done? 

104  What  is  said  of  both  armies? 

How  were  the  forces  on  each  side  arranged  f 


10  QUESTIONS 

rAGE 

AVhat  was  the  plan  of  Croesus?     What  did  Cyrus  do? 
Describe  the  battle  ? 

105  What  did  the  centre  offer?     Where  did  he  hasten?    What  happened? 
What  did  he  offer  to  the  Egyptians?     Did  they  accept  it? 

What  became  of  Croesus?     What  did  Cyrus  order? 

106  What  did  his  prudence  gain?     What  did  he  offer  to  Croesus? 

With  what  have  Herodotus  and  others  filled  their  history  of  Crojsus? 

What  report  may  we  also  mention  ? 
What  did  Cyrus  henceforth  do  ? 
After  his  defeat  what  did  Croesus  do  ?  How  did  the  god  justify  himself? 

107  What  nations  were  now  rendered  tributary  to  Cyrus?    Having  com- 

pleted his  measures,  what  did  he  do? 
What  did  the  height  of  the  walls,  &c.,  seem  to  render  it? 
What  did  Cyrus  order?     What  did  the  besieged  do? 
At  this  time  of  what  was  Cyrus  informed,  and  what  did  he  do? 
£08  How  did  he  order  his  troop's  to  enter  the  city? 

What  had  been  left  open?    Having  surprised  the  guards,  what  did 

they  next  do  ?     How  long  had  the  Assyrian  empire  lasted  ? 
What  had  Isaias  declared  nearly  two  hundred  years  before? 

109  What  had  Jeremias  foretold?     What  happened  the  very  night  of  its 

downfall  ?     What  were  the  words  written  on  the  wall? 

In  what  words  had  Tsaias  foretold  the  subsequent  fate  of  Babylon  ? 

How  was  this  prediction  fulfilled?     What  is  its  appearance  at  the  pre- 
sent day  ? 

110  By  the  reduction  of  Babylon,  what  had  Cyrus  achieved?    To  whom 

did  he  leave  the  principal  share  of  power?     How  did  they  divide 
the  vast  empire  ?     What  was  the  number  of  the  forces  of  Cyrus  ? 
When  did  Cyaxares  die  ? 

RELIGION,  GOVERNMENT,  &C. 

111  What  was  the  religion  of  the  ancient  Persians?    What  does  Cicero 

relate  ? 
What  was  the  government  ?    Under  whom  were  the  provinces  placed  ? 

What  was  their  number  ?    To  whom  were  they  obliged  to  give  an 

account?     Who  was  appointed  one  of  the  three? 
What  had  the  Persians?    Before  whom  were  ordinary  cases  tried? 

What  was  one  of  their  essential  rules?    How  was  one  of  the  judges 

punished  for  permitting  himself  to  be  bribed? 

112  What  were  the  most  striking  features  in  the  customs  of  the  Persians? 

How  were  children  educated  ?  What  was  their  food,  &c.?  What  is 
said  of  their  moral  education  ?  What  are  some  of  the  proofs  of 
their  progress?     What  was  another  cause  of  their  success? 

113  When  did  the  Persian  monarchy  begin  to  decline? 

What  have  the  most  enlightened  statesmen,  &c.,  told  us?   On  account 
of  their  numerous  armies,  how  do  they  still  appear  ? 


Part  IY. — From  the  Foundation  of  the  Persian  Empire  to  its  Ooerthro'v.^ 
and  the  Death  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

REIGN  OF  CYRUa 

FIGS 

1 14  What  was  the  first  care  of  Cyrus  ? 

How  many  Jews  set  out  from  Babylon  ?    What  difficulties  did  they 

experience  ? 
What  does  Xenophon  say  of  Cyrus  ?    Ho^'  far  did  his  empire  extend  ? 


ON    ANCIENT    HISTORY.  11 

rACK 

U")  What  did  he  enjoy  to  an  advanced  age?    How  do  historians  ditFer  as 

to  the  manner  of  liis  death  ? 
]  IG  How  long  did  he  live?     What  misfortune  had  Cyrus?     Of  him  what 
do  we  read  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures?  For  what  else  is  he  rcproa';hed? 
What  did  he  write? 
1 1  T  AVhat  was  his  general  character?    What  doea  Cicero  say  of  him > 

To  the  happy  union  of  so  many  qualifications,  what  is  attributed? 
11  8  Who  succeeded  Cyrus,  and  Avhat  was  his  character? 
Against  whom  did  he  declare  war? 
What  city  did  he  first  attack,  and  how  was  it  taken." 
What  was  the  fate  of  king  Psammentius  ? 

Against  what  other  nations  did  Carabyses  turn  his  arms,  and  with 
what  result? 

119  What  did  he  do  at  Memphis' 

Relate  what  cruelties  he  exercised  against  the  members  of  his  owQ 

family?     What  was  the  result? 
What  was  the  manner  of  the  death  of  Cambyses? 
How  did  Smerdis  endeavor  to  gain  the  affection  of  the  people  ? 

120  What  did  the  lords  resolve,  and  how  was  Smerdis  put  to  death' 

When  did  this  happen? 

ROME  A  REPUBLIC. 

What  did  Lucius  Tarquin  retain?  W^hat  did  his  whole  reign  present^ 
How  Avas  his  power  upheld? 

During  the  siege  of  Ardea,  what  happened?  What  did  Brutus  under- 
take?    What  was  the  final  result? 

121  What  new  officers  were  created,   and  with  what  power  were  they 

invested? 
Who  were  the  first  consuls?    Why  did  Collatinus  retire  from  oflSce? 
Where  did  Tarquin  retire?     How   did  he  endeavor  to  regain   hia 

power  ? 

122  How  was  the  conspiracy  discovered  ?     How  did  Brutus  act? 
What  happened  when  Tarquin  attacked  Rome? 

How  was  Brutus  honored  ? 

What  loss  did  the  Romans  sustain  ?  Of  what  was  he  suspected  ?  How 
did  he  act?     What  surname  did  he  acquire?     How  did  he  die? 

123  By  whom  was  a  fresh  attack  made  against  the  Romans? 
What  instance  of  individual  courage  is  recorded: 

How  did  a  second  engagement  prove?  What  is  related  of  Mucias, 
surnamed  Sccevola? 

124  W'hat  did  the  aged  Tarquin  yet  think?     What  is  said  of  the  leaders' 

What  was  the  result  of  the  battle,  and  the  number  of  the  slain' 
When  and  where  did  Tarquin  die? 
W'hat  is  said  of  the  natural  abilities  of  this  prince?    How  has  his 

name  come  down  to  us? 

125  To  whom  did  Pisistratus  transmit  his  power' 
What  is  said  of  their  court? 

W'hat  acts  led  to  the  expulsion  of  Hippias .' 

Where  did  he  take  refuge,  and  what  followed ' 
120  What  was  one  of  the  first  cares  of  Darius?     What  did  he  begin  to 
think?     Before  adopling  it,  what  did  he  do? 

W^hat  name  did  the  Persians  give  Darius ?     What  did  he  display? 

"What  did  the  Babylonians  do?     How  was  the  siege  carried  on? 
12t  By  what  stratagem  was  the  city  finally  taken? 

What  was  the  conduct  of  the  king  towards  the  vanquishei' 

How  did  Darius  repay  Zopirus  ' 


\9,  QUESTIONS  M 

PACK  ^ 

128  What  nation  did  Darius  next  attack?  IIow  is  this  nation  described.' 
What  was  the  ostensible  and  real  motive  for  attacking  them  ? 

To  defeat  him,  what  did  the  Scythians  do? 

What  message  did  he  send  to  the  king,  and  how  did  Gobrjas  inter 

pret  it? 
At  last,  of  what  did  the  king  become  sensible,  and  what  orders  di^ 

he  give? 

129  What  nation  did  he  add  to  his  dominions? 
What  was  his  chief  aim?     Whom  did  the  Athenians  assist  in  theii 

revolt  against  Persia?    What  may  be  considered  as  the  commence 
raent  of  the  struggle  between  Persia  and  Greece  ? 

130  What  was  the  result  of  the  expedition  of  Mardenius  against  the  Greeks? 
To  whom  did  Darius  intrust  the  next  expedition?  What  did  he  cause? 
How  were  they  received  by  Sparta  and  Athens? 

W^here  did  the  Persians  direct  their  course  ?  What  was  the  number 
of  the  Athenian  army? 

131  By  whom  were  the  Athenians  commanded? 

How  did  he  dispose  his  army  for  the  attack?    How  did  they  begin  the 

attack?     What  did  the  Persians  think? 
Against  what  point  did  the  Persians  direct  their  greatest  efforts  ?  How 

was  it  defended?     What  was  the  result  of  the  battle ? 
332  What  was  the  loss  on  each  side? 

What  is  related  of  Cynegirus?    Of  another  Athenian  soldier? 

When  did  the  Laceda3raonians  arrive? 

What  is  remarked  of  the  battle  of  Marathon  ? 

133  What  was  erected  in  honor  of  those  who  perished?    What  honor  wag 

accorded  to  Miltiades  ? 
With  what  neglect  and  ingratitude  was  Miltiades  treated  ? 
How  was  Aristides  treated?    What  was  the  Ostracism,  according  to 

Plutarch  ? 

134  What  is  related  of  Aristides  when  about  to  be  banished  ? 
What  effect  had  this  treatment  on  Aristides? 

How  did  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Marathon  efifect  Darius?  What  did 
he  resolve?  When  did  he  die?  What  is  observed  of  his  character 
'and  abilities  ? 

135  What  is  said  of  his  valor,  &c.?    What  nations  did  he  add  to  his 

empire?     What  was  his  greatest  glory  ? 
How  long  did  the  reign  of  Xerxes  last? 

136  What  dispute  arose  between  Xerxes  and  his  brother,  and  how  was  it 

settled  ? 
How  long  a  time  did  he  spend  in  preparing  for  his  expedition  into 

Greece  ? 
With  whom  did  he  enter  into  a  confederacy?    Having  joined  the 

army,  what  works  did  he  order  to  be  constructed  ?    At  the  news  of 

this  accident,  how  did  the  king  act? 
13'7  In  what  manner  and  how  long  did  it  take  his  troops  to  reach  the 

European  shores  ?     What  was  the  number  of  his  army  and  fleet  ? 
What  cities  made  a  resistance?     Where  were  the  Spartans^directcd  to 

make  a  stand  ? 
When  Xerxes  arrived  near  the    Thermopylae,  what    did  he  find? 

What  reply  did  he  receive  when  he  demanded  their  arms  *> 
138  What  was  discovered  to  Xerxes  ?   What  did  Leonidas  do  and  resolve? 
Describe  the  battle?    AVhat  inscription  was  placed  on  ihe  monument 

after  it  was  erectesl  ? 
When  he  arrived  at  Athens,  what  did  he  find? 
AVhat  became  of  the  people? 


ON   ANCIENT  HISTORY.  IB 

Where  did  the  naval  forces  of  Greece  concentrate  ? 
139  What  advice  Avas  given  by  Themistocles  and  Arislides? 
What  incident  occurred  at  the  council? 
How  did  both  parties  prepare  for  battle?    How  did  the  Persians 

advance?    What  was  the  result  of  the  battle?    How  many  ships 

were  destroyed^    What  became  of  the  shattered  remains  of  the 

fleet  ? 

UO  What  became  of  Xerxes?    How  did  he  reach  his  own  territory  > 
What  queen  distinguished  herself  in  this  battle? 
What  honors  were  paid  to  Themistocles? 
AVho  distinguished  themselves  in  the  battle  of  Platsea?    What  was 

the  number  of  the  forces  and  the  result  of  the  battle? 

141  What  happened  on  the  same  day  in  which  the  battle  of  Platsea  waa 
fought?     How  and  by  whom  was  this  accomplished? 

At  the  news  of  these  overthrows,  what  did  Xerxes  do  ? 
What  was  now  the  condition  of  the  city  of  Athens?    By  whose  exer- 
tions was  it  rebuilt? 

142  What  project  did  Themistocles  propose  in  private  to  secure  to  Athens 
the  supreme  power  in  Greece? 

How  was  it  received  ? 

What  treason  did  Pausanias  plot  against  his  country  ? 

To  whom  was  the  direction  of  the  public  affairs  of  Greece  committed  ? 

143  What  is  said  of  Aristides?    How  did  he  die? 

Of  what  was  Themistocles  accused,  and  where  did  he  retire  ? 

By  whom  was  Xerxes  succeeded?  What  is  said  of  Artaxerxes?  To 
whom  did  he  extend  kindness? 

In  what  did  he  evince  great  wisdom? 

How  did  he  treat  Themistocles  ?  What  was  the  supposed  end  of  The- 
mistocles ? 

What  seemed  to  be  a  privilege  of  the  Athenian  people  ? 

How  were  both  distinguished?     What  was  Pericles? 

What  did  Cimon  unite  in  himself? 

144  What  does  Plutarch  relate  of  Cimon  ? 
What  does  Cornelius  Nepos  say  of  him  ? 

145  What  instance  is  given  of  his  thorough  knowledge  of  the  character  of 

men? 
14G  How  did  he  act  towards  Persia?    Where  did  he  defeat  the  Persian 
fleet  ? 
What  did  he  do  after  the  sea  fight  was  over  ?    What  was  the  result  of 
the  battle?     What  fleet  did  he  defeat? 
KY  What  new  victories  did  he  gain  ?   What  ingratitude  did  he  experience 
from  the  Athenians?     What  does  Plutarch  exclaim? 
What  new  expeditions  did  he  undertake? 

What  were  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  concluded  with  /.rtaxerxt;s? 
143  When  and  where  did  Cimon  die?     When  he  drew  near  bis  end,  what 
did  he  command? 

THE  CAKTHAGINIANS   IN  SICILY. 

What  alliance  had  been  entered  into  between.  Xei'xcs  and  the  Cartha- 
ginians ? 
J49  What  expedition  did  Amilcar  undertake  against  Italy? 

By  what  stratagem  did  Gelon  introduce  his  troops  into  the  Carthagi- 
nian camp?     What  followed? 

What  eflFect  had  this  defeat  on  the  Carthaginians  ?  What  was  one  of 
the  conditions  ? 


14  QUESTIONS 

PACC 

150  What  did  Gelon  do  after  this  victory?    How  did  he  show  himself? 
By  whom  was  he  succeeded  ? 

ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH. 

What  existed  from  the  beginning  of  the  Roman  commonwealth? 
What  were  the  laws  against  insolvent  debtors  ? 

151  What  was  the  effect  of  this  treatment? 

W^hat  was  the  result  of  the  deliberations  of  the  Senate  on  the  subject? 
Who  was  the  first  Roman  raised  to  this  office?  How  did  he  exercise  it? 
What  was  the  effect  of  the  frequent  use  of  this  kind  of  magistracy  ? 

152  Who  was  the  second  dictator?    What  did  the  army  and  the  people  do? 
What  course  did  the  consuls  and  senators  adopt  ? 

Who  was  the  most  illustrious  of  the  deputies  ?    What  allegory  did  he 

propose  to  them? 
What  was  the  effect  of  his  language  ?    But  before  leaving  the  camp, 

what  new  oiEcers  were  chosen  ? 

153  What  is  said  of  this  institution?    What  was  the  number  of  thes% 

officers  ? 

Against  whom  was  the  first  trial  of  the  power  of  the  tribunes  made  J 
How  did  Marcius  acquire  the  surname  of  Coriolanusf  In  what 
way  did  he  excite  the  public  feeling  against  himself? 

154  How  did  Coriolanus  receive  his  condemnation?     What  did  he  do 3 

How  did  his  approach  affect  the  city? 

To  whom  did  Rome  owe  its  deliverance?    How  did  she  accomplish 

this  object?     What  was  the  end  of  Coriolanus  ?    In  either  case 

what  is  observed  of  Coriolanus  ? 

155  As  soon  as  the  enemy  withdrew,  what  was  the  state  of  things  in 

Rome  ? 
How  was  a  portion  of  the  territory  distributed  ? 
From  whom  did  the  first  complaints  come?   What  is  Raid  of  this  man 
What  alarmed  the  senate  and  the  patricians?     What  did  they  do? 
15G  How  did  he  alarm  the  rich  ?    What  did  he  propose  in  order  to  regain 

the  fa-^or  of  his  party  ?     What  was  the  result? 
Though  the  measure  failed,  what  remained  ? 
What  was  done  nearly  the  whole  of  this  period  ? 
W^hat  family  acquired  great  distinction  at  Rome?    On  one  occasion, 

what  did  Quintus  Fabius  do? 
15Y  What  did  the  Etrurians  attempt  ?    Where  did  they  occupy  a  position  ? 
Who  were  the  leaders  of  the  Romans  ?    What  did  they  determine  ? 
What  did  the  Etrurians  do?     At  last  what  did  Marcus  Fabius  say 

turning  to  his  colleague?     What  was  the  reply  of  Flavoleius  ? 

158  Describe  the  battle  that  followed? 
What  is  observed  of  the  battle? 

What  honors  w^ere  tendered  to  the  consul  Fabius,  and  declined  by 
him  ?     What  honors  were  awarded  to  the  subordinate  leaders  ? 

159  Where  were  the  wounded  soldiers  quartered? 
What  new  wars  had  the  Romans  now  to  sustain  ? 
What  did  the  Fabii  offer?    AVhat  is  observed  of  them? 
Where  did  this  heroic  band  build  a  fortress? 

160  By  what  stratagem  were  they  drawn  from  their  fortress? 

How  was  the  unequal  contest  conducted?  What  was  the  result? 
What  is  observed  of  the  three  hundred  and  six  Fabii  ?  Who,  of  all 
this  family,  alone  survived?  What  is  observed  of  this  circum- 
stance? 

How  did  the  loss  of  so  many  heroes  affect  tho  Roman  people?  Bj 
■whom  was  their  progress  checked  ? 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY.  16 

no* 

161  What  happened  to  the  consul  Menenius?    What  did  G:acchu3  do? 
Who  was  appointed  dictator?    What  is  said  of  this  celebrated  man? 
How  did  the  deputies  find  him? 

What  was  his  first  care?    Having  reached  the  enemy's  camp,  what 
did  he  do  ? 
1S2  Having  rescued  the  Roman  army,  &c.,  what  course  did  he  pursue? 
How  long  had  Rome  existed  without  a  settled  code  of  law?    To  sup- 
ply this  want,  what  steps  were  taken  ? 
Upon  the  return  of  the  commissioners,  what  was  done? 

163  By  their  activity  and  zeal,  what  was  accomplished  ? 

Being  re-elected,  how  did  they  act?    What  did  Rome  again  behold  f 
Who  was  Siccius  Dentatus?    How  had  he  distinguished  himself? 

What  plan  did  the  decemviri  arrange  for  his  destruction  ? 
How  did  the  veteran  defend  himself? 

164  How  did  this  murder  affect  the  public  mind  ? 

What  did  Appius  Claudius  attempt?    What  did  Virginius  do? 
What  was  the  effect  of  this  event?    What  became  of  the  decemviri? 
With  what  does  the  expulsion  of  the  decemviri  coincide  ?    For  what 
were  they  not  less  renowned  ? 

165  What  did  Athens  enjoy  under  Pericles  ?    How  did  he  use  the  powef 

confided  in  him?    What  was  his  favorite  maxim  ? 
What  were  at.  liis  command  ? 
What  did  he  do  every  year  ?    What  colonies  did  he  found  ?    Whal 

was  his  chief  object  for  this  ? 

166  What  achievements  excited  the  greatest  admiration,  &c,? 
Name  some  of  the  famous  men  Athens  possessed  at  this  period  ? 
With  what  does  history  present  us  ?    What  exclusively  belongs  to  thi 

Greeks  ? 
What  appears  still  more  surprising  ?    What  does  Plutarch  say  > 
What  does  he  further  remark? 
ISt  Why  were  clamors  raised  against  him? 
One  day  what  did  he  offer? 
What  was  there  among  the  several  artists  ? 
What  celebrated  sculptor  directed  the  works  ? 

168  While  Athens  prospered,  what  storm  was  preparing  against  her? 

169  What  variety  cf  incidents  contributed  to  increase  the  animosity  of  ih« 

two  parties  ? 
no  What  was  the  war  between  Athens  and  Sparta  called? 

Who  were  the  parties  to  it  ?  From  whom  did  the  first  hostilities  pro- 
ceed? Who  invaded  Attica?  Where  did  the  Athenian  fleet 
proceed  ? 

171  By  whom  waj  the  last  expedition  headed?    What  happened? 

What  is  observed  of  this  event,  and  what  did  Pericles  do  ? 
What  custom  prevailed  among  the  Athenians  ? 
Who  was  charged  to  deliver  the  funeral  oration,  and  how  did  he  per* 

form  the  task? 

172  What  is  said  of  this  admirable  discourse? 

What  terrible  scourge  now  fell  upon  Athens?    Describe  its  ravages* 
What  celebrated  physician  exerted  himself  on  behalf  of  the  Athenians  ? 
What  distinguished  man  fell  a  victim  to  ihe  plague? 
What  did  he  say  to  those  who  were  extolling  his  exploits  ? 

173  In  the  next  campaign  what  city  was  besieged? 

What  scheme  did  they  form,  and  how  did  they  execute  it? 
On  their  trial  what  questions  were  they  asked,  and  what  waa  th«»ix 
fote? 


16  QUESTIONS 

fAQE 

174  Afver  this,  how  were  the  battles  carried  on  ?    At  the  end  ot  ten  year* 

what  was  done  ? 
How  and  by  whom  was  the  war  soon  rekindled  ? 
What  was  the  success  of  Alcibiades  against  Sicily,  and  what  did  he 

finally  do? 
1*15  Who  now  became  ihe  commander  of  the  Athenian  army? 
How  was  he  prevented  from  taking  Syracuse  ? 
What  was  the  success  of  Gylippus  ? 
What  new  disasters  befell  the  Athenians  ? 
How  did  they  interpret  the  eclipse  of  the  moon  ? 
i'TG  In  their  retreat,  what  happened  to  Demosthenes  and  to  Nicias  and  his 

array  ? 
What  was  the  fate  of  the  two  generals,  and  how  were  the  prisoners 

treated  ? 
To  restore  the  condition  of  their  affairs,  whom  did  the  Athenians 

recall?    What  exploits  did  he  perform,  and  how  was  he  again 

treated  ? 
l*I1  What  is  said  of  the  new  commanders  ?    What  great  naval  battle  was 

fought,  and  with  what  result? 
What  ijunishment  was  inflicted  on  the  generals  for  not  having  buried 

their  dead  ? 
1V8.  What  reflections  are  made  on  the  conduct  of  the  Athenians  ?  -j 

Whom  did  the  Spartans  restore  ?    Where  did   the  Athenians   meet  I 

him?  7 

By  what  stratagem  did  Lysander  destroy  the  Athenian  fleet? 

179  What  did  the  Spartans  now  do?    What  was  the  fate  of  Athens f 

What  were  the  conditions  of  peace? 
What  did  Lysander  appoint?    What  is  said  of  the  thirty  magistrates^ 

What  did  Thrasybulus  achieve? 
By  what  was  the  interval  filled  up  ? 

180  When  and  where  was  Socrates  born? 

To  what  did  he  apply  with  ardor  and  success  ?     Under  whom  did  h< 

study? 
What  was  the  principal  case  ?    In  order  to  check  his  passions,  whel 

did  he  do? 
How  did  his  wife  treat  him  ? 

181  What  exertions  did  he  make  to  improve  the  morals  of  others? 
What  is  said  of  his  manner  of  teaching  ?     Of  foreigners  ? 
What  instances  are  related  of  his  disinterestedness? 

At  the  sight  of  great  treasures  what  would  he  exclaim? 
In  what  manner  did  he  evince  his  fortitude? 

182  Who  were  the  first  instigators  of  the  proceedings  against  him.    What 

is  said  of  them  ? 
Why  did  Aristophanes  attack  him  ? 

What  charges  were  brought  against  him  by  Melitus  and  Anytus? 
How  did  he  defend  himself?     What  was  his  reply,  when  asked  ia 

reference  to  the  punishment  he  should  suffer? 

183  How  did  he  hear  the  sentence,  and  in  what  manner  did  he  die? 
What  observations  are  made  on  the  character  of  Socrates? 
What  does  Rolin  say  of  him  ? 

184  What  is  equally  certain  ?     What  was  his  capital  error  and  fault  ? 
AVhat  do  some  authors  relate  ? 

What  was  done  against  Melitus  and  the  others? 
From  what  did  the  Athenians  pass  ? 
Who  were  among  his  disciples? 

185  By  whon?  was  the  Persian  throne  occupied  for  nineteen  years? 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY.  It 

PAOX 

By  Avliora  was  Notlius  succeeded?    What  is  related  of  C}'iU3    tlie 

younger? 
Wlmt  battle  was  fought,  and  what  was  the  fate  of  Cyrus? 
la  the  meantime  what  did  the  Greeks  do? 
186  To  what  was  their  number  reduced?    By  whom  was  their  retreat 

chiefly  directed? 
What  diflieulties  did  they  encounter  ? 
ISY  What  has  the  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand  always  been  cousidereJ? 

What  did  Antony  exclaim? 
How  did  this  consciousness  of  superior  ability  affect  the  min^t  of  the 

Greeks  ? 
What  is  said  of  Agesilaus?    Being  charged  to  pursue  the  waf  against 

Persia,  what  did  he  show? 

188  What  was  the  effect  of  his  military  fame? 

While  meditating  the  invasion  of  Persia,  what  summons  did  he 
receive  ? 

What  was  the  cause  of  the  league  against  Sparta  ?  Where  was  a  bat- 
tle fought,  and  what  was  the  result? 

Who  was  distinguished  among  the  Athenian  leaders? 

189  What  did  he  obtain  from  king  Artaxerxes? 

W^hat  was  the  result  of  the  naval  battle  near  Cnidus  ? 

What  was  the  effect  of  this  victory? 

After  the  battle  of  Cnidus,    what  course  did  Conon  pursue?    With 

what  feelings  did  he  revisit  Athens  ?    How  did  he  exert  himself  to 

restore  her  to  her  former  splendor  ? 

190  How  did  the  Lacedaemonians  betray  their  alarm  ? 

What  did  they  conclude  with  the  king  of  Persia?    What  were  the 

conditions  of  this  treaty? 
What  was  plain  by  these  conditions? 

191  What  other  disgraceful  step  did  Sparta  take? 

What  two  distinguished  men  did  Thebes  possess  at  that  time?  What 
is  said  of  the  first  ?    Of  the  second  ? 

192  What  plans  did  Pelopides  mature  at  Athens? 

How  did  the  Thebans  carry  out  their  designs,  and  how  did  they  get 

possession  of  the  citadel  ? 
How  did  the  war  affect  the  Thebans?    What  did  Antalcidas  say  to 

Agesilaus  ? 

193  By  whom  was  the  battles  of  Tegyrae  and  Leuctra  fought,  and  what 

were  the  results  ? 
W'hat  is  said  of  the  Spartans? 
To  what  had  the  two  parties  determined  to  come?    What  were  their 

respective  forces  ? 
What  was  the  design  of  Epaminondas  ? 
Describe  the  battle  that  followed  ? 

194  After  this  victory,  where  did  Epaminondas  advance? 

195  In  these  victories,  by  whom  was  Epaminondas  seconded?     What  is 

said  of  king  Agesilaus? 
How  were  the  generals  treated  on  their  return  to  Thebes?    How  did 

they  defend  themselves? 
How  did  Epaminondas  conduct  himself  at  the  meeting  of  the  states, 
and  what  did  he  advocate? 
lOG  What  were  there  the  questions  and  replies  between  Epaminondas  and 
Agesilaus? 
What  instances  are  given  of  the  magnanimity  ox  Epaminondas? 
197  What  did  Pelopides  continue? 

With  whom  did  the  Spartans  enter  into  a  confederacy? 
44* 


18  QUESTIONS 

PACK 

Whom  did  the  Thebans  send  to  the  court  of  Persia? 
What  was  the  result  of  his  mission? 
In  what  way  did  Pelopides  prove  his  disinterestedness? 
What  question   was  now  to  be  decided?    What  did  Epaminondaa 
attempt  to  accomplish? 

198  How  did  each  party  now  prepare  for  battle?  ^ 
Describe  the  battle  ?  ^ 
What  did  Epaminondas  do.  and  what  was  his  fate? 

199  What  is  said  about  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy?     Where  was  Epami- 

nondas carried?     When  told  that  the  Thebans  were  victorious, 
what  did  he  reply  ? 
What  was  the  fate  of  Pelopides? 

GENERAL  STATE  OF  GREECE,  &C. 

200  What  became  of  Thebes  after  the  death  of  Epaminondas  and  Pelopides? 
What  did  the  Lacedfemonians  lose? 

What  is  observed  of  the  Athenians? 

RELIGION,  MANNERS,  &C.,  OF  GREECE. 

•201  What  are  we  now  to  describe? 

What  was  the  religion  of  Greece?     The  principal  deities? 
To  whom  did  they  offer  sacrifice  and  adoration  ? 

202  Describe  the  priestess  of  Apollo  when  about  to  deliver  her  answers? 
What  was  the  characteristic  feature  of  these  oracles?     What  does  St. 

Jerom  say  of  them? 
What  was  the  answer  given  to  Croesus,  king  of  Lydia? 

203  What  must  be  said  of  the  answer  given  to  Pyrrhus? 

What  does  the  Holy  Writ  say  of  the  difference  between  the  oracles 

and  the  prophets? 
By  what  were  the  Greeks  bound  together  ? 
What  were  these  games  among  the  Greeks?     ■ 

204  How  many  were  the  solemn  games  ? 

Before  appearing,  what  were  the  athlets  obliged  to  do  ? 

What  were  the  various  kinds  of  contests  ? 

How  was  the  conqueror  honored  ?   What  is  observed  of  these  rewards  ? 

GRECIAN  INSTITUTIONS,   &C. 

205  For  what  was  Greece  remarkable ?     In  what  did  it  abound? 

Who  was  the  most  ancient  of  these  sages?     Who  were  the  next? 

Who  was  Diogenes ?     Pyrrho  ? 
What  is  said  of  Socrates  and  Plato? 

206  Who  was  the  most  illustrious  disciple  of  Plato? 

Who  was  Zeno,  and  what  sect  did  he  establish?     What  is  said  of  thij 

sect? 
What  did  most  of  these  philosophers  know? 

THE  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH. 

20f  With  what  power  were  the  censors  invested  ? 
What  were  the  functions  of  Quaestors? 
What  was  the  nature  of  the  new  disputes  between  the  two  new  orders 

of  the  state  ?  M 

How  did  the  people  act?  J 

208  When  was  a  regular  salaiy  allowed  to  the  troops?     Until  then  with' 
what  were  the  soldiers  obliged  to  provide  themselves? 
What  was  the  effect  of  regular  pay  to  the  troops  ? 
What  city  did  tiiey  lay  siege  to,  and  how  was  it  conducted? 


ON    ANCIENT    HISTOUY  ifl^ 

■ASK 

As  soon  as  CamiJliis  assumed  the  command;  what  did  he  do?     IIow 

did  he  take  the  city? 
What  is  rehited  of  Camillus  during  the  siege  of  Falerii  ? 
Of  what  was  Camillus  accused,  and  where  did  he  retire? 
no  By  whom  was  Clusium  besieged?     What  did  the  Gauls  do?     What 

was  the  result  of  the  battle  near  the  river  AUia? 
How  did  the  Gauls  treat  the  senators? 
ni  Being  repulsed,  what  did  they  do  a  second  time? 

Where  did  Camillus  hasten?     When  did  he  arrive?    What  did  he 

compel  the  Gauls  to  do  ? 
What  was  the  consequence  of  this  sudden  change  of  power?     What 

did  Camillus  now  receive? 
212  How  did  Rome  flourish  under  Camillus? 

What  disputes  distracted  the  commonwealth?    What  did   the  Ple- 
beians ask  ? 
AVhat  followed  from  the  victory  of  the  people? 
813  What  enterprise  now  claimed  the  attention  of  the  Romans?     What 

did  they  claim? 
How  were  these  proposals  answered? 
Relate  what  happened  between  Manlius  and  his  son  ? 
What  dream  had  Decius,  and  what  did  he  afterwards  do  during  the 

battle? 

214  What  effect  had  this  action  on  the  troops,  and  what  was  the  result  of 
the  battle? 

W'hat  cities  did  the  Carthaginians  subdue? 
What  conquest  did  they  next  undertake? 

215  Under  whose  say  was  Syracuse,  and  how  did  he  prepare  to  defend  the 
place? 

What  did  the  Carthaginians  do?     What  was  the  fate  of  the  Carthagi- 

ni:\ns  and  Himilco? 
By  what  stratagem  did  the  Carthaginian  leaders  defeat  Dionysius? 

216  Hy  what  was  the  death  of  Dionysius  succeeded? 
To  whom  did  the  Syracusans  apply  for  assistance? 

What  was  effected  by  the  landing  of  the  Corinthians?     What  was  the 

fate  of  the  Carthaginian  leader  ? 
W^hat  was  the  result  of  the  courageous  attack  of  Timoleon? 

21 7  By  what  was  this  signal  victory  followed  ? 

W'hat  did  Timoleon  do,  and  how  was  he  honored  ? 

In  the  meantime,  w  hat  power  was  rising  in  the  East  ? 

What  is  said  of  the  kingdom  of  Macedon?     Vv'hat  did  Philip  do? 

218  What  were  the  abilities  of  Philip,  and  what  did  he  accomplish? 

By  whom  was  his  career  checked  ?     What  is  said  of  the  great  ubilitiea 

of  Phocion  ? 
What  great  obstacle  did  the  king  still  find?     What  is  said  of  this 

illustrious  man  ? 

219  Wliat  did  Philip  determine? 

How  was  the  battle  conducted?  ,  How  was  it  terminated? 
What  use  did  Philip  make  of  this  victory  ?     The  year  following,  what 
did  he  do? 

220  What  cost  Philip  his  life  ? 
How  did  he  lose  an  eye? 

With  what  faults  is  he  reproached?     Give  some  Instances  ^f  jusiicol 
What  is  related  of  another  distressed  Avoman  ? 

221  In  what  light  did  he  regard  traitors  ? 

What  were  his  literary  attainments,  and  what  instances  did  he  give  Ci! 
them? 


'\ 


20  QUESTIONS 

PAGE 

Who  was  Ueraosthenes  ? 

222  At  the  xge  of  sixteen,  what  did  he  hear  and  do? 
Against  whom  did  he  plead  his  first  cause? 
What  is  said  of  his  first  addresses  to  the  people? 
What  did  he  do  in  order  to  perfect  himself  in  oratory? 

223  How  did  he  correct  the  natural  impediments  in  his  speecli,  &c.t 
In  what  cause  was  his  eloquence  exerted? 
What  rivals  did  Demosthenes  meet? 
Why  was  a  crown  of  gold  offered  to  Demosthenes? 

221  What  is  said  of  this  cause?     Of  the  harangues  delivered  on  this  occft 

sion? 
What  became  of  ^schines? 

"When  he  was  leaving  the  city,  what  did  Demosthenes  do? 
While  Demosthenes  warned  the  Athenians  against  Philip,  how  did  he 

exhort  them? 

225  What,  at  this  time,  was  the  state  of  the  Persian  empire?   Wliat  crime 

did  Bagoas  commit? 
Who  succeeded  to  the  throne  on  the  murder  of  Arses  ? 
In  what  way  did  he  prove  himself  worthy  of  his  high  station? 
What  was  the  fate  of  Bagoas  ?  ■ 

How  does  history  represent  Darius  Codomanus?  I 

ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT. 

226  When  and  where  was  Alexander  born?    AVhaf  did  his  father  do  oa 

the  occasion  of  his  birth? 
In  what  did  Philip  show  his  wisdom  ?    In  what  terms  did  he  write  to 

Aristotle? 
Of  what  was  Alexander  possessed?    What  did  he  acquire  under 

Aristotle? 

227  What  was  his  predominant  disposition? 

What  did  he  soon  display?    Where  did  he  signalize  himself? 
On  succeeding  to  the  throne,  what  was  his  first  care? 
Whom  did  he  defeat? 
While  thus  engaged,  of  what  was  Alexander  informed? 

228  What  did  he  say  about  Demosthenes?    How  did  he  treat  theThebana 

and  their  city? 
Having  restored  the  Macedonian  influence  in  Greece,  what  did  he  con- 
vene ?   What  interview  took  place  between  Alexander  and  Diogenes? 

229  With  what  force  did  he  invade  Persia,  and  on  what  did  he  rely  ? 

In  what  were  the  Persians  deficient?     Who  was  their  only  good 

general  ? 
Having  crossed  the  Hellespont,  what  did  Alexander  do?    How  waa 

his  life  saved  by  Clitus  ? 
Describe  the  battle?     What  was  the  result? 

230  What  was  the  effect  of  the  victory  at  the  Granicus  ? 

What  was  the  consequence  of  his  imprudent  bathing  in  the  Cydnus*' 
What  did  Philip,  one  of  his  physicians,  undertake? 

Of  what  was  the  king  informed  by  Parmenio?  How  was  the  charge 
proven  false? 

231  Where  did  Darius  advance  to  meet  Alexander? 

How  was  the  battle  conducted,  and  what  was  the  result? 
How  was  the  family  of  Darius  treated  by  Alexander  ? 
What  city  closed  its  gates  against  him? 

232  How  was  Tyre  situated?     By  what  means  did  Alexander  take  it? 
What  acts  of  crurlty  did  Alexander  commit  after  taking  Tyre? 


ON  ANCIENT   HISTORY.  21 

a 
Against  A\bi\t  city  did  he  next  march?    By  what  circumsthocc  waa 

his  anger  appeased  ? 
How  was  his  admiration  increased? 

233  Where  did  he  next  advance?     What  city  did  he  found  ? 
What  proposal  did  he  receive  from  Darius,  and  what  reply  did  h» 

make? 
Where  did  the  two  armies  meet? 

234  What  was  the  character  of  the  two  armies  ? 
Wliat  is  said  of  Alexander  the  night  before  the  battle? 
How  did  the  two  sovereigns  appear  ? 
What  followed  after  a  furious  conflict  ?  What  is  said  of  the  humanltj 

of  Darius? 

235  What  did  the  Cladasian  and  Scythian  cavalry  do? 
How  was  Parminio  pressed,  and  who  came  to  his  assistance  ? 
WHiat  was  the  number  of  Persians  that  fell  in  this  battle  ? 
What  cities  and  treasures  fell  into  the  hands  of  Alexander? 

236  What  distress  did  this  battle  bring  on  Darius?     What  was  the  tate  of 
that  monarch  ? 

237  How  did  the  Persian  empire  end,  and  what  was  the  fate  of  Bessus? 
What  course  did  Alexander  pursue  with  regard  to  Greece? 
What  league  among  the  Grecian  states  was  formed  against  Alexander  ? 

AVhat  state  refused  to  join  it? 
233  What  course  did  Antipater  pursue?    What  was  the  result  of  the  bat- 
tle of  Megalopolis  ? 
What  caution  did  Antipater  use  to  prevent  the  jealousy  of  Alexander? 
What  did  he  call  the  battle  of  Megalopolis  ? 

239  What  nations  yielded  to  his  arms  ?    What  is  said  of  his  troops  ? 

How  would  he  pursue  the  enemy  ? 
By  what  means  did  Alexander  gain  great  ascendancy  over  his  troops* 
What  instances  are  given  of  his  generosity  and  self-denial? 

240  What  eflect  had  his  success  on  his  moral  character? 
Wliat  instances  are  related  of  his  cruelty  ? 

Into  what  country  did  he  enter,  and  with  what  success? 

241  By  what  stratagem  did  Alexander  defeat  the  Indians  ?    How  did  he 

treat  king  Porus  ? 
W^hat  prevented  him  from  crossing  the  Ganges? 
To  what  city  did  he  return?    What  were  the  circumstances  attending 

his  death  ? 
How  was  his  death  lamented  by  his  old  and  new  subjects? 
422  What  is  certain  and  equally  true  of  Alexander  ? 
What  observations  are  made  on  his  career  ? 


Part  V. — From  the  Death  of  Alexander  to  the  End  of  the  Punic  war, 

PAGE 

243  What  was  the  worst  effect  of  Alexander's  conquests? 
What  followed  among  his  first  successors  ? 

244  What  confederacy  was  formed  against  Antigonus? 

What  did  Antigonus  do  ?     What  is  said  of  his  son  Demetrius  ? 
What  battles  did  he  lose  and  gain?    W^hat  city  did  he  take? 
How  did  this  achievement  become  still  more  honorable  ? 
2 15  What  title  did  Antigonus  and  Demetrius  assume? 
What  was  the  success  of  Demetrius  against  Rhodes  ? 
How  was  the  city  defended?     What  was  the  Helepolis? 
How  did  the  Rhodians  destroy  it  ?    How  and  upon  what  terms  was 
peace  concluded  ? 


22  QUESTIONS 

24G  Eow  did  Demetrius  testify  his  esteem  of  the  Rhodians?    What  did 
they  erect? 
What  proofs  did  Demetrius  give  of  his  love  of  the  fine  arts  ? 
Against  whom  did  he  assist  the  Athenians? 
Where  did  he  go  to  join  his  father? 
2A1  How  was  the  battle  of  Ipsus  fought,  and  what  was  the  result  ? 

How  were  the  provinces  of  Alexander's  empire  divided  among  the 
allied  princes? 
218  By  whom  had  this  division  been  foretold? 

KINGDOM  OP  EGYPT. 

Who  was  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  how  long  did  he  reign?    Of  what 

was  he  a  patron  ? 
By  whom  was  Ptolemy  succeeded?    What  did  this  prince  inherit? 

What  did  he  complete?    What  valuable  additions  did  he  make  to 

the  library? 
249  How  did  he  improve  the  commerce  of  his  kingdom? 

How  long  did  he  reign,  and  by  whom  was  he  succeeded  ? 

What  did  he  undertake? 

In  passing  through  Jerusalem,  what  did  he  offer? 


i 


KINGDOM  OP  STRIA. 


250  What  was  the  qualities  of  Seleucus?    What  cities  did  he  build? 

Towards  the  end  of  his  reign,  against  whom  did  he  declare  war? 

What  was  the  end  of  Seleucus? 

By  whom  was  he  succeeded?    What  was  the  origin  of  the  Parthian 
empire? 
i61  By  what  means  did  Antiochus  bring  many  disasters  on  Syria  ? 

KINGDOM  OP  MACEDON. 

What  happened  in  Macedon  after  the  death  of  Cassander? 
At  what  did  Demetrius  aim ?    What  was  the  fate  of  Demetrius? 
i52  What  is  related  of  the  son  of  Demetrius? 
Who  were  the  successors  of  Gonatus  ? 
What,  at  this  time,  was  the  condition  of  Sparta? 
How  did  king  Agis  undertake  to  reform  the  manners  of  the  people* 
What  was  the  result? 

253  When  going  to  execution,  what  did  he  say?    What  were  the  savings 

of  his  mother  and  grandmother? 
How  did  Cleomenes  set  about  the  work  of  reformation  ? 

254  How  did  he  conduct  himself  against  the  Achseans? 
Describe  the  battle  that  followed  between  the  two  kings  ? 

How  did  the  defeat  effect  Sparta,  and  what  came  of  Cleomenes  ? 

255  How  did  the  victorious  Doto  act  towards  Sparta?    When  did  he  d'e? 

ACH.EAN  LEA  GUE, 

What  is  said  of  the  republic  of  the  Achaeans  ? 

256  What  was  the  result  of  the  good  order  in  the  republic? 
A  few  years  later,  what  did  Aratus  accomplish  ? 

What  preparations  did  he  make  for  the  taking  of  Corinth? 
How  was  the  alarm  given  to  the  citizens  ? 
25T  In  the  meantime,  what  did  the  three  hundred  do? 
How  did  Aratus  act  after  the  victory? 
What  other  services  did  he  render  to  his  country? 
What  actions  of  his  greatly  injured  the  cause  of  Greece? 


ON   ANCIENT    HISTORY.  $8 

M^  When  and  where  M'as  Pbilopocmen  born?    Where  and  how  did  he 
signalize  himself? 
AVhat  battle  did  he  fight  with  the  king  of  Sparta? 
169  What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  and  the  fate  of  Machanidas? 
What  is  said  of  the  battle  of  Mantinea? 
How  was  Philopoemen  lionored  ? 

What  great  results  were  gained  by  Philopocnaen  in  the  subsequent  war 
with  Sparta? 

260  What  did  the  Lacedaemonians  resolve? 
What  did  Philopoemen  do  when  informed  of  the  generous  conduct  of 

ihe  Lacedoeraonians? 
What  has  Philopoemen  been  called?    What  was  his  end? 

CARTHAGE  AND  SICILY. 

261  On  a  former  occasion,  what  was  remarked? 
When  did  Agathocles  usurp  the  power  of  Syracuse,  and  how  did  he 

exercise  it  ? 
Being  unable  to  resist  the  Carthaginians,  what  bold  resolution  did  he 
form  ? 

262  What  did  he  do  after  reaching  the  African  shore? 
What  was  his  success  in  Africa? 

What  course  did  he  afterwards  pursue,  and  what  was  his  fate? 

ROMANS  AND  SAMNITES. 

263  During  this  time,  what  did  the  Romans  continue  to  do? 
Under  the  consulate  of  Valerius,  &c.,  what  happened? 

For  what  did  the  two  parties  prepare,  and  what  was  the  issue  of  the 
battle? 
204:  Tnto  what  danger  did  Cornelius  fall,  and  how  was  he  delivered  from  it? 
What  did  Decius  do  ? 

265  What  counsel  did  Decius  next  give? 
How  was  Decius  honored? 

266  In  what  war  was  the  Romans  next  engaged,  and  who  was  created 

dictator  ? 
What  did  Fabius  do,  and  what  followed  his  action  ? 

267  Where  did  he  take  refuge,  and  how  was  the  matter  finally  settled? 
How  was  the  conduct  of  Papirius  avenged  by  the  soldiers? 

How  did  he  endeavor  to  regain  their  atfection? 
2G8  What  happened  to  the  Romans  under  the  consuls  Veturius  and  Post- 
humius? 
What  was  the  advice  of  Herennius,  and  how  did  the  Samnites  act? 
What  is  said  of  the  Romans  after  the  ceremony? 

269  What  course  did  the  Roman  people  and  the  senate  pursue  ?    How  did 

they  retrieve  their  former  disgrace  ? 
What  was  the  fate  of  the  Samnites  in  their  subsequent  wars  with  the 
Romans  ? 

270  What  took  place  in  the  year  B.  C.  290?    Where  and  how  did  tho 

deputies  find  Curius? 
What  was  decreed  the  same  year  to  Curius?    What  account  did  he 

give  to  the  senate  ? 
What  is  said  of  the  treaty  wuth  the  Samnites '    How  were  they  taughk 

to  respect  the  superiority  of  Rome? 

PYRRHC8  AND  THE  ROMANS. 

ni  How  did  this  war  originate?    Whom  did  the  Tai-entines  call  to  their 
assistance?     What  did  he  do  ? 


24  QUESTIONS 

PAGC 

What  is  said  of  Pjrrbus  on  beholding  the  order  of  the  Romans 

How  was  the  victory  gained?     What  did  Pyrrhus  exclaim? 
What  is  said  of  the  embassy  sent  from  Rome  to  Pyrrhus?    What  is 

related  of  Fabricius  ? 
212  How  did  Fabricius  act  when  a  proposal  to  poison  the  king  was  made 

to  him  ? 
What  did  Pyrrhus  exclaim  on  receiving  his  letter? 
What  did  the  king  know,  and  what  had  he  noticed  ? 
273  How  was  he  relieved  from  his  perplexity  ? 

What  did  Pyrrhus  determine,  and  what  was  the  result?   What  is  said 

of  his  hopes  respecting  Italy  ? 
How  and  when  did  he  close  his  public  life? 
What  did  the  Romans  gain  by  their  triumph  over  Pyrrhus? 

FIRST  PUNIC  WAR. 

2f4  What  is  Pyrrhus  reported  to  have  said  on  leaving  Sicily? 
What  is  said  of  these  victories  ?    How  did  this  prince  act? 
What  did  the  Romans  determine  to  create? 
215  Where  did  they  meet  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  what  was  the  result  of  i\u 
engagement? 
How  was  Duilius  honored  for  this  victory? 
During  the  following  years,  what  efforts  were  made? 
What  were  the  numbers  of  the  Roman  and  Carthaginian  fleets  and 
armies  ? 

2'16  Where  did  the  two  fleets  meet,  and  what  was  the  result  of  the  engage- 
ment ? 
What  did  the  Romans  do  on  landing  in  Africa? 
What  did  the  Romans  encounter  near  the  river  Bagrada  ? 
What  did  Regulus  conquer? 
Vn  What  was  the  efi'ect  of  this  haughtiness? 

Whom  did  the  Carthaginians  place  at  the  head  of  their  troops  ?    What 

was  the  result  of  the  engagement  that  followed  ? 
Where  did  the  Carthaginians  send  Regulus,  and  how  did  he  act  ? 
What  other  disasters  did  the  Romans  sustain  at  this  period? 
218  How  did  Metellus  attack  the  Carthaginians? 

What  did  Claudius  Pulcher  intend,  and  what  happened  to  himself? 

What  caused  the  soldiers  to  be  dispirited  ? 
What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ? 

279  How  did  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians  conduct  themselves  towards 

their  generals? 
Against  what  city  was  tho  poTf.r  of  the  Romans  directed  for  the  next 

ten  years  and  how  was  the  wege  conducted  ? 
What  had  .he  Romans  aoandoned,  and  what  did  they  again  resolve 

to  try? 

280  What  did  Amilcar  ar?    77hat  was  the  conditions  of  the  treaty? 
What  is  observed  of  t'j'3  bloody  contest? 

What  comparison  irs  drawn  between  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians? 
381  What  is  said  with,  rjgard  to  the  soldiers  employed  in  the  first  Punic 

war? 
By  the  treaty  ^jba*:  became  of  Sicily,  and  how  was  it  governed?    As 

a  signal  of  peace,  what  was  done? 
What  is  said  of  the  peace  ? 
What  other  'vars  had  the  Romans  to  sustain  ? 
SfSii    In  what  war  were  the  Carthaginians  engaged  after  the  first  Punic  war' 
What  did  the  mercenary  troops  do? 
Kow  did  the  flame  of  insurrection  spread? 


ON    ANCIENT    HISTORY.  26 


J8J   \^  liiit  is  said  of  Aniilcar  Barcas? 

Who  arrived  from  Numidia?    IIow  did  Amilcar  conduct  the  war' 
What  was  the  consequence  of  this  great  victory  ? 
281  "What  is  said  of  the  Carthaginians,  their  manners,  customs,  &c.?     Of 
their  military  power?     What  did  they  draw  from  Numidia? 
What  is  said  of  the  government? 
185  IIow  were  the  suffetes  elected,  and  what  was  their  power? 
Of  what  was  the  senate  composed? 
For  a  lung  time,  what  was  left  to  the  senate?    IIow  was  the  power 

weakened  ? 
AVhat  is  said  of  literature  and  the  arts? 
28o  What  spirit  of  cruelty  was  manifested  in  their  religious  worship? 

SECOND  PUNIC  WAR. 

What  is  observed  of  the  second  Punic  war? 
2S1  What  was  the  origin  of  the  second  Punic  war? 

Wiien  Annibal  was  but  nine  years  of  age,  what  did  his  father  do  with 
him?     For  what  was  he  admired  by  all? 

Immediately  after  his  appointment,  of  what  did  he  think  ?     Where 
did  he  resolve  to  carry  the  war? 
288  How  did  he  commence  hostilities  against  Rome?   What  was  the  num- 
ber of  his  troops  after  his  arrival  in  Piedn-.ont  ? 

Where  was  the  first  battle  fought,  and  what  was  the  result? 

After  this  battle,  who  joined  the  Carthaginians? 
280  By  whom  were  the  Carthaginians  opposed?    Describe  the  battle  and 
its  results? 

Whom  did  the  Romans  appoint  dictator? 

What  is  observed  of  Fabius? 

AVhat  was  the  effect  of  this  wise  conduct? 

By  what  stratagem  did  Annibal  rescue  his  troops? 

290  Who  were  appointed  consuls?     What  spot  was  chosen  for  a  battle' 

Describe  the  battle?     What  was  the  result? 

291  What  is  observed  of  this  battle?     Of, Maharbal  ? 

29:^  What  greater  foult  did  Annibal  fall  into  according  to  some  historians? 

293  In  the  mean  while,  what  did  Annibal  do? 

294  What  did  the  Romans  resolve  lo  do?    Whert  did  Annibal  direct  his 

march  ? 

What  two  incidents  increased  his  vexation? 

What  was  the  fate  of  Capua? 

In  the  meantime,  what  events  took  place  in  Sicily?     IIow  did  Archi- 
medes defend  the  city  of  Syracuse? 

295  IIow  long  did  the  siege  last,  and  by  what  means  di<l  ]Marceilus  take  it' 
What  were  the  circumstances  attending  the  death  of  Archimedes? 

206  What  did  the  remainder  of  Sicily  follow? 

What  disasters  befel  the  Roman  arms  in  Spain? 

What  is  observed  of  the  affairs  in  Spain  ?     Who  undertook  to  conduct 

the  war  there  ? 
How  did  Scipio  discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  him? 
297   What  enterprise  did  Asdrubal  undertake?     AVho  was  sent  against 
him?    Where  was  he  attacked,  and  what  was  the  result  of  the 
battle  ? 
What  did  Xero  do  and  cause?     What  is  obscr\ed  of  Annibal  iu  th« 
midst  of  his  reverses  ? 
2'J8  fn  the  meantime,  what  did  Scipio  do  ? 

Who  Avere  sent  Kgainst  the  Romans,  and  \.hat  resolution  i^id  Scipio 
take' 

45 


ag 


26  QUESTIONS 

PAGE 

How  did  the  thing  succeed?     Describe  wliat  foIloAred  > 

299  What  did  Carthage  do?    Describe  the  meeting   between   the  two 

generals  ? 
Where  was  a  battle  fought?    ITow  did  Annibal   conduct  himself > 
What  was  the  number  of  the  slain? 

300  What  did  Annibal  urge,  and  what  were  the  terms  of  the  peace  ? 

How  was  Scipio  honored? 
To  what  was  Annibal  called?     What  finally  became  of  him? 

301  Where  was  his  last  asylum  ?     How  did  he  defeat  the  king  of  Perga 

mus?     W^hat  was  the  manner  of  his  death? 
What  is  observed  of  this  great  man?     What  was  his  character? 

302  What  is  commonly  believed  of  his  death  ? 

ANTIOCnUS  THE  GREAT. 

Who  was  Antiochus  ? 

WHiat  is  said  of  his  first  campaigns  ? 

What  countries  did  he  overrun  ? 

303  W"hat  countries  did  he  invade  and  subdue? 
What  did  these  cities    solicit?     Where  and  when  was  Antiochug 

defeated  ? 
What  was  decreed  to  ^milius  ? 
What  was  the  effect  of  the  conquests  of  the  Romans  in  Asia? 

304  What  was  the  fate  of  Antiochus? 
What  is  observed  of  this  prince? 

PHILIP,  KING  OF  MACEDON. 

What  was  Philip,  king  of  Macedon?     What  did  he  display  in  hiT^ 
youth  ? 

305  Flow  did  the  Romans  act  towards  Philip? 

Where  was  the  battle  fought?    How  was  it  commenced,  and  what 

was  the  result? 
What  took  place  during  the  celebration  of  the  Isthmian  games  ?     At 

these  -words,  what  happened? 

306  What  is  said  of  the  conduct  of  the  Romans  towards  the  Greeks? 
What  were  Philip's  feelings?    How  did  the  senate  act  towards  his 

son  ? 
^07   What  happened  at  a  great  festival  ? 

What  caused  Perseus  to  accuse  his  brother  to  the  king? 
How  did  the  two  brothers  defend  themselves  before  Philip? 
What  was  the  fate  of  Demetrius? 

308  What  did  Perseus  inherit?     What  was  the  result  of  his  war  with  (he 

Romany  ? 
What  led  him  into  a  difficulty  with  the  Gauls? 
Describe  the  battle  near  Pydna  ? 

309  What  did  the  Romans  attempt? 

What  happened  by  this  manoeuvre?     What  became  of  king  Perseus? 

310  How  did  Rome  act  towards  the  vanquished  nation? 

THE    MACHABEES. 

What  is  here  observed  of  the  achievements  of  the  Romans? 
How  was  Antiochus  restrained  from  reducing  Egypt? 
JJ13    Against  whom  did  Antiochus  now  turn  his  arms?     Whom  did  he 
send  to  destroy  Jerusalem  ? 
/low  was  the  temple  and  sanctuary  treated? 

What  decree  did  Antiochus  publish ?   Who  resisted  the  decree?   What 
did  the  sons  of  Mo.thathias  do  ? 


ON    ANCIENT    IIISTORT.  8^ 

J  How  did  Judas  Machabaeus  commence  his  career? 
When  the  news  reached  Antiochiis,  what  did  he  detormine? 
How  did  Judas  prepare  for  his  defence? 

What  hajipened  to  the  merchants  who  came  to  purchase  the  captivc«. 
At  the  news  of  these  overthrows,  how  did  Lysias  act?    What  did 

Judas  do  ? 
What  became  of  Lysias  ?    How  was  Machabfeus  employed  ? 
In  the  meantime,  how  was  Antiochus  engaged  ? 
On  the  receipt  of  this  news,  Avhat  did  he  do  ?    What  happened  to  him 

while  venting  his  blasphemous  rage? 
814  Who  again  invaded  Jerusalem?    What  vision  appeared  to  the  Jews, 

and  what  followed? 
Who  again  invaded  Judea  and  besieged  Jerusalem  ? 
"What  other  foes  had  Judas  to  contend  with? 
315  What  was  one  of  his  most  astonishing  campaigns? 
What  is  said  of  the  peace?     To  what  was  this  owing ? 
What  did  the  new  sovereign  order?     What  did  Judas  do? 
To  whom  did  Judas  send  an  embassy?     What  happened  before  the 

embassadors  returned  ? 
31G  In  the  meantime,  who  was  sent  into  Judea? 

What  greatly  perplexed  Judas  Machabicus  ?    How  did  he  engage  the 

enemy,  and  what  was  his  fate  ? 
W'hat  was  the  affliction  of  the  people  at  the  death  of  Judas?  '  W^ho 

were  the  worthy  successors  of  Judas  Machabteus.  and  what  did  they 

finally  achieve? 

THIRD  PUNIC  WAR. 

Sn  How  did  Rome  view  the  prosperity  of  Carthage? 

What  did  they  favor?    How  did  the  Carthaginians  defend  the  city.' 
In  whom  did  the  Romans  place  their  hopes  ?    Being  appointed  consul 
what  did  he  do  ? 

318  How  did  the  inhabitants  defend  themselves? 

W  hat  did  the  Romans  do  ?     Wliat  is  said  of  Scipio  ? 
What  is  observed  of  Carthage?    By  whom  was  it  rebuilt? 

END  OF  GRECIAN  INDEPENDENCE. 

319  What  did  the  Achsean  republic  continue?    To  what  did  the  avarice 

and  rashness  of  their  generals  give  rise? 

Of  what  were  the  Achaeans  conlident,  and  what  did  they  do  in  conse- 
quence ? 

What  became  of  Diaeus,  their  general  ? 

What  did  Mummius  do  on  entering  Corinth?   Why  was  all  this  doner 

320  AVhat  is  said  of  the  conduct  of  Mummius? 

AVhat  task  was  assigned  to  Polybius,  the  historian,  and  how  did  hp 

discharge  it  ? 
Where  did  Polybius  set  out  to?     When  and  where  did  he  die? 
3^.1   What  was  the  chief  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  Grecian  power? 

What  did  Greece  preserve  under  her  conquerors  ?    What  did  she  con- 
tinue to  teach? 


Part  VI. — From  ilis  end  of  the  tliird  Punic  wars  to  the  battle  of  Adium. 

322  In  reading  the  history  of  ancient  times,  what  subjects  of  reflection 

arise  ? 
In  the  first  place,  what  must  we  acknowledge? 

323  How  was  the  course  of  events  disposed?     Give  an  exemplificution  of 

the  first  case,  and  an  instance  cf  the  second? 


I 


28  QUESTIONS 

PAGS 

What  (lid  Almio-bty  God  do  for  them? 

As  to  the  secondary  cause,  what  shall  we  find? 

324  Among  all  nations,  what  were  the  Roman  people? 
To  speak  of  the  Roman  troops,  what  is  manifest? 
What  is  said  of  their  laws  of  military  discipline? 
"What  did  they  join  to  courage  and  activity?     Give  some  instances 

these  ? 

325  What  should  we  consider  with  great  attention  ? 
What  observations  are  made  of  the  senate  ? 

At  Avhat  period  did  the  senate  appear  most  intrepid? 
What  decree  did  it  issue? 

326  What  remarks  does  Ferguson  make? 

In  what  was  the  conduct  of  the  senate  not  less  admirable?     What 

instance  of  this  fact  may  be  adduced? 
"What  did  the  government  know  well?     What  instances  of  this  are 

given  ? 
St.11  WMiy  did  they  never  yield  to  despondency,  &c.? 
How  was  the  consul  "V^arro  received  at  Rome  ? 
AVhat  did  the  senate  and  the  people  do? 
AVhat  is  true?    From  this  time  especially,   to  what  did  they  apply 

themselves  ? 
828  What  does  Sallust  say  of  the  republic? 

When  there  was  no  longer  any  peril,  &c.,  what  did  they  become? 
Why  were  the  officers  of  state  coveted  ?     "What  kind  of  men  arose  ? 

329  Who  announced  the  approaching  change  of  the  Roman  republic? 

THE  ROMANS  IN  SPAIN. 

What  is  said  of  the  resistance  to  the  Romans  in  Spain? 
Who  was  "Viriathus?     How  did  he  defeat  tlie  Roman  armies? 

330  What  is  said  of  the  city  of  Numantia? 
Who  was  appointed  consul  and  sent  into  Spain  ? 
What  did  he  immediately  commence? 

331  How  did  he  take  the  city  ?     What  was  its  fate? 

Wliat  danger  threatened  the  Roman  po^er  in  Sicily?   Who  was  their 
leader? 

332  What  was  the  progress  and  termination  of  the  revolt? 
By  what  was  the  destruction  of  Numidia  followed  ? 

'*'     "\Vhat  did  an  ancient  agrarian  law  forbid  ? 

By  whom  was  the  revival  of  this  law  attempted  ? 

333  Who  were  ihe  Gracchi  ?     Whose  defence  did  Serapronius  undertake? 
What  noble  answer  did  Cornc'lia  make  when  asked  to  show  her  jewels  ? 

331  What  did  the  brothers  become?     How  did  they  differ?     How  were 
these  hopes  blasted  ? 
What  is  observed  of  the  design  in  behalf  of  the  poor? 
335  What  course  was  pursued  bv  Tiberius  Gracchus,  and  what  was  his 
ftite? 
In  the  meantime,  what  did  Caius  do  ? 
What  plan  did  the  senate  take  to  weaken  his  popularity  ? 
"Who  was  sent  against  him?     What  was  the  fate  of  Gracchus? 
33G  What  answer  did  Scipio  ^milianus  give  concerning  the  death  of 
Gracchus  ? 
WHiat  is  said   of  this  answer?     How   did  Scipio   conduct  himself? 
W^hai  was  his  fate? 
331  In  him  what  did  Rome  lose?     What  is  said  of  party  spirit,  &c.? 

Wliat  is  ol)served  of  his  character? 
338  In  what  estimation  was  he  held  by  other  nations? 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY.  23 

What  did  he  unite  in  birasclf?   What  is  said  about  his  llterarj  attain 
ments  ? 
839  What  is  said  of  the  friendship  of  Scipio  and  Lajlius? 

WAK  AGAIXST  JCGCRTIIA. 

At  that  time,  &c,,  who  governed  Numidla?    "What  is  said  of  him? 
What  did  Jiigurtha  do  on  the  death  of  Micipsa? 

340  What  caused  Jugurtha  to  go  to  Rome? 

Whom  did  he  bribe  to  his  interest?  Why  was  he  expelled  from  Italj ' 
What  success  attended  the  Roman  arms  in  Africa  ? 

341  How  does  Plutarch  describe  Marius? 

AVhat  is  related  of  him  while  a  soldier  under  Scipio  ? 

What  character  did  he  exhibit  when  appointed  one  of  the  chief  oflSceri? 

342  How  was  Metellus  affected,  &c.?     What  is  said  of  Marius? 
Wliat  was  the  result  of  the  interview  between  Sylla  and  Bocchua? 
How  did  Sylla  attribute  the  transaction  ? 

343  What  was  the  fate  of  Jugurtha? 

What  new  enemies  had  the  Romans  now  to  encounter  ? 
What  is  said  of  the  courage  of  these  barbarians  ? 
What  increased  the  danger  that  hung  over  Italy? 

344  How  did  the  Teutones  and  Cimbri  arrange  their  army  ? 

Where  did  Marius  station  his  legions?    What  did  the  barbarian*  do/ 

What  course  did  the  enemy  pursue? 

What  did  Marius  do?    Where  did  he  give  them  battle? 

345  What  is  said  of  Catulus  ?      • 

What  answer  did  Marius  give  the  ambassadors? 
How  did  he  convince  them  of  their  error? 

What  did  the  king  of  the  Cimbri  ask,  and  what  did  Marius  reply? 
34G  Describe  the  battle  that  followed?   What  was  the  number  of  the  slain? 
What  is  said  of  the  news  of  this  victory  in  Rome? 

MARIUS  AND  SYLLA. 

34T  By  his  intrigues   in  what  did  Marius  succeed  ? 
Against  whom  was  his  jealousy  directed  ? 
For  what  did  various  nations  petition,  and  why  ? 

348  What  did  this  war  occasion  and  cost?    Towards  the  end,  what  did 

the  senate  do  ? 
What  did  the  several  tribes  of  Italy  hasten  to  do  ? 

349  In  the  meantime,  how  was  the  reputation  of  Marius  and  Sylla  aflfected? 
AVhat  is  said  of  Mithridates  and  his  empire? 

Who  was  appointed  to  punish  this  barbarous  act?     What  did  Marius 
cause,  and  what  did  Sylla  do  ? 

350  What  became  of  ]\[arius?     What  answer  did  he  return  to  Sextilius? 
In  the  meantime,  what  success  attended  the  arms  of  Sylla  in  the  East? 

351  Where  did  he  obtain  a  signal  advantage,  and  what  is  related  of  Sylla 

during  the  battle? 
What  course  did  Mithridates  pursue  ?    Relate  the  conversation  between 
Sylla  and  Archelaus  ? 

352  AYhat  followed  this  reply  ?     How  did  Sylla  address  the  king  ? 
In  the  meantime,  what  events  occurred  in  Rome? 

Was  the  evil  confined  to  Rome  ?     When  and  how  did  Marius  die? 

353  How  did  these  things  affect  Sylla?    On  his  return  to  Italy,  what  did 

lie  find  ? 
What  did  he  employ  against  his  opponents  ? 

354  Where  was  a  decisive  battle  fought  ?    Describe  it? 

45* 


30  QUESTrONS 

TVhat  is  licrc  observed  of  Sylla?     The  day  of  the  victory,  -what  did 

he  cause,  &c.? 
355  Wliat  commendable  measures  did  he  afterwards  adopt? 
A.'ter  two  years,  what  did  he  resolve  and  do? 
How  did  Svlla  employ  his  time'     When  did  he  die? 
What  is  said  of  his  character? 
What  do  some  other  authors  think  of  him? 
What  is  the  substance  of  the  learued  Ferguson's  comments  on  t] 

character  of  Sylla? 

358  Where  was  the  struggle  with  the  party  of  Marius  still  carried  on? 

What  is  observed  of  Sertorius  ? 
Who  was  sent  against  him,  and  with  what  success? 
.    When  and  how  was  Sertorius  murdered? 

359  What   barbarous   custom   existed  among  the  Romans?     What   did 

seventy  or  eighty  of  them  do? 
What  is  said  of  Spartacus  ?     Whom  did  he  defeat? 
3G0  Who  was  now  sent  against  him,  &c.? 

What  did  the  two  leaders  resolve?     What  did  Spartacus  do  in  tne 
presence  of  his  army?     What  was  his  fate?     By  what   was  his 
death  followed,  &c.? 
361  In  the  meantime,  what  did  Mithridates  do  ? 

Who  was  sent  against  him?     What  is  said  of  Lucullus? 
What  did  he  display,  &c.? 
3G2  ^\  hat  was  the  success  of  the  siege  of  Cyzicum  ? 

How  did  Lucullus  compel  Mithridates  to  abandon  the  siege?    What 

was  the  fate  of  his  army  and  fleet? 
AVMiere  did  the  conqueror  advance?     What  is  said  of  Mithridates? 
SG3  To  whom  did  Mithridates  apply  for  aid,  and  with  what  success? 

What  did  Tigranes  say  of  the  Romans  ?     What  was  observed  by  some 

of  Lucullus'  officers,  and  what  was  his  reply  ? 
What  was  the  result  of  the  battle? 
What  is  observed  of  this  battle?     Of  Lucullus? 

364  What  was  the  result  of  this  victory?     What  did  the  two  kings  do? 

What  course  did  Lucullus  pursue  ? 
What  did  Tigranes  resolve  ?     What  was  the  result  of  the  battle  ? 
What  took  place  in  the  army  of  Lucullus  ? 

365  How  did  Lucullus  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life? 

Relate  the  particulars  of  the  entertainment  given  by  him  to  Cicero 
and  Pompey  ? 

366  What  generous  use  did  he  make  of  his  riches? 
What  is  observed  of  his  death  ? 

In  the  meantime,  Avhat  transpired  in  Asia? 

What  is  said  of  Pompey?     Of  the  pirates?   What  did  they  interrupt? 
ZGl  To  put  an  end  to  these  evils,  with  what  was  Pompey  invested? 

How  did  he  conduct  his  operations  against  them? 

What  is  said  of  the  defeat  of  the  pirates? 
363  Wliat  new  appointment  did  Pompey  now  receive? 

In  tiis  distress,  what  did  the  monarch  do? 

What  was  the  condition  of  the  Roman  states  at  that  lime? 

What  circumstance  brought  Pompey  into  Palestine?     What  couria 
did  Aristobulus  pursue,  and  what  was  the  result? 
3G9  What  was  the  effect  of  this  discord  between  the  two  brothers? 

What  new  project  did  Mithridates  form,  and  what  Avas  his  fate 

What  is  observed  of  the  death  and  character  of  ]\Iithridates? 
3t0  What  did  Pompey  do  after  the  death  of  Mithridates' 

What  was  the  most  honorable  circumstance,  &c.f 


# 


ON    ANCIENT    HISTORY.  81 

pir.K 

371  In  the  mcantimo,  what  was  transpiring  at  Rome?     Wlo  was  Catiline? 
What  was  he  cndeavorinEf  to  obtain  ? 

What  did  the  name  of  Cicero  awake?    What  is  observed  of  him? 

372  What  did  Catiline  determine? 

Where  did  he  take  his  seat  ?    IIow  did  the  consul  address  him? 
W^hat  became  of  his  chief  accomplices? 

By  whom  was  Cicero  supported  ?    What  is  said  of  this  virtuous  cili' 
zen  ?     What  was  the  fate  of  the  conspirators  ? 
^73  At  the  news  of  their  punishment,  what  did  Catiline  do? 
AVhat  was  his  fate?     What  was  Cicero  surnamed? 
What  is  here  observed  of  Cato,  the  younger? 

374  What  is  related  of  him? 

While  yet  a  boy,  what  instance  did  he  give  of  his  hatred  of  tyranny? 
What  was  his  favorite  study,  and  how  did  he  live? 

375  What  is  said  of  him  when  he  served  as  a  volunteer  ? 

Where  was  he  sent  as  tribune,  and  how  did  he  conduct  himself? 
How  did  he  prepare  for  the  discharge  of  public  duties  ? 

376  How  did  he  distinguish  himself  as  senator? 

Whom  did  he  make  it  a  point  to  oppose?   What  did  he  say  to  Cicero? 
Why  was  he  never  raised  to  the  consulship  ? 
311  Wliat  did  he  ably  support? 

After  this,  against  whom  had  he  to  contend?    What  did  he  oppose? 
What  is  here  said  of  the  great  abilities  of  Julius  Caesar? 
378  What  did  he  unfortunately  choose?    When  was  Caesar  born  ?    What 
do  some  maintain  ? 
At  the  age  of  eighteen  what  happened,  and  what  did  Sylla  say  of  him  ? 
Where  did  he  go,  and  what  happened  to  him  ? 
279  How  did  he  live  among  them?    When  he  gained  his  liberty,  what  did 
he  do  ? 
On  his  return  to  Rome,  what  was  bis  course  ? 

How  did  his  project  against  the  State  more  visibly  appear?    What 
were  his  remarks  on  several  occasions  ? 

380  How  did  he  conduct  himself  in  the  government  of  Spain? 
What  brought  about  the  formation  of  the  First  Triumvirate  ? 

381  Being  appointed  to  the  consulship,   how  did  he  conduct  himself? 

Against  what  did  he  protest? 
What  is  said  of  Bibulus,  the  other  consul  ? 
For  what  did  he  procure  the  appointment? 

382  What  is  said  of  the  provinces  under  Caesar's  command  ? 
What  is  observed  of  the  several  tribes  ? 

What  did  Gaul  become?     In  what  may  the  particulars  of  this  famoua 
war  be  seen? 

383  Against  whom  was  his  first  expedition  directed? 
Whom  did  he  next  attack,  and  with  what  success  ? 

Where  did  he  repair,  having  left  his  army  in  winter  quarters? 

384  In  the  meantime,  what  did  the  Belgae  do?     How  were  they  defeated  ? 
What  other  nation  remained  yet  unconquered,  and  what  was  Caesar's 

success  against  them  ? 
AVhat  is  related  of  the  Attuatici?   What  did  thev  do  on  his  approach' 
What  was  their  fiite? 

385  What  two  German  nations  crossed  the  Rhine? 

What  cruelty  did  Cccsar  exercise  against  them  ?     What  is  said  of  the 
slain  ? 

386  What  did  Cato  move  in  the  senate  against  Caesar  ?    What  did  be 

resolve?     What  was  his  true  motive? 
What  is  said  of  his  expedition  into  Britain? 


32  QUESTIONS 

PAGE 

387  What  gave  occasion  to  the  Gauls  again  to  take  iip  arms?    Describe 

the  attack  on  the  tamp? 
What  exploit  deserves  particular  notice? 

388  What  did  C?esar  do  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  danger  of  hia 

lieutenant  ?     What  did  the  Gauls  do  ? 
What  was  the  result  of  the  battle? 

389  What  is  observed  of  the  discontent  of  the  Gauls,  and  to  what  did  it 

lead  ? 
What  is  said  of  Csesar's  dangers  and  great  military  ability  ? 
What  energy  did  Vercingetorix  display? 
Notwithstanding  these  losses,  what  did  Ctesar  always  keep?     Where 

did  the  Gaulish  leader  make  a  stand,  and  what  did  Caesar  do? 

390  What  was  the  battle,  and  how  did  the  siege  terminate? 

391  In  order  to  strike  terror,  &c.,  wiiat  did  Caisar  commit? 
What  measures  did  he  afterwards  adopt  ? 

PARTHIAN   EXPEDITION. 

What  were  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  the  Triumvirs  at  Lucca? 
What  were  the  desires  and  views  of  Crassus  ? 

392  What  outrages  did  he  commit  on  his  passage  through  Judea? 
AVhen  did  Crassus  cross  the  Euphrates?    What  was  he  advised  to  do? 
What  happened  to  the  Romans  as  they  advanced  ? 

What  was  the  mode  of  fighting  among  the  Parthians? 

393  What  did  young  Crassus  endeavor?     What  followed  ? 

By  what  stratagem  did  Crassus  fall  into  the  power  of  the  Parthians, 
and  what  was  his  fate? 

394  What  observations  are  made  on  this  overthrow? 
When  were  the  standards,  &c.,  restored  to  the  Romans? 

Who,  at  different  times,  formed  the  design  of  avenging  this  defeat? 

395  What  effect  had  the  death  of  Crassus  on  the  Roman  republic?    What 

is  observed  of  Pompey  and  Caesar?     What  had  the  general  corrup- 
tion reached  ?    What  extraordinary  distinction  did  Pompey  obtain  ? 

396  In  what  had  Caesar  a  stronger  support? 

How  did  he  make  the  troops  strongly  attached  to  him? 
How  did  he  direct  matters  to  his  interest  in  Rome? 
What  did  Pompey  and  his  friends  now  perceive? 
On  the  banks  of  the  Rubicon,  what  did  he  exclaim? 
39*7  How  was  the  country  affected  ?    What  had  Cato  predicted  ?    What 

had  Pompey  boasted? 
In  the  meantime,  what  did  Cffisar  do?     What  became  of  Pompey  and 

the  senators? 
In  sixty  days,  what  did  Caesar  accomplish?     How  did  he  act  when 

he  entered  the  city? 
398  Where  had  the  party  of  Pompey  collected  a  large  force,  and  what 

was  Caesar's  success  against  them  ? 
What  did  he  determine?     What  incident  occurred  in  crossing  the 

Adriatic? 
What  is  observed  of  these  two  able  generals?    What  success  at  Srst 

attended  the  efforts  of  Pompey? 
S99  Where  did  Caesar  remove  his  forces  to  ? 

What  resolution  did  the  two  rivals  come  to? 
What  were  their  respective  forces? 
Describe  the  battle? 
400   What  is  said  of  the  victory  ?     AVhat  did  he  lose,  &c.f 
What  became  of  Pompey,  and  what  wa:-^  his  rats? 
What  !>•  observed  or  him? 


ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY.  33 

rA.;K 

401  On  arriving  at  Al.'xamliia,  what  did  CiBPnr  lenrn?    In  wiwse  favor  did  C'a;«ar  think 
proper  to  iiiterpo.i>f  ?    VViial  Tolluwcd  from  ihis  iiit«rf<i:ronce  P 
Wliero  (lid  Cicsar  noxt  direct  liis  course? 
Ill  what  language  did  lie  announce  iii:>  victory? 

Wlieie  liad  tlie  parti/.ans  of  I'oinpcy  collected  a  large  force,  and  what  was  Cssir't 
success  agiin^t  them?    - 

40.2  On  his  return  to  Rome,  wliat  lionors  were  bestowed  on  him  ? 

llavins;  gained  the  great  olycct  of  his  ambition,  how  did  he  endeavor  to  reconcile  tlis 
piople  to  it? 
401!  What  is  said  of  the  es-erciso  of  liis  authority  and  his  great  talents? 

What  events  compelled  Cajsar  to  go  into  Africa?    Describe  the  battle?    By  what 
occurrence  was  liie  fate  of  the  battle  decided? 
40 1  What  was  the  nnmhor  of  the  slain  ? 

What  is  observed  of  the  discontent  of  Csesar  ?    What  great  projects  had  he  formed  . 
4(i:>  On  his  return  to  Rome,  after  the  battle  of  Munda,  what  honors  were  bestowed  en 
him?    What  did  he  desire?    What  conspiracy  was  formed  against  him?    What 
time  was  appointed  for  its  execution  ?    How  was  it  carried  out? 

406  Wiiai  reflections  are  made  on  his  fate? 

What  had  he  observed  of  the  dangers  which  threatened  nim' 
What  was  the  fate  generally  of  the  murderers  ? 

407  What  was  Cresar's  age  ? 

What  projects  had  he  planned  for  the  glory  of  the  Roman  nation? 

ROME,  AFTER  THE  DEATH  OF  C.BSAR. 

What  course  did  Mark  Antony  pursue?  What  prevented  him  from  succeeding  ia 
his  designs? 

408  Wiio  was  this  young  rival  ?    How  did  he  act? 

Where  was  Antony  defeated  ?     What  course  did  Octavius  now  pursue  ? 
Whom  did  they  choose  as  an  associate? 
109  Wliat  did  tiie  new  Triumvirate  now  do  ? 

Wlio  was  among  the  most  distinguished  ofthe  unhappy  victims.'    Relate  the  par 

ticulars  of  his  death  ? 
What  is  said  of  this  act  ?    What  is  the  language  of  Velleius  Paterculua  ? 

410  How  was  the  vvorl<  of  proscription  carried  on? 
Where  had  Brutus  and  Cassius  collected  an  army? 

Wliat  was  the  spot  destined  to  witness?  Describe  tlie  battle?  What  was  the  faU 
of  Brutus  and  Cassius  ? 

411  Wliat  is  observed  of  the  death  of  Brutus  and  Cassius? 

Who  was  at  the  battle  of  Philii)pi  ?    What  does  he  relate  of  himself? 

OCTAVIUS  AND  ANTONY. 

412  After  the  victory  of  Philippi,  how  did  Octaviua  and  Antony  divide  the  Roman  pro- 

vinces?   What  course  of  policy  did  Octavius  pursue  on  his  return  to  Rome? 
By  whom  was  he  sustained  ?    What  is  said  of  Uiese  men  ? 

41.3  What  success  did  Sextus  Pompey  gain  ? 

Before  an  open  rupture,  what  was  concluded?    What  took  place  when  invited  to  « 

feast? 
What  is  said  of  this  treaty?    Flow  were  hostilities  carried  on,  and  with  what  success'" 

414  What  took  place  between  Octavius  and  Lepidus? 

By  whr.t  difficulties  did  Octavius  find  himself  surrounded  ? 

415  How  did  Octavius  extricate  himself  from  these  difficulties? 
What  is  observed  of  him  at  this  time? 

416  Whni  was  ti.e  case  of  his  colleague? 

Whrtt  is  said  of  the  career  of  Venlidius  ?  To  whom  did  he  attach  himselt  *  Where 
was  ho  sent,  and  how  did  he  signalize  himself?  Why  was  he  prevented  fiom  doinj 
more  ? 

417  What  great  faults  did  Antony  commit  in  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians  ' 
What  (lid  the  king  of  Arminia  do?     What  course  did  Antony  pursue  ? 
When  the  signal  was  given,  what  did  the  Konian  horse  do:     What  followed 

418  What  did  Antony  find  it  necessary  to  do '    How  was  llie  retreat  conducted?    To 

gratify  Cleopatra,  what  did  he  do  ? 
How  did  Octavius  turn  these  fanlls  to  his  advantage? 

419  What  preparations  did  each  parly  make  for  the  conflict? 

Where  did  these  armaments  meet  ?    Describe  the  battle  that  followed  ? 

How  did  this  victory  leave  Octavius?    What  'vas  the  fate  of  Ant(my?    Of  Cleop»«i« 
4Q0  What  was  the  battle  of  Actium  ? 

What  did  Octavius  procure  ?    To  what  did  he  gradually  accustom  the  Romans ' 

Wliat  does  it  become  Christians  to  do  ?     Who  was  about  to  appear  on  earth? 
421  Wiial  was  this  epoch  ?     What  had  the  prophet  said? 


I 


34  QUESTIONS 

Part  VIT. — Laws  ajidPolily,  Arts,  Manners  and  Customs  of  Ancient  Natiotxt, 

PACK 

422  What  is  required,  besides  the  narration  of  lacls,  to  become  well  acquainted  with 

Ancient  Ili^tory.' 

Whiti  must  have  been  the  organization  of  early  societies  witli  regard  to  polity  and 
law? 

423  What  did  probably  call  forth  the  enactment  of  l.iws  in  the  earliest  states' 
What  comparison  may  illustrate  the  constitution  of  a  state  or  city? 

What  resemblance  liave  the  members  of  a  city  or  elate  to  ihe  members  of  the  human 

body? 
What  were  most  likely  the  objects  of  the  first  positive  laws  ? 

424  What  was  the  number,  extent,  and  severity  of  penal  laws  among  the  ancients? 
What  was  done  to  secure  the  integrity  and  the  observance  of  the  laws  ? 

125  What  methods  were  used  to  record  and  authenticate  affairs  of  great  moment? 
What  sjiecial  means  were  adopted  for  the  transmission  of  law? 

426  Who  wer^i  the  most  renowned  le£;islators  of  antiquity? 

Can  any  profane  legislation  be  seriously  compared  with  that  of  the  Hebrews? 

427  Was  not  even  their  civil  polity  far  superior  to  any  other  code  of  civil  laws?    WhM 

had  the  Mosaic  law  established? 

AGRICULTURE. 

Is  there  any  connection  between  laws  and  agricuUuve? 

428  What  is  the  antiquity  and  first  origin  of  agriculture? 

What  effect  was  produced  by  the  sin  of  Adam  in  reference  to  the  cultivation  of  Ihft 

earth  ? 
What  is  the  utility  and  importance  of  agriculture? 
'J'o  what  extent  was  it  practised  immediately  after  the  deluge? 
4?9  What  countries  in  particular  applied  to  it  alter  the  dispersion  of  men  ? 

In  what  flourishing  condition  was  the  same  art  among  the  Chanaanites,  the  f  heni- 

clans,  and  the  Egyptians  ? 
To  what  other  countries  was  it  commnnicated  ? 
What  encouragement  was  given  to  agriculture  in  Persia  i 

430  How  earnestly  was  it  recommended  among  the  ancient  Romans?    Of  wliat  advan- 

tages for  a  country  is  agriculture  the  source?    What  countries  were  the  most  re- 
nowned for  abundance  of  wheat  ?   What  was  the  fertility  of  liyzantium  and  'I'hrace  ? 

431  What  was  the  fertility  of  Palestine?    Of  Sicily  and  Egypt?    Of  Africa  pojicr?    01 

the  territory  of  Carthage,  and  of  the  kingdom  of  Masinisga? 
What  must  be  concluded  from  the  examples  just  adduced?    What  number  of  authors 

wrote  on  the  subject  of  Jmsbandry? 
433  How  does  Columella  speak  of  the  manners  of  his  lime? 
What  does  he  say  in  favor  of  agriculture  ? 

Is  not  the  cultivation  of  lands  superior  to  other  temporal  advantages? 

433  Did  not  agriculture  also  give  rise  to  many  useful  discoveries  ? 

What  led  to  the  invention  of  geometry?    Who  were  the  two  greatest  geometricians? 
What  is  said  of  astronomy  ?    Who  were  the  first  to  cultivate  the  science  ? 
Who  were  astronomers  among  the  Greeks? 

434  What  is  said  of  geograpliy? 

COMMERCE. 

435  W^hat  are  Ihe  advantages  of  commerce  ? 

When  and  whence  arose  commerce  ?    How  was  it  conducted  at  first? 
What  gave  it  an  increase  ?    What  were  the  inconveniences  of  Ihe  primitive  manner 
of  trading,  and  what  better  method  was  substituted  for  it? 

436  At  what  earliest  period  known  was  coin  used  ? 

What  peculiar  sort  of  commerce  took  place  in  certain  countries  ' 

What  were  the  most  important  objects  of  trade? 
*37  What  were  the  most  commercial  nations  of  antiquity? 

What  contributed  most  to  the  prosperity  of  commerce  among  the  Phenicians? 

What  was  the  increase  of  their  population  ?    What  colonics  did  ihey  establish  ? 
438  What  is  related  of  Tyre  by  both  sacred  and  profane  authors  ' 

How  extensive  was  the  commerce  of  that  city  ? 

How  conspicuous  was  it  rendered  by  its  traffic  and  riches  ? 
139  What  were  the  products  of  Sidonian  and  Tyrian  industry?    What  revolutions  did 
the  city  of  Tyre  undergo?    How  flourishing  w.as  the  situation  of  Carthage 

What  height  of  power  and  prosperity  did  the  Cnrthnginians  obtain  r 
•k40  What  was  the  extent  of  their  possessions?    What  was  the  immediate  catise  of  theil 

greatness  ?    What  was  the  occasion  of  their  ruin? 
A\  How  admirable  was  the  situation  of  Alexandria  for  commerce? 

How  fully  realized  were  the  hopes  of  Alexander  about  that  city? 
Which  of  the  Egyptian  kings  was  most  favorable  to  commerce? 


ON    ANCIENT    HISTORY.  85 

NAVIGAIION 

1-2  V\'n:it  were  his  exertions  in  that  respect  ? 

I'o  wliat  extent  did  lie  .«uccced  in  b«'li!ilf  of  Alexandria  and  of  all  Egypt. 
Willi  cities  were  the  most  renowned  for  coinnioice  ? 
What  was  the  disposition  of  the  Komans  with  re^jard  to  traffic? 
\\  hat  conneriion  is  th'-re  tietween  commerce  a;id  navigation 
I  i;i  How  admirahlc  is  the  art  of  navigation  ? 

Wliat  mny  he  supposed  to  have  suggested  the  first  ideas  of  it. 
Wiiai  weie  tiie  hr.-t  vessels  possessed  t»y  men: 
When  were  m.nde  the  first  attempts  at  navigation? 
l-tl  Who  were  the  best  stamen  in  the  ages  of  remote  antiquity? 

How  was  the  circumnavigation  of  Afiica  undertaken  and  executed  by  the  Pheniciant 
What  was  also  the  s-kill  and  success  of  the  Carthaginians  at  sea  •• 
\\:,  What  was  the  usual  length  of  ancient  voyages,  and  why  cannot  they  he  coaipared 
with  those  of  modern  times?    To  what  purposes  was  the  use  of  a  navy  originally 
confined  ?     How  many  kinds  of  ships  were  afterwards  known  among  the  ancients? 
IIG  Who  changi'd  and  improved  the   former  shape  of  vessels?     What  was  the  naval 
strensth  of  ancient  Greece  at  large,  and  of  the  Spartans  in  particular?    Who  placed 
the  Athenian  navy  in  a  very  flourishing  slate  ? 
How  formidable  was  the  armament  of  the  Persians  against  Greece  ? 
4-17  What  was,  in  each  vessel,  the  number  of  men  destined  to  fight  or  belonging  to  tlie 
crew  r    How  long  lasted  the  maritime  preponderance  of  the  Athenians  ' 
\Vh  it  were,  even  after  great  disasters,  their  new  exertions  at  sea? 
44^  Wlien  and  by  whom  was  the  naval  power  of  Greece  revived? 

What  was  the  skill  ami  reputation  of  Demetrius  Poliorcctes  in  this  point? 
What  was  the  swiltness  and  beauty  of  his  ships  ? 
449  What  were  the  greatest  naval  powers  of  antiquity? 

By  what  exertions  did  the  Uomans  acquire  a  strong  navy? 
What  formidable  armaments  were  put  to  sea  at  that  time  ? 

MILITARY  ART. 
430  Of  what  subject  have  we  now  to  treat,  and  in  what  manner ' 
How  long  siine  did  the  spirit  of  discord  exercise  ravages  ? 

When  did  hostilities  become  more  extensive  ?    Whnt  was  the  character  of  early  wais 
What  were  Ihe  effects  of  ambition?    How  did  warfare  become  an  art,  ai»d  how  did 
empires  begin  to  be  formed? 

451  What  is  the  first  instance  recorded  of  a  regular  war?  What  conquest  wag  made  by 
the  king  of  the  EJamites?  What  hostilities  lollowetl?  What  exploit  was  per- 
formed by  Abraham?     How  little  else  is  known  about  this  ancient  period? 

452  What  was  liie  custom  of  early  Eayplians  witli  regard  to  having  troops?    What  facta 

may  be  adduced  from  Holy  Scripture  on  the  same  subject?  Was  Egyi  t  a  warlike 
country?  To  which,  among  ancient  nations,  should  the  prize  of  military  skill  a.'id 
valor  be  awarded  ? 

453  What  does  the  multip'icity  of  objects  in  this  matter  require  ?  How  were  troops  levied 

and  armies  formed,  in  the  earliest  ages  ?  What  was  subsequcnily  done  among 
civilized  nations?   What  was  the  temper  of  the  Lacedemonians  with  reeard  to  war: 

454  In  how  many  classes  were  the  Lacedsmonians  comprised?    How  far  did  they  excel 

.as  soldiers  and  ofliccrs  ? 
What  was  the  age  prescribed  among  them  lor  military  service?    What  was  the  nuin 

bcr  of  their  troops? 
What  was  the  population  of  Athens? 

455  W^ho  were  obliged  to  serve  atnong  the  Athenians?    What  were  their  forces 
How  remarkable  were  the  Athenian  and  Spartan  troops? 

By  whom  and  among  whom  were  troops  levied  at  Rome? 
45G  Wlnit  was  the  charactt^r  of  Roman  soldiers?    In  what  manner  was  the  eni. sting  ol 
them  conducted  ?     How  was  the  solemn  oath  taken  by  them  ? 
What  were  the  difierent  bodies  of  Roman  troops? 
iol  How  many  Irgions,  and  how  many  soldiers  in  every  legion,  were  allotted  to   each 
consul?     What  was  the  general  amount  of  a  consular  army  ? 
What  was  the  best  infantry  and  the  best  cavalry  in  the  world  ? 
What  were  the  defensive  and  ofiensive  arms? 
4r,5  What  care  was  generally  taken  to  implore  ihe  assistance  of  heaven  before  the  open- 
ing of  a  campaign  ?     What  was  done  on  this  subject  by  the  great  Cyrus?     What  bj 
the  heroes  of  Homer?    By  Alexander?    By  Annibal  ? 
tS'J  What  was  done  on  this  subject  by  the  Greeks  ?    By  th(3  Romans  ? 
Upon  whom  generally  devolved  the  chief  command  of  aimies' 
Wl'.at  custom  was  peculiar  to  the  Athenians  ? 

How  prudent  and  happy  were  the  Alhenianrs  and  Thebans  in  the  choice  of  generals? 
460  How  did  the  leaders  of  armies  at  Rome  discharge  their  duties? 

How  long  was  their  example  followed  bv  their  successors  in  command? 
How  many  miles  a  day  was  the  march  of  the  Roman  legions :     What  was  the-  rate  o! 
Roman  "discipline  about  encampments  ? 


3G  QUESTIO^^S   ON   ANCIENT   HISTORY. 

PARK 

4til  With  how  much  care  and  regwiariti'  did  the  legionaries  form  (hcit  camps?  H'j;? 
ptMcl  an  order  and  discipline  reigned  in  the  camps  as  well  as  n<arches  of  U19 
Roman  troops? 

VVIiat  wi»e  liitir  employments  in  the  intervals  of  war? 
4fi2  What  stupendous  works  could  the  Roman  soldiers  do,  and  often  did? 
What  could  not  be  expected  from  soldiers  of  that  description  : 
What  was  the  chief  care  of  the  ablest  commanders? 

463  With  what  prudence  and  skill  was  the  plan  of  whole  campaigns  formed  beforehand 

*)y  Pericles?    ByAnnibal?    ByScipio? 
IIow  carefully  was  a  general  to  consider  whether  lie  should  fight  or  not?    How  many 
signal  defeats  were  occasioned  by  inconsiderate  battles? 

464  Did  not  excess  of  prudence,  on  the  contrary,  greatly  injure  the  cause  cf"  king  Perseus 

in  Macedon? 
As  likewise  of  Pompey  at  Dyrrachiam  ? 

What  was  the  usual  method  of  drawing  up  armies  in  battle  array? 
What  was  ihe  disposition  of  the  Roman  troops  in  a  battle  ? 
165  What  comparison  may  illustrate  this  arr.ay  of  the  Roman  lecions?    What  was  the 
advantage  of  such  an  array?     What  were  the  other  peculiarities  of  ancient  battles. 
463  What  was  the  special  custom  of  the  Roman  and  Macedonian  soldiers? 
What  imprudence  was  carefully  to  be  avoided  towards  the  end  of  battles? 
What  further  precautions  were  taken  by  generals  of  consummate  ability  and  expe 
rience  ? 
467  When  and  where  was  the  greatest  display  made  of  military  sKi!l? 
What  were  the  most  brilliant  campaigns  of  antiquity? 
On  whom  did  the  success  ot  a  war  or  campaign  chiefly  depend  ? 
408  In  wliat  other  parts  of  warfare  did  the  ancients  signalize  themselves?    Whence  arose 
the  idea  of  fortifying  cities?    How  many  methods  were  there  of  attacking  a  forii 
fied  city?     How  did  the  besiegers  fortify  their  own  camp? 
4tj9  What  special  means  wer«  used  by  the  assailants  to  facilitate  their  attack?    What 
was  the   peculiar  custom  of  the  Roman   legionaiies?    What  were  ?Jie  offensive 
machines  used  by  the  besiegers  ?     What  is  related  by  histurians  of  battering  rams  r 

470  What  is  related  by  historians  of  the  other  offensive  engines? 
Of  their  number  in  different  wars  ? 

471  What  is  related  by  hi-torians  of  the  moveable  turrets? 
How  did  Ihe  besieged  usually  defend  themselves? 

What  unusual  means  were  sometitnes  resorted  to  by  the  besieging  army  r 

472  When  and  by  whom  were  invented  the  military  machines  of  the  ancients  ?    What 

has  superseded  them  in  modern  warfare  ?  What  remains  to  be  said  *."n  the  subject 
of  ancient  wars?  How  were  drawn  up  treaties  of  peace  between  adverse  parties  r 
173  By  what  nation  were  conquered  enemies  better  treated  ? 

What  degree  of  harshness  and  severity  was  used  by  other  nations? 

What  service  has  Cbriitianity  done  to  mankind  in  this  as  in  other  points? 

MANNERS  AND    CUSTOMS. 

'i74  How  difficult  is  it  to  ascertain  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  diff*trent  nations  i 
To  what  causes  do  the  manners  and  customs  of  a  people  owe  tlieir  origin  ? 
Have  all  nations  generally  agreed  on  certain  points? 

475  What  was  the  state  of  life  and  character  of  the  earliest  societies? 

IIow  many  deficiencies,  in  point  of  useful  objects  or  practices,  existed  among  them  * 

476  What  was  truly  admirable  in  the  simplicity  of  the  ancients? 
How  was  hospitality  exercised  in  remote  ages? 

What  was  the  customary  way  of  showing  one's  regard  to  a  person  ? 

477  What  was  the  number  of  meal^  in  a  day,  and  how  were  they  usuilly  managed? 

What  was  the  relish  of  the  ancients  for  poetry  and  music,  and  their  aeal  for  the 

education  of  youth? 
What  was  the  common  practice  about  mourning  ? 
What  rules  of  politeness  and  propriety  were  observed  by  the  Ui  brrws? 

478  What  wasihc  urbanity  of  the  Greeks  in  early  times?    How  miuh  in  use  was  th« 

custom  of  making  presents  ?    How  far  was  carried  the  propensity  of  .Asiatic  nationa 
to  splendor  and  show?    What  depravity  reigned  among  them? 
To  what  extent  did  the  same  take  place  among  the  Greeks  and  Hoinnns? 

479  IIow  stood  the  case,  in  particular,  with  the  Spartans,  Athenians,  and  Romans  of 

latter  times  ? 
How  excessive  was  the  relish  of  these  for  the  luxury  of  the  table  and  the  games  of 

the  circus? 
What  frightful  crimes  were  then  committed  among  heathen  nations? 

480  Who  aloi.e  was  capable  of  checking  so  great  an  evil  ? 

What  salutary  and  wonderful  change  was  effected  by  the  religion  of  Chrlet? 


August  f  1870. 

STANDARD  SCHOOL  BOOKS, 

Published  by  MURPHY  &  CO.,   Baltimore. 

eg' A  liberal  discount  to  Booksellers.  Schools,  Teachers,  Ac,  when  purchased  in  quantities. 

Fredet's  Ancient  and  Modern  Histories. 

New  Revised  and  Enlarged  Editions,  Continued  up  to  18G7. 

Ancient  History ;  from  the  Dispersion  of  the  Sons  of  Ncc,  to  the 

Battle  of  Actium,  and  the  Change  of  the  Roman  Republic  into  an 

Empire.     By  Peter  Fredet,  I).  D  ,  Professor  of  History,  in  St. 

Mary's   Colfege,  -Bait.    31st  revised  edition.     12o.,  half  arab.  1  50 

Jloderfi  History  ;  from  the  Coming  of  Christ,  and  the  Change  of 

the  Roman  Republic  into  an  Etnpire,  to  the  Year  of  our  Lord,  1807. 

By  Pkter  Fredet,  D.  D  ,  Professor  of  History  in  St.  Mary's  Col- 

loge,  Bait.   32d   revised  and  enlarged  edition.    12o.,  half  arab.  1  60 

Introduced  into  many  of  the  principal  Literary  Institutions  of  the  United 

tes,  adopted  as  Text  Books  in  the  Irish  University,  Dublin,  and  many  Insti- 

ions  in  England  and  the  Provinces,  Fredet's  Histories  have  apquired  a  wide- 

.,  .ead  reputation,  and  their  excellence  is  too  well  established,  at  this  day,  to  be 

dwelt  upon.    The  publishers  have  the  pleasure  of  announcing,  that,  in  order  to 

make  the  Modern  History  more  complete  and  deserving  of  the  liberal  patronage 

hitherto  extended  to  it,  they  have,  with  the  valuable  assistance  of  the  late  i)r. 

Fredet's  reverend  collaborators,  added  several  Chapters  embracing  the  Hi?tori- 

cai  Events  that  have  taken  place  in  this  and  other  countries  from  1854  to  1867. 

The  Modern  History  has  been  thoroughly  revised  and  considerably  enlarged. 
The  additional  matter,  carefully  prepared,  will  be  found  worthy  of  the  distin- 
guished Historian's  original  work.  The  history  of  the  Recent  Civil  War  in  the 
United  States,  particularly,  has  been  compiled  with  a  truthful  impartiality  which 
makes  it  the  best  Synopsis  of  this  Memorable  Event  yet  published  for  the  use 
of  Educational  Institutions.  It  is  a  correct  record  of  facts,  faithfully  told  with- 
out political  comment. 

The  student  will  therefore  find  in  Dr.  Fredet's  two  books,  the  "Ancient"  and 
"Modern  "  Histories,  the  most  Complete,  Authentic,  and  reliable  History  of  the 
World,  from  its  Creation  to  the  Year  of  our  Lord,  1867. 

JSi^From  a  large  number  of  Comynendatory  Notices  of  Professor  FredeVs  Ancient  and 
Modern  Histories,  we  select  thefolloicing,  as  embodying  the  spirit  of  all. 

College  of  William  &  Mart,  William^hurg,  Va.,  October,  1867. 

Gentlemen:— The  demand  for  Fredet's  Ancient  and  Modern  Histories  and  Kerney's  Com- 
pendium of  History,  shows  that  these  most  excellent  books  are  appreciated  as  they  ought  to  be. 
The  improvements  and  addi;ions  to  the  editions  of  1867  just  issued  from  your  press,  make  them 
all  that  could  be  reasonably  desired.  Immediately  alter  the  reopening  of  the  College  of  Willi.im 
and  Mary,  in  1865,  Fredet's  Histories  were,  after  a  careful  examination  of  the  Text  Books  cf  the 
day,  adopted  in  the  Institution.  A  more  intimate  acquaintance  soon  justified  the  wisdom  of  the 
selection,  They  evidently  were  written  in  a  conscientious  and  Christian  spirit,  with  a  manifest 
intent  to  teach  historical  truths.  They  constitute  an  honorable  monument  to  the  memory  of  the 
late  Reverend  Author, 

Kerney's  Compendium  was  subsequently  introduced  into  the  College  Grammar  School,  and 
gave  entire  satisfaction.  In  style  and  system  and  the  interes-t  it  excites,  it  is  admirably  adapted 
to  beginners  and  junior  students,  Mhile  it  may  be  read  and  consulted  with  profit  by  the  more  ad- 
vanced. Trustina;  that  your  public  spirit  and  enterprise  in  putting  such  standard  works  within 
reach  may  meet  with  a  liberal  encouragement.  I  remain  yours,  very  respectfully, 

Messrs.  J.  Mdrpiiy  &  Co.  '  Benj.  S.  Ewell,  President,  College  TT.  A  Mary. 

The  iletropoliian  says:— "The  style  is  veritably  charming  by  its  simplicity,  and  by  the  quiet 
lore  of  his'subject  which  the  author  displays.  It  is  the  language  of  a  talentedand  successful 
teacher,  who  relates  to  his  class  the  great  events  of  time,  succinctly  but  grap^ally,  yet  in  a 
lively  and  picturesque  manner.    It  is  thus  that  history  should  be  written  f^^outh.". 

The  London  Standard  says  :—*'Thes(s  two  excellent  manuals  of  IIistop»'"ave  a  wide  and  in- 
creasing circulation  in  America,  and  are  everj'where  held  in  the  highe/'^^'^^m.  The  compiler. 
Dr.  Fredet,  has  achieved  a  task  of  no  ordinary  difficulty,  in  compresai^  ?»  much  recondite  mat- 
ter into  so  small  a  spa^e;  in  leaving  untold  nothing  that  was  of  nj/^ ^[^'^'^  immense  and  varied 
annals  of  the  world.    No  college,  school,  or  library  ought  to  be  y^°"'  '"ese  excellent  works." 

The  Dublin  Telegraph  says:-"  Fredet's  Histories  have  hgA  adopted,  as  a  class  book,  by  the 
Irish  University;  and  we  entertain  no  doubt,  that  they  yv^ff^^'f^T'  ®^f°  *°  ^"'®'  establish- 
ments, those  miserable  compilations  which  wilful  pervej^'*'  **'  '^"'°  ^'^'^^  ^<">S  palmed  upon  the 
public  as  histories  and  abridgments  of  histories."       y^   .  ,  . 

The  Dublin  Tablet  says:-"  These  two  volumeaXj^  P^*'°'  copious  and  useful  summaries  of 
history,  and  the  number  of  editions  through  wW^^''^  ^'^^^  P^*^*'^  ""«**  'heir  popularity."       - 

The  Philadelphia  Instructor  says  :-"  We  Jff^u^^f  ° '"f  <»""  ^"'"  «»'*  ^heir  way  into  literary 
Institutions  in  order  that  the  young  may)^'"  ^^'^  P'*^'  ^'"'^  P""^®  and  uncorrupted  sources." 

MuRrnY  &  Co.,  py^^^^rsand  Booksellers," Balti?Hore. 


School  Edition  Liiigard's  England. 

LingiriVs  Ilisfory  of  Enf/hmd.  By  John  Lingap.d,  D.  D. 
AVith  a  Continuation  from  1688,  to  the  reiirn  of  Queen  Victoria. 
Abridged  by  James  Burke,  Esq  ,  A.  B.  With  an  Appendix  to 
1873.  Ih/  the  Editor  of  the  First  Clans  Book  if  History.  To  whicli 
are  added,  !\rarginal  IlTotes  and  Questions,  adapted  the  use  of 
Schools.     17th  Edition 1  50 

The  Student  will  find  that  the  ipsissima  verba  of  the  great  Historian 
of  England  has  been  religiously  preserved  in  the  Abridgment. 
The  Continuation  has  been  -vvitten  by  an  au.hor  who  has  been  long  and 

favorably  known  in  literature. 

I^OTICES  OF  THE  PRESS. 

The  Metropolitan,  in  noticing  this  vork,  says:—"  We  are  glad  to  see  tliis  excellent  abridgmoni 
adapted  to  the  use  of  schools.  It  will  do  much  to  remove  those  many  false  impressions,  which 
English  historians  have  hitherto  made  upon  the  readers  of  history  by  their  word-painting  of 
imaginary  events.  In  no  nation  perhaps  was  history  more  '  a  conspiracy  against  truth,'  than  in 
that  of  England,  and  in  none  did  the  mind  of  American  youth  need  a  more  particular  antidote  to 
its  poisoning  influence.  It  was  a  good  thought  then  to  give  a  sound,  reliable  first  book  to  the 
)'fluthful  student,  and  we  are  happy  to  find  that  Mr.  Burke  and  his  able  American  collaborator, 
have  succeeded  in  producing  a  te.Nt-book  which  we  can  with  the  utmost  confidence  commend  to 
the  favorable  consideration  of  the  instructors  of  youth. 

The  Cambridge  (Mass.)  Chronicle  says:—"  We  have  often  called  the  attention  of  our  reader! 
to  the  great  value  of  Lingard's  History.  The  learning,  ability,  and  general  impartiality  of  the 
author  are  well  known.  An  abridgment  of  the  work  was  very  desirable,  and  it  appears  to  havo 
been  very  well  done  by  the  present  editor.  No  person  can  be  said  to  be  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  English  History  who  is  not  familiar  with  Lingard.  The  volume  is  well  printed,  ia  a  clear 
type,  and  convenient  form,  and  furnishes  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  historical  literature  of 
the  country 

The  London  Critic  says: — "  The  author  has  carefully  and  successfully  produced  a  volume  that 
must  be  very  acceptable  to  those  for  whose  use  it  was  designed." 

Tha  Dublin  Review  says:— "Mr.  Burke's  Abridgment  is  completely  successful.  We  do  not 
hesitate  to  pronounce  the  work,  as  a  whole,  one  of  the  mosi  valuable  additions  to  our  scanty 
school  literature  which  we  have  met  with  for  many  years." 

The  London  edition  of  Broicnson's  Revieio  says:— "Mr.  Burke  appears  to  have  entered  on  his 
task  with  an  enthusiasm  equal  to  the  ability  which  he  has  displayed  in  executing  it.  He  has 
formed  a  Manual  of  British  History,  jiot  merely  the  best  for  the  object  aimed  at— the  instructioa 
of  youth— but  a  volume  of  safe  reference  to  those  of  riper  years." 

The  Dublin  Freeman's  Journal  says: — "Mr.  Burke  has  performed  his  latorious  task  well, 
compressing  into  a  comparatively  small  space  the  substance  of  such  a  large  work  in  the  author's 
own  language,  adding  a  clear  and  rapid  abstract  of  the  national  history  down  to  the  present 


L 


jear.  ' 

A.  Sistory  of  the  Catholic  Church ,  from  the  Cjmmencement 

of  the  Christian  Era  to  the  Ecumenical   Council,  of  the  Vatican,    Compiled  and 
•   Translated  from  the  best  Authors.    By  Rev.  Theodore  Noethen.    With  Ques- 
tions, adapted  to  the  use  of  Schools...  3d  Edition  ...Recently  Published,       1.25 

The  utility  and  importance  of  a  Compendium  of  Church  History  for  the  use 
of  Col\ege.«!,  Academies  and  Scliools,  are  so  great  and  so  evident,  that  the  Com- 
piler of  the  present  volume  deems  it  unnecessary  to  make  more  than  a  passing 
allusion  to  this  subject.  The  knowledge  of  the  History  of  the  Catholic  Church 
is  essential  to  every  Catholic.  As  the  age  we  live  in  demands  the  greatest  watch- 
fulness on  t\ie  part  of  parents,  teachers' and  pastors,  in  regard  to  the  moral  and 
religious  culte.re  of  youth,  we  have  omitted  nothing  that  can  make  this  History 
a;  most  complete  gii^  perfect  text-book  for  students,  trusting  thereby  to  effect  a 
great  and  lasting  g^od  for  the  present  and  future  time.  In  order  to  facilitate  the 
use  of  this  work  lor  \qi)^  teachers  and  scholars,  Questions  have  been  added  at 
the  end  of  the  book.  ^  -  - 

^  ..      ^^^inionsopthePress.  ^ 

"This  Compendium  has  long  .-  needed.  Wo  call  the  attention'of  all  instructors  to  the 
work,  and  recommend  its  introauct.  j^^^  ^.j^^  Catholic  schools.  Besides  being  a  good  text-book 
for  the  class,  it  will  bo  found  to  conta^.  instructing  reading  for  the  family  circle.    The  facts 

are  recorded  succinctly,  and  the  fo^^  ^eawj^^g  j^^^^lo  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^  point."  Ave  Maria. 

"The  book  is  very  praiseworthy."— CuiA.  Tl .  ,,^_        „  j^^^,  j,^^  ^^^^  ^^.^  wanted."— .V.  Y.  Tablet. 

MuKrnY  &  Co.,  Publishers  u 


KEHNEY'S  COMPENDIUM  OF  HISTORY. 

i   Compendiuni  of  Ancient  and  Modern  History,  from 

the  Creation  to  the  year  1807,  with  Questions  ndaptod  to  tho  use  of  Schools; 
:i!so  tin  Appendix,  containing  tlio  Declaration  of  Indopen<loncc,  the  Constitu- 
tion of  tfio  U.  S.,  a  Biographical  Sketch  of  Eminent  Personages,  with  a  Chro- 
Ktlogical  Table  of  Remarkable  Events.  Discoveries,  Improvements,  etc.  By 
'1.  J.  KrBNEY,  A.  M.  45th  Ilevised  and  Enlarged  Edition,  continued  up  to  18G7. 

12o.,  half  arabesque.      1.23 
In  presenting  a  Revised  and  Enlarged  Edition  of  this  Popular  History  to  tho 
!  ;i!)lic,  tho  publishers  deem  it  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  its  merits.     Exten- 
•  (My  introduced  into  the  Schools  of  this  ('ountry,  and  in  many  Institutions  of 
arning  in  England  and  Ireland,  and  even  in  the  East  Indies,  it  has  met  evcry- 
u^re  witli  tlio"  greatest  favor,  and  thirty-one  editions  rapidly  exhausted  are 
-  lence  of  the  liberal  patronage  extended  to  this  sterling  work. 
riic  Compendium  has  been  brought  down  to  the  Present  Time,  and  this  Edi- 
11  comprises  all  tho  Important  Events  that  have  transpired  in  Europe  since 
,  ,0  Crimean  War,  including  tho  Recent  War  between  Austria  and  Prussia;  the 
History  of  the  Ephemeral  Empire  of  Mexico;  and  a  Graphic  Sketch  of  the  Ame- 
rican Civil  War,  written  without  partiality  or  bias.      The  data  for.  this  Last  and 
Important  Chapter    have  been  carefully  compiled   from    tho   most  authentic 
sources,  and  from  tho  best  Narrative  of  ihe  Principal  Events  of  the  War,  that  can 
bo  put  in  the  hamls  of  the  young. 

These  additions  have  been  carefully  prepared,  and  written  in  conformity  with 
the  spirit  of  impartiality  which  has  made  Mr.  Korney's  books  so  popular. 

Recommendations,  Notices,  &c. 
This  Boole,  has  been  Introdueed  into  the  Female  High  Schools  of  Ballimorc, 
by  the  following  Resolutions,  January  10, 1871. 
JiesolceJ,  That  tho  Committee  on  Female  High  Schools  be  authorized  to  purchase  for,  and  ia- 
troduco  into  said  Schools  as  a  Text-book  on  general  History,  Kernej's  Compendium  of  History. 
Resolccd,  That  from  and  after  this  the  use  of  all  other  Histories  as  Text-books  in  said  Female 
nigh  Schools  shall  be  forbidden  and  the  book  adopted  under  the  authority  of  the  foregoing  reso- 
lutions shall  be  substituted  in  tho  place  of  those  now  used  and  taught  in  said  Schools. 

Baltimore  City  College,  Baltimore,  Slay  31-.{,  1371. 
Messrs.  Murphy  &  Co.  In  accordance  with  your  request,  I  have  carefully  examined  Ker- 
ney's  Compendium  of  History.  As  the  result  of  this  examination,  I  can  unhesitatingly  affirm 
that  the  work -is  \;niforinly  pervaded  by  a  c^car,  candid,  and  discriminating  narration  of  leading 
historical  events,  which  admirably  adapts  it.  to  the  purposes  of  instruct  on  in  our  Schools  and 
Academies.  A  second  and  a  more  d;iigGnt  perusal  of  tho  book,  has  only  served  to  confirm  my 
first  impressions  of  its  cxcellense,  and  I  commend  it  to  all  who  arc  iatcrestcd  in  elevating  the 
standard  of  iastruction  in  tlus  most  important  department  of  our  educational  system. 

Henry  E.  SaEPOEUD,  Pro/.  Uintonj  and  LiUra'ure. 
Tasterx  Female  High  School,  Baltimore,  June  20, 1371. 
Gentle-ven  :  I  liavo  no  cause  to  chaago  tho  favorable  opinion  I  expressed  of  "  Keiney'j  Com- 
pendium of  Ancient  and  Modern  History"  oa  its  introduction  into  this  School.    In  tho  hand  of 
the  true  educator  it  has,  I  think,  no  superior.  Nath.  H.  Thayer. 

Kerney's  Co  ;  pendium  has  been  introduced  into  tho  College  Grammar  School,  and  gives  entire 
satisfaction.  In  stjle  and  system,  and  tho  interest  it  excites,  it  is  admirably  adapted  to  begin- 
ners and  junior  students,  while  it  may  bo  read  and  consulted  with  profit  by  the  more  advanced. 

Benj.  S.  Ewell,  President. 
WiLLiAMSBCRG,  Va.,  October,  1S67.  College  Williani  and  3tary. 

The  Compendium  of  History,  by  M.  J.  Kerney,  has  been  in  my  possession  several  months,  and, 
after  p.  careful  reading,  I  believe  it  to  bo  a  very  useful  book  in  the  department  of  study  to  whicti 
it  belongs.    I  take  pleasure  in  recommending  it  to  teacliers.  ^^ 

J.  N.  M'JiLTON,  Chairman  Central  Iligh^chool  of  Ball. 

"We  have  looked  through  it  wth  some  attention,  and  must  confess  thatJ^'^^'^o  been  favor.i- 
bly  impressed  with  its  merits.  In  tlio  lliscory,  more  especially,  wheroi^^  impossible  to  avoid 
the  relati.in  of  facts  toucliiag  various  religious  creeds,  the  compiler  *^^  .*°  ^^y°  scrupulously 
refrained  from  any  remark  that  could  arouse  sectarian  prejudice-vT'"'"'''  ^^  which  too  many  of 
those  who  have  given  their  labors  to  the  compilation  of  school  h*^"^^  na.vQ  been  prone  to  in- 
dulge." ^  National  Intelligencer. 

"  A3  an  elementary  treatise,  this  work  will,  we  should  suruf'®  be,  and  deservedly  so,  afavorite 
in  our  schools.  The  appendix  of  biographical  notices  o£/^^^''^'**  individuals,  is  an  original 
and  desirable  addition  to  the  book."  y^  Lutheran  Observer. 

"It  is  a  work  containing  much  useful  information/**"'  '^  *  seliool  book,  and  for  general  his- 
torical reference,  it  will  be  found  invaluable."     y^  Jialtinore  America)*' 

Murphy  &  Co.,  Publishy^^^  Booksellers^  Baltimore. 


Upwards  of  75,000  Copies  have  been  Sold. 

JLerney^s  First  Class  Hooh  of  History ,  Designed  for  Pupils 

coinmencing  the  Study  of  History,  ^vith    Questions,  adapted  to  the  use  of 
Schools.    By  M.  J.  Kerney,  A.  M.,  Author  of  Compendium  of  History,  &c.,  &c. 

Eevised  and  Enlarged  Edition.    (SOih  Thousand.) CO 

;5S"Iti  is  Clear,  Comprehensive,  Truthful  and  Impartial,  and  can  bo  recommended  with  confi- 
dence, as  the  best  and  most  reliable  School  History  Tublished. 

The  appearance  of  thirty-two  large  editions  of  Kerney's  First  Class  Book  of 
History  within  twcrdy  years,  is  a  suflEicient  evidence  of  its  popularity  as  an  ele- 
mentary class  book.  As  a  book  for  study,  and  a  book  for  reading,  in  place  of  the 
disjointed  matter  found  in  ordinary  "Readers,"  the  publishers  have  endeavored 
to  make  it  every  way  worthy  of  continued  patronage. 

The  importance  of  the  particular  changes  introduced  in  this  edition,  renders 
it  desirable  to  call  the  attention  of  teachers  a'ld  parents  to  its  enhanced  value. 
Errors  and  inaccuracies  of  whatever  kind  have  been  carefully  rectified.  If  any 
have  found  in  it  heretofore  defects  worthy  of  notice,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the 
emendations  supplied, —  suggested  as  they  have  been,  by  teachers  of  experi- 
ence,— will  recommend  this  new  edition  to  their  hearty  appj-oval. 

In  order  to  make  this  book  correspond  in  character  with  the  Author's  larger 
work,  the  "  Compendium  of  Ancient  and  Modern  History,"  the  last  edition  was 
enlarged  by  the  introduction  of  a  short  synopsis  of  Sacred  and  Ancient  History. 
In  Modern  History,  several  chapters  were  added,  embracing  the  most  important 
recent  events  that  had  transpired  in  the  civilized  countries  of  the  Avorld,  includ- 
ing the  late  "American  Civil  War." 

The  form  of  "Questions"  at  the  foot  of  each  page  has  been  improved.  Super- 
fluities have  been  retrenched,  and  facts  equally  as  important  to  be  known  as 
those  already  stated,  introduced.  Where  the  narrative  embraces  events,  which, 
from  their  religious  or  political  bearing,  gives  rise  to  a  diversity  of  opinion' 
among  men,  care  has  been  taken  to  avoid  a  method  of  statement  likely  to  prove 
offensive  to  either  extreme.  Truth  is  the  object  aimed  at,  not  partiznnship:  in 
the  interests  of  which  it  is  notorious  that  the  most  of  w*hat  is  called  History,  is 
wrlittcn.  The  publishers  trust  that  this  little  book  will  now  find  its  way  into  a 
still  wider  circle  of  institutions,  than  those  in  which  it  has  been  heretofore , 
known  and  appreciated. 

No  pains  have  been  spared  in  the  revision  and  preparation  of  this  Edition, 
with  the  hope  of  rendering  it  worthy,  in  every  respect,  of  the  high  commenda- 
tion and  liberal  patronage  enjoyed  by  Mr.  Kerney's  Popular  Class  Books. 

From  a  large  number  of  Recommendations,  we  select  the  following : 

From  Professor  Joyces,  of  Wanhington  and  Lee  Universit>/,Va. 
Messrs.  Johx  Murphy  &  Co.,  Dear  Sirs  .-—I  have  used  Kerney's  First  Lesson*  in  Ilistory  for 
BOme  time  past,  in  teaching  my  own  children,  and  have  had  occasion  at  the  same  time  to  compare 
it  with  other  books  for  the  first  study  of  History.  I  consider  Kernn/s  much  the  best  book  for  this 
purpose  that  I  have  seen.  It  is  the  most  comprehensive,  and  at  the  same  time  the  simplest  in  its 
style— while  it  is  full  oi/ncls,  it  is  also  sufficiently  enlivened  by  anecdote  and  incident,  to  keep 
up  the  interest  if  children.  It  seems  moreo\er  to  be  just  and  truthful,  and  contains  nothing 
that  cou'.d  be  offenjyo  to  any  portion  of  our  people— a  quality  that  in  these  days,  when  school 
books  seem  toberegaiigj  ^s  proper  instruments  for  political  teaching,  should  commend  it  es- 
pecially to  the  people  ot  v,q  South.  I  trust  it  may  have  a  wide  circulation  in  our  Soulhera 
Schools.  Very  truly.  EDWARD  S.  JOYNES. 

Easterx  Female  Ilron  Scnooi.,  Baltimore,  June  26,  1871. 
Gentlemen:— The  true  province  .-^.j^^  Historian  is  to  give  facts  without  comment.    This  is  a 
distinguishing  quality  of  Kerney's  "  -t  ^^  Book  of  Ilistory,"  which  renders  it  not  only  a  model 
for  all  compilers,  but  an  unobjectional  wo.  ^^^  ^^^  schools.'  Nathaniel  U.  Thayer. 

Murphy  &  Co.,  PuhlisKers  u  ^  j^Q^j-seUers,  Baltimore. 


A  NEW  SCHOOL  HISTORY  of  MARYLAND. 

Adopted  as  a  Text  Book  in  the  Public  Schools  of  Baltimore, 

A.nd   Several   Counties   of  the   Stato. 

iider clonk's  History  of  Maryland,  upcm  the  basis  of 
MeShernj,  from  its  Seiilemeni,  to  1SG7.  AVith  20  fine  Illustra- 
tions, to  which  is  added  the  Constitution  of  Maryland,  for  tho 
use  of  Schools,  By  Henry  Onderdonk,  A.  M.,  Head  Master  of 
College  of  St.  James,  and  late  President  of  the  Maryland  Agricul- 
tural College.     Second  Revised  and  Enlarged  Edition 75 

Tho  first  edition  of  this  History  having  met  with  such  favor  from  the  public 
t'lU  a  second  edition  is  demanded,  opportunity  has  been  given  to  correct  somo 
i'Ographical  errors,  and  to  adapt  it  more  thoroughly  to  tho  uses  of  the  class- 
in.    A  portion  has  been  entirely  re-\vrilten.    That  which  relates  to  the  period 
I  he  civil  war  has  been  made  quite  full.    Tho  f.tcts  have  been  obtained  as  far 
:  -;  l>ossible  from  official  sources,  or  from  parties  personally  connected  with  tho 
events  narrated. 

Tne  adoption  of  the  book  as  a  text-book  by  tho  Public  Schools  of  tho  City  of 

I'.altimore,  and  the  subsequent  adoption  by  ihe  Stato  Board  of  Education,  and 

tiicir  recommendation  of  its  use  by  all  tlio  Schools  of  the  State,  both  justify  the 

hopo  expressed,  and  give  assurance  that  this  history  supplies  a  want  so  long  felt. 

With  a  view  of  meeting  the  requirements  of  the  School  Law  of  1872,  the  Con- 

'stilution  of  the  Stato  has  been  added  in  an  Appendix. 

Office  of  the  Comjiissioxers  of  Public  Schools, 

Baltimore,  September  2Uh,  18G9. 
This  certifies  that  tho  Board  of  School  Commissionors  of  this  city,  have  inserted  in  tho  Rules 
of  Order,  as  one  of  the  studies  to  be  pirsued  in  the  Grammar  Schools,  "  MoShcrry's  History  of 
Maryland,  as  revised  by  Onderdonk."  Attest:  II.  M-  COWLES, 

Adopted  May  25th,  1869.  Stc'ij  Board  School  CommWrs. 

iJ^At  a  meeting  of  tho  State  Board  of  Education,  held  on  tho  23th  of  May,  1872,  Ondcr- 
donk's  School  History  of  Maryland,  ^rith  the  Constitutioa  of  the  State  Appended,  was  unani- 
mously recommsndod  for  adoption  in  all  the  Public  Schools  of  the  State. 


A  New  and  Complete  System  of  Penmansliip. 

Gillespie's  Progressive  Sijstem,  In  G  Numbers,  with  Steel  Plate  Copies  at  the 

Head  of  each  Page Price,  per  No.  18  cts.;  per  dozen,  1  50 

This  new  and  complete  system,  designed  to  load  tho  Pupils  from  tho  first  principles  in  Pen- 
manship to  a  free,  open,  and  practical  style  of  writing,  adapted  to  geuerel  business  purposes,  is 

well  worthy  of  the  attention  of  teachers. 

German  School  Books.— The  following  German  Spelter  and  Reader,  prepared 
by  the  School  ISisters  of  Notre  Dame,  for  the  German  Schools  under  their 
charge,  may  justly  bo  considered  the  best  and  ciieapest  iiooks  of  their  class 
lor  the  use  of  Primary  Schools. 

Fihel  fiiir  die  liehen  Klcinen,  gcbrancht  in  den  Schulen  der  deutschen 
Schulschwesteru  unserer  Lieben  Frau 10 

jLesehiiclilein  ftir die  lieben  Kleiner, ^'ihvawQ.Yiiin  den  SChalen  der  deutschen 
Schulschwe.stern  unserer  Ijieben  Fra^i «    15 

Kleiner  KatceUismuH Ho.  paper,  3  cts per  100  net,  2  00 

JSS^Speciineii  Copies  of  any  of  Muhphy  &  Co"s  School  Books,  will  be  supplied 
to  Professors,  Teachers  and  others,  wit-ii  a  view  to  introduction,  on  receipt  of 
one-half  the  retail  price.    >K^LiberaI  terms  for  introduction. 

School  and  Classical  Books,  &c.— Their  Stock  of  School  Books  embraces 
in  addition  to  their  own,  nearly  all  the  Publications  of  the  leading  Publishers 
in  the  United  States,  comprising  every  variety,  together  with  all  the  leading 
Text-Books  in  Latin,  Greek,  French,  Spanish  and  German— nearly  all  of  which 
they  are  prepared  to  supply  at  Publishers'  prices. 

4^Paper,  Stationery  and  School  Requisites,  generally.    Their  Stock 
comprises  every  variety,  at  the  lowest  current  rates. 
JS^Careful  and  prompt  attention  to  all  orders. 

Murphy  &  Co.,  Publishers  and  Booksellers^  Baltimore. 
5 


Kerney's  Aritlimetics. 

The  Coltimbian  Arithmetic,  designed  for  the  Use  of  Acade- 
mies and  Schools.    By  M.  J.  Kernet,  A.  M 2Gth  Edition.    50 

The  aim  has  been,  ia  the  compilation  and  arrangement  of  this  work,  to  make  it  a  book  of 
practical  instruction;  one  in  -whicli  the  science  of  figures  is  thoroughly  explained  and  clearly 
elucidated.  The  examples  for  practice  are  generally  such  as  the  pupil  will  meet  in  the  various 
business  transactions  of  life.  The  arrangement  is  progressive,  all  questions  being  solved  by 
rules  previously  explained.  This  new  edition  lias  been  carefully  revised  and  enlarged.  Several 
useful  tables  on  the  subject  of  Interest  have  been  introduced,  and  numerous  miscellaneous 
examples  added.  These  improvements  render  the  work  still  more  deserving  of  the  extensive 
patronage  it  has  heretofore  enjoyed. 

Key  to  Kerney^s  Columbian  Arithmetic,  containing  the 

solution  of  the  principal  Questions 40 

Introductiofi  to  the  Coltimhian  Arithmetic,  for  the  Use  of 

^Schools.    By  M.  J.  Kerney,  A.  M 30th  Revised  Edition.    20 

This  little  work  is  designed  as  an  introduction  to  the  former,  and  is  intended  for  children 
about  to  commence  the  study  of  Arithmetic.  The  first  principles  of  the  science  are  familiarly 
explained  in  the  form  of  question  and  answer,  and  the  pupils  are  conducted  in  the  study  as  far 
as  the  end  of  compound  numbers.  It  is  replete  with  practical  examples,  adapted  to  the  capacity 
of  that  class  of  learners  for  which  it  is  designed,  and  it  also  contains  all  the  Tables. 

Mr.  Kerney's  Arithmetics  have  already  acquired  a  wide-spread  popularity,  as  attested  by  the 
Bale  of  large  editions  in  a  few  years.  They  are  books  of  practical  instruction,  arranged  by  a 
practical  teacher  of  many  years'  experience.  The  present  editions  have  been  carefully  revised, 
and  neither  pains  nor  expense  will  be  spared  to  render  them  at  all  times  worthy  the  high 
reputation  already  acquired. 

The  Publishers  have  the  pleasure  of  announcing  that  this  Series  of  Arithmetics  have  under- 
gone a  careful  and  thorouqh  revision,  by  a  Bkotiieb  of  the  Society  of  tue  Uoly  CROSS,  an 
experienced  practical  teacher  and  arithmetician. 

Kerney's  Murray's  Gram^maVo — An  Abridgment  of  Murray^ s 

Grammar  and  Exercises,  designed  for  the  Use  of  Academies  and  Schools;  with 

an  Appendix,  containing  Rules  for  Writing  with  Perspicuity  and  Accuracy; 

also  a  Treatise  on  Epistolary  Composition.    By  M.  J.  Kerney,  A.  M. 

43d  Edition.    18o.  half  bound,    25 

This  Grammar  is  used  in  the  Public  Schools  of  Baltimore;  in  the  Schools  of  the  Christian 
Brothers;  and  in  many  of  the  principal  Schools  and  Academies  throughout  the  country. 

In  point  of  arrangement,  this  work  is  superior  to  any  other  Abridgment  of  Murray's  Gram- 
mar that  has  yet  appeared  before  the  public.  It  combines  the  Grammar  and  Exercise,  by  adapt- 
ing Exercises  to  every  chapter  and  section  throughout  the  work,  so  that  the  pupil  may  have,  at 
every  stage  of  his  progress,  a  practical  illustration  of  the  portion  under  his  immediate  study. 
The  present  edition  has  been  carefuUj'  revised  by  the  author,  and  many  valuable  improvements 
made  in  the  work.  A  Treatise  on  Epistolary  Composition  has  been  added,  containing  direc- 
tions for  writing  Letters,  Notes,  Cards,  <fcc.,  with  a  variety  of  examples  of  the  same. 

A  Catechism  of  Scripture  History,  compiled  by  the  Sisters 

of  Mercy  lor  the  children  attending  their  schools.    Revised  by  M.  J.  Kerney, 

A.  M 30th  Edition.    75 

"This  excellent  work  is  extensively  used  in  nearly  all  Catholic  Institutions  throughout 
England,  Ireland,  Canada,  and  the  United  States. 

**  The  object  of  the  Catechism, '  is  to  render  children  early  acquainted  with  the  truthful  and 
interesting  events  recorded  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures;  to  familiarize  them  with  the  prophecies 
relating  to  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  and  lead  them  to  regard  the  Old  Testament  as  a  figure 
and  a  forshadowing  of  the  New.' 

"  The  present  edition  has  been  much  improved,  the  questions  to  the  answers  being  made 
more  concise,  so  as  to  admit  of  their  being  easily  committed  to  memory.  An  Appendix  has  also 
been  added,  containing  extracts  from  the  Prophets,  Scripture  texts,  and  short  sketches  of  the 
lives  of  the  Apostles  and  Evangelists.  The  Chronological  Table,  which  has  been  carefully  re- 
vised and  considerably  enlarged,  fixes  the  dates  of  the  most  remarkable  events  recorded  in  the 
Sacred  Writings." 

Catechism  of  Ecclesiastical  History.    Abridged  for  the  Use 

of  Schools.    By  a  Friend  of  Youth.    Enlarged  Edition.    IGo.  flexible  cloth,  30 
This  little  work  has  been  carefully  revised  and  enlarged,  the  text  being  brought  down  to  the 
present  time.    Those  improvements  it  is  hoped  will  render  it  still  more  popular  with  the  in- 
structors of  youth. 

31iirray's  English  Grammar,  adapted  to  the  different  classes 

of  learners ;  with  an  Appendix,  containing  rules  and  observations  for  assisting 
the  more  advanced  students  to  write  with  perspicuity  and  accuracy.    By 

LiNDLEY  Murray 12o.    40 

In  presenting  a  new  edition  of  Murray's  Gvammar,  which  is  universally  considered  the  best 
extant,  we  deem  it  sufficient  to  state,  that  ih^  present  edition  is  printed  from  an  entirely  new 
set  of  plates,  and  that  it  has  been  carefully  revised,  and  free  from  many  of  the  inaccuracies  and 
blemishes  which  are  to  be  found  in  other  editions,  printed  from  old  stereotype  plates.  This^ 
together  with  the  very  low  price  aflixed  to  it,  are  the  only  claims  urged  in  favor  of  this  edition| 

3Iurray's  English  Reader 18o,    35 

Baltimore 


A  Mew  anil  Important  Work  on  Philosophy— Third  Edition.- 

ELEMENTS  OF  riFILOSOPHY,  Comjyrlshuj  Ldgic 

and  General  J'rinclplcs  of  Metaphysics.  By  Rev.  W.  II.  HILL,  S.J.,  Pro- 
fessor of  Philosophy  in  the  St.  Louis  University,  Mo.  Third  Revised  Edition,  I  60 
Vol.  II.  being  the  Second  Part,  Preparing  for  Early  Publication. 

From  the  Pubusiiehs'  Pueface  to  the  Second  IlEVisfeD  Edition.— It  Is  not  yet 
one  month  since  wo  issued  the  First  Edition  of '  Hill's  rnaosopnY,' and  such 
has  been  tlio  demand  for  t!ic  worlc,  tiiat  n  second  Edition  is  required.  Very 
favorable  notices  have  already  been  given  of  the  worlc  by  several  periodicala, 
and  able  judges,  whoso  verdict  wo  know  to  be  of  the  highest  authority,  Imve  pro- 
nounced the  booli  a  true  and  trusty  guide  througli  the  intricacies  of  Thilosophy. 

"We  rejoice  at  this  success,  because  it  ensui-es  the  completion  of  the  whole 
work,  including  Etiiics,  and  gives  us  every  reason  to  believe  that  wo  shall  soon 
have,  in  our  language,  a  JManual  of  Philosophy,  for  students  and  for  tho  general 
reader,  equal  to  tho  admirable  Latin  works,  which  have  hitherto  been  almost  the 
only  pure  sources  of  Pliilosophical  knowledge. 

"The  Author  has  taken  advantage  of  tho  opportunity  offered  by  the  preparer 
tion  of  this  Edition,  to  revise  his  work  and  thus  render  it  more  acceptable  to  the 
student." 

This  Work  is  from  the  pen  of  one  who  has  devoted  many  years  to  the  study 
and  teaching  of  pliilosophy.  That  it  is  sound  in  principle,  is  guaranteed  by  the 
well  known  character  of  tiio  studies  in  tho  Society  to  which  the  author  belongs, 
whilst  his  experience  as  a  Teacher  leaves  no  room  for  doubt  that  liis  book  has 
been  written  in  clear  and  correct  language.  It  is  elementary  and  must  be  con- 
cise; yet  it  treats  the  important  points  of  philosophy  so  clearly,  and  contains  so 
many  principles  of  wide. application,  that  it  cannot  fail  to  be  especially  useful  in 
a  country  where  sound  philosophical  doctrine  is  perhaps  more  needed  than  in 
any  other. 

GREEK  AND  LATIN  GRAMMARS,  &c. 

WettenlialVs  Greeli  Grammar. — Rudiments  of  the  Greek 
Language,  arranged  for  the  Students  of  Loyola  College,  Balti- 
more,—  upon  the  basis  of  Wettenhall.  6th.  ed.  12o 75 

Extract  from  the  Preface. —  "It  is  not  intended  by  this  publication  to  present  a 
new  Greek  Grammar  to  the  classical  student;  after  the  elaborate  volumes  of  Mat- 
thiae,  Bnttman,  Kuhner,  viail,  Burnouf,  and  other  scholars  of  Germany  and  France, 
it  would  be  altogether  vain  to  expect  any  new  discovery  in  that  language.  The 
most  that  we  can  do  is  to  avail  ourselves  of  their  labors  in  order  to  smooth  the  diffi- 
culties, which  are  usually  met  in  its  study.  The  greatest  of  these,  we  have  learned 
from  a  long  experience  in  teaching,  is  the  large  size  of  the  grammars,  which  are  put 
in  the  student's  hands  when  he  commences.  Excellent  as  these  may  be  for  the  pro- 
fessor or  more  advanced  scholar,  they  only  tend  to  deter  the  .beginner  from  approach- 
ing it  We  trust  that  this  will  be  obviated  by  the  present  compendium,  iu  which 
we  have  endeavored  to  comprise  within  as  short  a  compass  as  possible,  all  that  is  of 
absolute  necessity  to  the  learner.  If  it  induces  him  to  apply  with  more  alacrity  to 
study  a  language  second  to  none  in  the  literary  beauties  and  treasures  which  it  con- 
tains, our  intentions  will  have  been  amply  fulfilled." 

Undclinian's  Latin  Gratmnar,  —  Ruddman's  Rudiments  of 
the  Latin  Tongue;  or,  a  Plain  and  Easy  Introduction  to  Latin 
Grammar:  wherein  the  principles  of  the  language  arc  method- 
ically digested,  both  in  the  English  and  Latin.  With  useful  Notes 
and  Observations.     30th  edition  —  corrected  and  improved.     By 

William  Mann,  M.  A.     12o,  half  arabesque 76 

JS^^TIie  Clieapest  and  Best  Latin  Grammar  published. 

Ars  Ilhetor ica  —  Auciore,  R.  P.,  Martino  du  Ctone,  Socie- 
tatis  Jesu.  Editio  Secunda  Americana.  In  usum  Collegii  Geor- 
geopolitani,  S.  J.     18o.  half  arab 75 

To  this  New  Edition,  an  Appendix  has  been  added,  containing  Ezamples  taken 
from  the  English  Classics. 

Murphy  &  Co.  Publishers  and  Booksellers,  Baltimore. 

7 


Sestini's  Mathematical  Works. 

Elementary  Algebra*  By  B.  Sestini,  S.  J.,  Author  of  Analyti- 
cal Geometry,  &c.,  &c.  Professor  of  Natural  Philosophy  and 
Astronomy  in  Georgetown  College.  12o.  half  arabesque,  75 

The  main  object  of  this  treatise  is  to  render  the  science  of  Algebra  intelligi- 
ble to  pupils  whose  minds  are  j'et  unaccustomed  to  such  studies.  The  beginner 
will  here  be  furnished  with  such  proofs  as  are  suited  to  his  capacity;  examples 
will  afford  new  light  to  what  might  be  otherwise  obscured  with  regard  to  the 
operations  founded  on  higher  principles  ;  ho  will,  for  the  present,  content  him- 
self with  merely  practical  rules,  exemplified  in  the  same  manner.  With  a  mind 
thus  gradually  led  on  to  strict  mathematical  discussion,  ho  may  then  resume 
his  course  with  profit,  by  the  aid  of  a  treatise  now  in  preparation,  which  is  in- 
tended as  a  sequel  to  this,  and,  by  more  exact  and  thorough  investigation,  com- 
plete his  fctudy  of  Algebra. 

A  Treatise  on  Algebra.  By  B.  Sestini,  S.  J.,  Author  of 
**  Elementary  Algebra,"  "Analytical  Geometry,  &c.  12o.  1  00 
The  treatise  is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  first  of  which  contains  Algebraical 
operations,  with  several  questions  and  doctrines  connected  with  them,  so  that 
each  section  may  prove  complete  in  its  own  subject,  and  the  inconvenience  of 
turning  el^^ewhere  to  speak  of  matter  left  unfinished  before,  may  be  avoided. . .  . 
Tiie  second  contains  the  most  indispensable  theories  of  equations,  proportions, 
and  progressions,  logarithms,  and  some  few  principles  on  tlie  series.  The  doe- 
trine  of  equations  has  been  treated  more  copiously  than  the  others,  not  so  much 
on  account  of  its  importance  as  because  it  is  well  adapted  to  give  an  idea  of 
algebraic  analysis,  and  thus  prepare  the  mind  of  the  student,  who  would  after- 
wards apply  himself  to  higher  studies.  It  is  as  clear  and  concise  as  the  nature 
of  such  works  permits,  and  seems  to  embrace  everything  necessary  to  a  lull 
knowledge  of  Algebra. 

Elements  of  Geometry  and  Trigonometry ^  by  B.  Sestini, 

S.J.,  Author  of  "Analytical  Geometry,"  "  Elementary  Algebra,"  &c.  8o.  half  el.  S2 
"The  author  has  succeeded  in  combining  two  qualities  rarely  united,— great 
perspicuity  and  extreme  conciseness.  It  has  evidently  been  the  result  of  great 
thought  and  long  experience  in  teaching.  The  student  passes  gradually  from 
the  simpler  to  the  more  complex  truths  of  the  science.  The  work  cannot  be  too 
warmly  commended  as  an  admirable  introduction  to  the  science  it  professes  to 
teach,  and  we  would  advise  teachers  and  parents  not  to  select  a  text-book  until 
they  have  given  this  volume  a  careful  and  candid  a^jirainoinony— Metropolitan. 

Manual  of  Geometrical  and  Infinitesimal  Analysis,  by 

B.  Sestini,  S.  J.     8o.,  half  cloth (Just  Published,)     1  50 

Extract  from  the  Preface.— "  This  manual,  prepared  with  the  view  of  its  serving 
as  an  introduction  to  the  study  of  Physical  Bcience,  Wiis  onlv  intended  for  a 
class  of  students  intrusted  to  the  care  of  the  compiler.  The  suggestion  of 
friends  that  the  work  might  prove  advantageous  to  others  induces  him  to  offer 
it  to  tlic  public. 

"Works  of  analysis — some  of  them  voluminous— are  not  wanting;  nor  does 
our  liti;le  book  pretend  to  give  a  complete  development  of  its  subject.  For  this 
reason  we  call  it  a  mann'al,  which  excludes  all  discussions  the  results  of  which 
are  seldom  or  never  called  into  use  in  the  applications.  It  is  hoped,  however, 
thi.t  it  will  sufficiently  servo  the  purpose  intended." 

TJie   North  American   Spelling  Booh.      Designed   for 
Elementary  Introduction  in  Schools.     A  New  Enlarged  Edition. 

Being  an  improvement  upon  all  others 20 

The  aim  in  this  compilation  haa  been  to  present  a  gradation  of  lessons  necossai-y  to 
impart  a  knowledge  of  the  spelling,  division,  pronunciation,  and  accentuation  of  the 
rarious  sounds  and  syllables  that  compose  the  English  language.  In  pronouncing 
and  accenting  words,  good  usage  and  the  best  lexicograpbora  have  been  followed. 
The  rules  laid  down  are  few,  but  simple  and  concise;  and  the  progress  from  what  is 
easy  to  what  is  difficult,  is  gentle  and  gradual.  It  is  universally  conceded  to  bo  on« 
of  the  .6  EST,  as  it  is  unquestionably  the  Cheapest  Spelling  Book  published. 

Murphy  &  Co.  Publishers  and  Bcolcsellers,  Baltimore. 
8 


THE  BEST  AND  CHEAPEST 

"Wilson's   Frogressivo   Speller. 

Wilson^S  JProgressive  Speller^  containing  upwards  of  Twelve 
T/iousand  Wonls,  with  Reading  and  Dictation  Exercises  annexed  to  eacli  Les- 
son, arranged  so  as  to  bo  best  adapted  to  Aid  the  Memory,  and  obviate  tho 
dinicultios  in  this  Branch  of  Elementary  Education.    Compiled  by  William  J. 

Wilson,  of  Nortk  Carolina Third  Revised  Edition,  100  pages,  12o.    25 

This  booic  has  been  prepared  with  great  care  by  a  gentleman  eminently  qiKili- 
fiod,  both  by  education  and  experience.  Its  characteristic  is  the  simplicity  of 
its  arrangement.  Being  strictly  a  Spelling  Book,  no  attempt  is  made  to  combine 
with  it  subjects  of  study  coming,  properly,  after  the  child  has  learned  to  spell 
and  road.  Each  lesson  is  accompanied  by  a  Reading  and  Dictation  Exercise, 
designed  to  cultivate  the  eye,  the  eir,  and  the  hand.  The  object  of  a  Speller 
being  to  teach  tho  mechanical  structure  and  pronunciation  of  words,  tho  lessons 
and  exercises  are  arranged  primarily  and  solely  to  this  end.  The  orthography 
and  orthoepy  are  according  to  tho  standards  recognized  as  highest  authorities  ia 
this  country.  Especial  care  has  been  taken  to  keep  it  free  from  provincialisms, 
and  it  is,  therefore,  recommended  as  a  Text-Book  suitable  alike  for  all  sections 
of  tho  country.  The  completeness  of  its  vocabulary  may  be  known  from  tha 
feet  of  its  containing  upwards  of  twelve  Thousand  English  words. 

RECOMIIENDATIonSi   NOTICES,    &  C. 

State  of  North  Carolina,  Office  Superintendent  of  Public  Insthuction, 

Raleigh,  May  20th,  1871. 
Messrs.  John  Murpht  &  Co.,  Gents— 1  have  tho  honor  to  inform  you  that,  by  viituo  of  a  vote 
passed  hj  tho  Board  of  Education  of  this  State,  on  the  2jth  of  March  last,  •'  Wilson's  Progres- 
sive Speller"  is  recommended  for  use  in  the  Public  Schools  of  this  State. 

Yours  truly  S.  S.  ASHLEY,  Sec'y  of  Board. 

From  R  E  V.  C.  II.  W  I L  E  Y,  Superintendent  of  Common  Schools  of  N.  Carolina. 
Mr.  W.  J.  Wilson:  Dear  Sir— I  have  examined  with  care  j'onr  Spelling  Book,  and  regard  it  as 
a  book  of  dociJod  merit.    You  have  manifested  in  its  preparation  taste,  j  udgmeat  and  learning, 
and  I  consider  it  worthy  of  iatroduction  into  our  schools.     I  am  truly  yours,     C.  II.  WILEY. 

From  Rev.  B.  Craven,  D.  D.,  President  of  Trinity  College,  iV.  C. 
Mr.  Wilson:  Dear  Sir — I  have  examined  your  Spelling  Book,  and  believe  it  i:i  many  respects 
superior  to  any  with  which  I  am  acquaiatod.    It  is  full  of  important  improvements.    I  s'.iould  be 
glad  to 'see  it  iatroiucol  into  all  our  schools.  B.  CRAVEN. 

From  Rev.  Dr.  Deems,  of  N.  Carolina. 

Dear  Sir — The  pressure  of  my  engagements  has  not  allowed  time  for  a  very  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  MS.  of  your  Spelling  Book,  the  many  good  points  of  which  have  made  themselves  ap- 
parent to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Craven  and  the  Rev.  Mr. Wiley,  whose  judgment  of  such  a  work  I  am  free 
to  endorse.    I  hope  it  will  meet  with  deserved  success.  Very  respectfully  yours, 

W.J.Wilson,  Esq.  CHARLES  F.  DEEMS. 

From  Professor  Joynes,  of  Washington  and  Lee  University,  Va. 

Messrs.  John  Murphy  &  Co.,  Dear  Sirs— I  regard  Wilson's  Progressive  Speller,  published  by 
yoH,  as  the  best  Spelling  Book  that  I  have  ever  seen.  In  simplicity,  in  fullness,  in  well  dis- 
tributed and  well  graded  classification,  and  in  practical  convenience  for  use,  I  think  it  superior 
to  other  books.  The  Dictation  Exercises  that  accompany  the  spelling  lessons,  afford  a  useful 
praxis  for  tho  pupil.  I  liko  the  book  most  of  all  on  account  of  its  simplicity  and  easy  progrea- 
sioeness.  It  recognizes  the  old  truth— almost  forgotten  now-a-days— that  spelling  is  something 
not  only  worth  learning,  bat  very  Jiard  to  learn,  and  therefore  needed  to  be  taught  by  systematici 
constant,  and  well-graded  practice;  and  of  this,  it  firrnishes  more,  and  furnishes  it  more  judi- 
ciously, than  ^ny  other  book  that  I  have  seen.    I  wish  it  may  obtain  a  very  wide  use. 

EDWARD  S.  JOYNES. 

"  The  work  is  systematic,  devoid  of  provincialisms,  arrangad  with  strict  regard  to  gradation 
with  a  uniformity  of  all  the  leading  vowel  sounds  in  all  the  words  of  each  lesson.  The  classifi- 
cation is  admirable,  and  we  believe  the  work  will  be  approved  by  teachers  everywhere." 

Memphis  Public  Ledger. 

Murphy  &  Co.,  Publishers  and  Booksellers,  Baltimore, 
9  ^ 


Auffusft  1S70. 

To  Catholic  Educational  Institutions. 

In  soliciting  attention  to  the  folloioing,  the  Publishers  have  the 
pleasure  of  announcing  that  most  of  these  Works  have  been  intro- 
duced, and  are  extensively  used  in  many  of  the  leading  Colleges^ 
Academies^  and  Schools  in  the   U.  S.,   Canada,  ^c. 

From  a  large  nuraher  of  Recommendations,  &c.,  loe  select  the  following: 
Professor  John  0  Kane  Murray,  B.  S.,  of  Brooklyn,  N.Y.,  in  his  Literary  Correspond- 
ence to  the  Toronlo  Tribune,  under  the  head  of  '^American  Literary  Notes,"  says: 
A.  History  of  the  Catholic  Churc7i  —  "ho\v  many  who  think  themselves 
very  intelligent,  never  read  one,  in  fact,  never  saw  any  such  work?  Without 
wishing  to  press  the  point  too  closely,  how  many,  even  of  our  Catholic  Collego 
graduates,  know  quite  as  much  about  the  history  of  Mohametanism  as  they  do 
about  the  history  of  Catholicity— perhaps  more?  And  is  this  something  to  be 
proud  of— something  concerning  which  every  one  who  is  not  a  college  president, 
or  a  Cardinal,  should  be  silent?  But  why  write  a  catechism  ?  The  plain,  blunt 
truth  is,  this  is  a  matter  of  shame  in  many  of  our  higher  institutions.  Algebra, 
mythology  — the  tag-ends  of  nearly  every  'ology'  and  'ometry,'  are  freely 
thrown  to  students,  while  they  are  left  to  hunger  for  even  a  glance  at  any  book 
containing  the  history  of  what  is  dearest  to  us  on  earth  — our  sublime  Old 
Church  I  Who  hears  of  a  student's  getting  a  prize  for  excellence  in  Church 
History?  Frankly,  I  have  not.  We  talk  about  religious  instruction  ;  with  clarion 
voice,  we  urge  the  necessity  of  making  our  Catholic  youth  familiar  with  the 
Church  and  her  doctrines.  This  is  well.  But  let  every  Catholic  College  hang 
its  head  in  shame,  *as  a  traitor  to  its  high  mission,'  if  it  neglects  placing 
Church  History  on  its  programme  of  necessary  studies. 

"On  this  subject  we  have  now  some  excellent  text-books,  about  one  of  the 
very  best  of  which,  I  desire  to  make  a  few  remarks.  The  '  History  of  the  Catho- 
lic Church,'  by  Kev.  Father 'Noethen,  is  a  handsomely  bound  volume  of  650 
pages.  It  is  published  at  a  very  low  price  by  the  enterprising  house  of  John 
Murphy  &  Co.,  Baltimore.  As  a  vrell  written  and  meritorious  text-book  on 
Church  History,  it  has  no  rival  in  our  language.  'Full  without  overflowing,' 
it  strikes  the  golden  mean  between  too  much  aadtoo  little.  The  arrangemont, 
the  skillful  j  rcsenlation  of  salient  points,  the  omission  of  trivialities  comuKinds 
hearty  praise— in  short,  the  whole  book  bears  the  impress  of  a  master  hand. 
This  is  just  the  volume  for  our  students— not  to  be  ignorant  of,  but  to  master. 
It  would  be  interesting  to  know  how  many  of  our  Catholic  Colleges  in  the 
United  States  and  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  use  a  text-book  on  Church  History. 
IS^ow,  I  desire  it  to  be  well  understood,  that  this  is  written  with  all  due  respect 
to  everybody,  by  one  who  does  not  wish  to  be  numbered  with  the  croakers,  and 
who  is  neither  indifferent  to  the  good  name  of  our  Catholic  Colleges,  nor  ignor- 
ant of  the  grand  work  they  are  doing  for  the  sound  education,  true  progress, 
and  civilization  in  America." 

Linffard's  JEngland,  by  Burke,  (Y20  pages,)  is  a  most  felicitous  and  success- 
ful attempt  at  giving  the  world  an  abridgment  of  the  greatest  history  of  Eng- 
land ever  written.  The  fifteenth  revised  and  enlarged  edition  lies  before  me. 
It  brings  the  story  of  England,  down  to  1873.  As  an  excellent  treatise  for  the 
BtuderA,  or  general  reader,  it  is  unequalled  in  beauty  of  style,  treatment  of  sub- 
ject, Catholic  tone,  and  richness  of  illustration.  The  "makeup"  of  the  book 
is  also  highly  creditable  to  the  publishers. 

"The  rapid  progress  made  by  American  Catholic  literature,  during  the  last 
few  years,  is  a  subject  rx)t  by  any  means  as  well  known  as  it  bhould  be.  This 
is  especially  noticeable  in  the  line  of  sound,  suitable  text-booka  for  Catholic 
schools  and  colleges.   Among  the  enterprising  publishing  houses  that  have 

MXTRPHY  &  Co.,  Publishers' and  Booksellers,  Baltimore. 
10 


Recommendations,  &c. — Continued. 

n  conspicuous  in  bringing  about  this  laudable  improvement,  stands  the  well 

lown  firm  of  John  Murphy  &  Co.,  of  Baltimore.    In  the  department  of  general 

lory  they  publish  tho  best  text-books  in  the  English  language.    Tliis  may 

ind  like  I:ypcrbole;  but  it  is  notealJ  at  random,  nor  without  Icnowing  that 

'whereof  we  spcalc' 

T)'€deVs  Ancient  and  Modern  History,  in  two  volumes,  are  used  in  the 

t  Catholic  Colleges  in  the  United  States,  Canada,  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

As  an  excellent  general  history  in  one  volume,  ICemey's  Compendium  of 

Ancient  and  Modern  History  stands  alone,  wiiilo  his 

Jlrst  Class  BooJc  of  History  is  an  inimitable  little  volume  to  familiarize 
youth  with  the  great  story  of  the  past. 

r.esides  the  foregoing,  the  following  are  a  few  of  tho  excellent  text-books 
"  Mieh  can  be  warmly  commended  to  Catholic  educators  and  Catholic  parents. 
y  are  published   by  Messrs.  Murphy  &  Co.,  to  whose  courtesy  we  are  in- 
ted  for  copies  of  the  latest  revised  editions: 

nWs  Philosophy.  — The  Elements  of  Philosophy,  by  Father  Hill,  S.  J.,  is 
;  jtiier  new  work,  which  will  prove  of  rare  value  to  our  Catholic  students.  It 
is  a  well  bound  volume  of  some  234  papes,  and  contains  a  thorough  discussion 
of  Logic  and  General  Jletaphysics.  In  our  language,  we  know  of  but  one  other 
such  work,  (Louage's)  written  from  a  Catholic  stand  point,  and  of  tho  two  we 
much  prefer  Father  Hill's  book.  Sound  in  doctrine,  and  written  in  a  clear,  terse 
stylo,  this  is  a  much  needed  and  truly  welcome  text-book. 
A  glance  at  another  work,  and  wo  must  finish. 

WettenhalVs  Greek  Grammar.— Rudiments  of  the  Greek  Langw-.fjp,''  by  a 
learned  Jesuit  Father,  is  an  admirable  little  grammar  of  that  Ciassic  tongue 
which  was  immortalized  by  Homer,  Pindar  and  Sophocles.  In  112  pages  are 
condensed,  simplified  and  arranged  with  a  masterhand,  the  principal  points  of 
Greek  grammar.  For  accuracy,  clearness,  brevity  and  neatness,  we  have  seen 
nothing  to  surpass  this  small  volume." 


Scliool  and  Classical  Books,  Paper,  Stationery,  &c. 

Their  stock  of  School  Books  embraceSj  in  addition  to  their  own, 
nearly  all  the  Publications  of  tho  leading  Publishers  in  the  United 
States,  comprising  every  variety  of  Primers,  Spellers,  Ecaders, 
Grammars,  Arithmetics,  Geographies,  Histories,  Dictionaries,  etc.  j 
also,  Works  on  Elocution,  Algebra,  Geometry,  Trigonometry,  As- 
tronomy, Botany,  Chemistry,  Geology,  and  Mineralogy,  Philoso- 
phy, Ehetoric,  and  Logic,  Book-Keeping,  Penmanship,  etc.,  etc., 
together  with  all  the  leading  Text- Books  in  Latin,  Greek,  French, 
Spanish  and  German — nearly  all  of  which  they  are  prepared  to 
supply  at  Fublishers'  loholcsale  prices. 

Their  Stock  of  Paper,  Stationery,  and  School  Requisites  generally, 

comprises  every  variety,  all  of  which  they  are  prepared  to  sell  at  the 
lowest  current  rates 

j^^Orders,  which  will  receive  the  same  careful  and  prompt  atten- 
tion, as  if  selected  in  person,  are  respectfully  solicited. 

Jg^^-The  various  Railroad,  Transportation,  Express  and  Steamship 
Companies  running  from  our  city,  afford  every  facility  for  trans- 
portation at  the  Loivest  Rates,  to"  all  parts  of  the  country — North 
and  South,  East  and  West. 

MuRPiiY  &  Co.,  Publishers  and  Booksellers,  Baltimore. 
11 


Jenkins'  English  Ljiterature. 

Just  Pdblished,  in  a  handsome  volume  of  5GU  pages,  12o.  price  vi  cloth,  $2. 
Library  style,  half  morocco,  $3. 

The  Student's  Handbook  of  British   and   American   Literature, 

Containing  Sketches  Biographical  and  Critical  of  the  Most 
Distinguished  English  Authors,  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the 
Present  Day,  with  Selections  Jroni  their  Writings,  and  Questions 
adapted  to  the  Use  of  Schools.  By  Rev.  O.  L.  Jenkins,  A.  M., 
Late  President  of  St.  Charles,  and  formerly  President  of  St.  Mary^s 
College,  Baltiynore. 

This  is  an  Elementae,t  History  of  the  English  Language  and  Literature,  espe- 
cially intendegl  for  Schools,  Academies  and  Colleges.  'J'he  period  which  it 
embraces,  dates  back  as  early  as  the  time  when  the  Saxons  under  Hengist  and 
Horsa  landed  in  Britain,' and  reaches  to  our  own  day  through  the  following 
stages:  the  Anglo-Saxon  Period,  549-10C5;  the  Semi-Saxon  Period,  1065-1250;  the 
Old  English  Period,  1250-1350;  the  Middle  English  Period,  1350-1580;  and  the  Modern 
Period,  from  15S0  to  our  time.  Each  of  these  periods  is  a  point  of  departure  in 
the  history  of  English  Literature,  and  each  constitutes  in  itself  a  well-defined 
epoch  in  the  growth  of  the  language.  In  the  fifth,  or  last  period,  falls  tlie  Liter- 
ARY  History  op  America.  This  is  divided  into  three  parts;  the  Colonial  Era^ 
the  licvolulionary  Period,  and  the  Present  Century. 

The  EXTRACTS  have  been  careTully  selected,  with  a  view  to  serve  not  only  a3 
fair  specimens  of  the  slyle  of  the  writers,  but  also  as  an  illuslrative  history  in. 
themselves  of  English  jjiterature.  Various  Tables,  chronological  and  linguistie, 
as  well  as  a  copious  Index,  accompany  the  work.  In  fine.  Questions  have  been 
introduced,  for  the  special  convenience  of  teachers  and  students. 

DBrief  Extracts  fi'om  I^otices  of  tlie  I?rcss,«&c. 

EiiooKLTN,  N.  Y.,  March  6, 1876. 
Jonx  MuiiPHif,  Esq.,  Puhlislier,  Baltimore, 

Dear  Sir: — "  I  beg  of  }[0U  to  excuse  my  delay 
in  giving  what  you  so  kindly  ask — my  humble 
opiuiou  of  Rev.  Father  Jenkins'  text-book  ou 
our  language  and  literature.  I  have  given  it  a 
few  hours  examination,  and  my  impressions 
nre:  Tho  plan  is  good,  the  execution  is  excel- 
lent. Tho  learned  author  handles  his  subject 
with  ability,  clearness,  wisilom,  and  a  calm 
impartiality,  as  rare  as  it  is  admirable.  Tho 
critical  remarks,  both  original  and  borrowed, 
arc  happy  and  to  the  ^oiut.  Much  good  tasfo 
and  sound,  cultivated  judRment  are  exhibited 
in  the  selection  of  the  specimens.  As  a  whole, 
the  work  has  bo  many  merits,  that  it  will — it 
must  take  its  place  as  the  text-book  in  English 
literature  in  all  our  high  Cathnlic  institr.tions 
Of  learning."  J.  Q-KANE  MURRAY. 

Baltimore,  July  VJth,  1876. 
Mb.  John-  Mprpiiv, 

.  JDsar  Sir ;— Be  pleased  to  accept  ray  grateful 
noknowlidgments  for  a  copy  of  Dr.  Jenkins" 
Handbook  of  British  and  Auieriean  Literature. 
I  read  the  work  with  great  interest  and  plea- 
sure. It  impressed  me  as  a  sound  and  scholarly 
book,  carefully  con.strncted,  and  containing 
much  valuable  Information  in  regard  to  many 
authors,  whoso  works  and  whose  history,  are 
little  known  to  the  American  public.  I  trust 
that  its  success  may  be  commensurate  with  its 
merits.  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours  very  trulv, 
HRNRY  E.  SHEPHERD, 
Sup't  Public  Instruction,  Baltimore. 

»■  Tho  TTistf^ry  of  the  English  language  is  well 
and  usefully  i I in.strated  in  the  work  before  us 
hy  numerous  extracts  from  Saxon  and  Anglo- 
R.ixon  writers  of  various  periods,  accompanied 
by  translations  into  modern  English.  The 
study  of  this  book  alone  would  go  far  towards 
enabling  any  one  to  understand  and  enjoy  the 
Anglo  Saxon  writers."  London  Tablet. 

"It  is  without  exception,  tho  best  student's 
handbook  we  have  yet  had  under  perusal." 
Newark  Daily  Journal, 


"The  author  shows  himself  thoroughly  versed 
in  his  subject.  He  writes  with  elegance,  occa- 
sionally with  force,  as  in  the  remarks  on  tho 
inttuenco  of  tho  Trutustant  Reformation  on  lit- 
erature. His  taste  is  true  and  his  judgment 
sound."  Catholic  World. 

"We  find  much  in  it  to  praise ;  the  biographi- 
cal sketches  are  ox  ellcnc,  and  the  se'ectious 
have  been  made  with  good  taste.  Wo  like  the 
arrangement  of  tlie  work,  which  is  clear  and 
methodical."  Aoe  Maria. 

"It  embraces  specimens  of  the  styles  of 
writers,  from  the  Anglo-Sa.xon  period  to  the 
present  time.  These  extracts  are  preceded  by 
ample  biographical  and  critical  sketches  of 
their  authors,  with  interesting  historical  de- 
tails relative  to  the  progress  of  letters  during 
the  different  periods.  Various  tables,  chronolo- 
gical and  linguistic,  as  well  as  a  copious  index, 
accompany  the  work."      Publishers'  Weekly. 

"  The  work  is  well  written,  and  to  Catholio 
students  of  English  literature,  we  cordially 
recommend  it.  Tho  style  is  excellent;  it  ia 
the  safest  and  most  appreciative  text-book 
that  has  so  far  appeared  in  America." 

The  SalenamcTii. 

"The  present  volume  is  very  full,  compre- 
hensive and  complete,  omiting  no  literary  name 
of  any  note."  St.  Louis  Globe  Democrat. 

"We  think  that  it  cannot  be  excelled,  and 
cannot  fail  to  become  one  of  the  most  accep- 
table text-books  that  has  yet  been  presented  to 
our  educational  institutions."— 2'i«i6urflr  Calh. 

"T5ii3  book  is  not  only  adapted  to  literary 
classes  in  schools,  but  well  adapted  to  home 
reading  by  all  who  wish  to  be  posted  on  the 
growth  and  cultivators  of  our  vernacular." 
Ncbrasku  Watchman. 

"  No  student  or  professional  man  should  bo 
without  this  excellent  work,  as  to  many  it  will 
prove  exceedingly  useful,  and  to  all  a  most  in- 
structive and  interesting  acquisition.  It  is  a 
condensed  library,  and  is  worth  ten  times  its 
price."  Baltimore  Sunday  Nezos. 


MuRrnT  &  Co.  Publishers  and  Boolcsellers,  Baltimore. 
12 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


20Aug51LU 


AUG    7 1972  6  V 


AUG  3 11972  7  a 

HEffttLB  SEP7    ^i2-lli^^ 


SEP  Id 


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NOV  /  ^  m 


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21-95m-ll,'50  (2877816)476 


A 

\VD    O.' 


■YB  24916 


,l^..,F..?t"^tLtY  LIBRARIES 


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